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BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR. 

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A 

HISTOEY  OF  GREECE 


Jtom  %  dfarlwat  Sdttws  ia  % 


BY 

T.    T.    TIMAYENIS. 


WITH  MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 
VOL.   II. 


NEW    YOR£ : 
D.    APPLETON    AND    COMPANY, 

1,  8,  AND  5  BOND  STREET. 
LONDON:    16  LITTLE  BRITAIN. 

1883. 


COPTBIOHT  BY 

T.  T.   TIMAYENI8, 

1880. 


SRL6 
URL 

ir 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  II. 


PAET  SEVENTH. 
THE  BAN   SUPREMACY. 

CHAPTEB  PAGE 

I. — RISE  OP  THEBAN  POWER  .  .  .  .  .  .1 

Character  of  the  Thebans,  1.    Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas,  2.    Humili- 
ation of  the  Spartans— Battle  of  Tegyra,  6.    Congress  at  Sparta,  10. 
Battle  of  Leuktra,  13. 

II. — OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH -HELLAS          .  .  .19 

Invasion  of  the  Peloponnesus,  19.     Pelopidas  in  Thessaly,  28.    The  Tear- 
less Battle,  26. 
III. — CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER  .  .  .  .  .28 

The  Persian  Rescript,  23.    Death  of  Pelopidas,  80.    Battle  of  Mantineia 

— Death  of  Epaminondas,  31. 
IV. — RISE  OF  MACEDONIA          .'.>".  .  .  .38 

Death  of  Agesilaus,  38.  Decline  of  the  Naval  Power  of  Athens,  40.  An- 
archy, 41.  Second  Sacred  War,  42.  Philip,  King  of  Macedonia,  45. 
Demosthenes,  47.  End  of  the  Second  Sacred  War— Growth  of  Phil- 
ip's Power,  54.  New  Sacred  War— Battle  of  Chreroneia,  56.  Char- 
acter of  the  First  Hellenism,  58. 


PART  EIGHTH. 
MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM, 

I. — EXTENSION  AND  REORGANIZATION  .         ,  .  '     .    v.  •  .61 

Historical  Account  of  Macedonia,  61.    Philip,  64.    Eeorganization  of  the 

Macedonian  Army,  69. 

II. — THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS      .  .  .  .73 

Conquests  in  Thessaly,  Thrace,  etc.,  73.    Olynthian  War,  77.    Athenian 
Proposals  of  Peace,  81.    End  of  the  Phokian  War,  85. 


iv  CONTENTS. 

CKAPTEB  PAO1 

III. — LAST  DATS  OF  PHILIP      .  .  .  .  .  .86 

Preparations  for  the  Asiatic  Expedition,  86.     Assassination  of  Philip, 

87.    Philip's  Position  in  History,  63. 

IV. — ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT     .  .         -'^  .  .  .91 

Consolidation  of  his  Power,  91.    Destruction  of  Thebes,  94.    Visit  to  Cor- 
inth and  Delphi,  95.    Entry  into  Asia,  96. 

V. — BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  Issus         -  V  "        •  •  .97 

The  Opposing  Armies,  97.    The  Battle  at  the  Granlkus,  100.    Conquests 
in  Asia  Minor,  105.    The  Gordian  Knot,  106.    Death  of  Memnon,  107. 
Battle  of  Issus,  10S. 
VI. — FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER          .  .  .  .115 

Darius  submits  Propositions  of  Peace,  115.    Tyro  and  Gaza,  117.    Alexan- 
der's Visit  to  Egypt,  119.    Battle  of  Gaugamelo  or  Arbola,  121. 
VII. — ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA  ....  129 

Revolution  of  King  Agis,  129.    New  Victories  and  Projects  of  Alexander, 
181.    Death  of  Phllotas  and  Pormenio,  182.    Death  of  Kleitus,  184. 
Conquests  on  the  Indus,  136. 
VIII. — LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER  .....  189 

The  Return  from  India,  189.    Alexander's  Innovations— Height  of  his 
Power,  140.    Death  of  Alexander,  148.    Conclusion,  147. 

PART  NINTH. 

TIIE  SUCCESSORS. 

I.— REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS    .  .  .  .  .  .149 

Settlement  of  the  Empire,  149.    The  Lamlan  War,  155.    Death  of  Demos- 
thenes, 161. 
II. — THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY    .  .  .  .  .  1C3 

Proceedings  of  Perdlkkas,  163.     Combination  against  Eumenes,  165. 

Death  of  Perdlkkas,  169. 
HI. — ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON      .....  170 

Affairs  in  Europe  and  Asia,  170.    Death  of  Antlpator  and  Demades,  172. 

Polyspcrchon— Death  of  Phokion,  178. 
IV. — ANTIOONTS  AND  EUMENES.  .....  182 

The  Struggle  for  Supremacy.  182. 
V. — ANTIOONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS        ....  190 

The  War  against  Antlgonus,  190.    Condition  of  Hellas,  198.    Athens  freed 

by  Demetrius  Pollorketcs,  195. 
VI. — THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS       .  .  .  ...  200 

Defeat  of  Ptolemy— Capture  of  Kyprus,  200.    Antlgonns  In  Egypt,  206. 
Siege  of  Rhodes,  208.    Demetrius  in  Hollas,  214.    Battle  of  Ipsus— 
Death  of  Antigonns,  217. 
VII. — LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER'S  GENERALS  ....  220 

Proceedings  of  Demetrius  —  Death  of  Kassander,  220.     Death  of  De- 
metrius. 224.     Death  of  Ptolemy  and  Lysimochus,  226.    Death  of 


CONTENTS.  v 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

VIII. — THE  INVASION  OF  THE  GAULS      .....  229 

Death  of  Ptolemy  Keraunus,  229.    Anarchy  in  Macedonia— Antigonus 

Gonatas  King,  231. 
IX. — STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD  .....  233 

Expedition  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus,  233.    Hellenism  in  the  West,  286.    Hel- 
lenism in  the  East,  237.    Macedonia  and  Hellas,  241. 
X. — THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST      ......  242 

The  JEolian  and  Achsean  Leagues,  242.  Agis  and  Kleomenes,  Kings  of 
Sparta,  244.  Roman  Successes,  247.  Polybius,  252.  Permanence  of 
Hellenic  Influence,  253. 

PAKT  TENTH. 
THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

I. — AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS          .  .  .  .  .  .258 

The  Mithridatic  War,  258.    The  Pirates— Krete,  261.    The  Eoman  Civil 
Wars,  262.    The  Emperors,  265.    The  Sophists,  267.     Trajan,  270. 
Hadrian,  271.    Antoninus  Pius— Marcus  Aui^lius,  278. 
II. — BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS        .....  275 

Early  Decline  of  the  Empire,  275.    Hellenism  the  First  Herald  of  Chris- 
tianity, 280. 
III. — CONSTANTINE    THE    GREAT   ......    286 

Division  of  Imperial  Power,  286.    Conversion  of  Constantino,  288.    Con- 
stantine  Sole  Emperor,  291.    Arius,  293.    Foundation  of  Constanti- 
nople, 297.    The  Last  Seven  Tears  of  the  Reign  of  Constantino,  299. 
Remarks  on  the  Life  of  Constantine,  801. 
IV. — CONSTANTIUS   AND   JULIAN  .  .....    302 

Constantius,  302.    Julian  the  Apostate,  303.    The  Reign  of  Julian,  308. 
V. — JOVIAN  TO  THEODOSIUS  I.  .  . •  .  .  811 

Peace  with  the  Persians,  311.    Basil  and  Gregory,  812.    New  Invasions  of 

the  Barbarians,  814.    Theodosius  I,  815. 
VI. — ARCADIUS  AND  HONORIUS.  .  .  .  .  .317 

Barbarian  Incursions,  817.    John  Chrysostom,  319. 
VII.— THEODOSIUS  II     .  .  .  .  .  .  .323 

Pulcheria  and  Eudokia,  323.    Nestorius,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  826. 

Attila,  827. 
VIII. — END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE  ....  328 

Leo  the  Thracian,  828.  Zeno— Anastasius— Justin  I,  829.  Justinian  I, 
830.  The  Temple  of  St.  Sophia,  839. 

PAET  ELEVENTH. 
BYZANTINE   HELLENISM. 

I. — HERAKLIUS    .  .  .  .  .  .  .342 

Overthrow  of  Phokas,  842.  Rise  of  Mohammedanism,  843.  Conflict  be- 
tween Islamism  and  Christianity,  847. 


vi  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 
II.  —  CONSTANTINE   IV  TO   LEO  III  .....   848 

Siege  of  Constantinople,  848.    The  Greek  Fire,  850.    Justinian  II,  Rhino- 
tinotus,  852.    Lcontlus  —  Tiberius  Absimarus,  858.    Second  Period  of 
the  Reign  of  Justinian  II,  854.    Pliilippikus—  Anastatius  II,  856.    Leo 
III,  the  Isaurian,  857. 
III.—  LEO  III  TO  LEO  V          .  .  .  .  .  .  869 

State  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  859.       Constantino  Y,  864.    Constantino 

VI,  864.    NlkephoroB  I,  865.    Michael  I—  Leo  V,  8£6. 
IV.  —  THE  DYNASTY  OF  MICHAEL  II  ".  .  .  .  868 

Michael  II—  Tbeophllus,  863.    The  Successors  of  Theophilus,  870. 
V.  —  THE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY  —  THE  COMNENI         .  .  .  872 

The  Reign  of  Basil  I,  872.    Leo  VI,  878.    Alexius  I,  874.    .Robert  Ouis- 

card's  Invasion,  375.    The  Crusades,  877. 
VI.  —  THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS       ...  .  .  381 

The  Second  Crusade,  8S1.  The  Crusaders  in  Constantinople,  883.  Or- 
ganization of  tho  Latin  Empire,  886.  Recovery  of  Constantinople, 
888.  Fall  of  Constantinople,  390. 

PART  TWELFTH. 
MODERN  HELLENISM. 

I.  —  TURKISH  RULE      .  .  .  .  .  .  ;       .  892 

II.  —  THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION  ......  898 

General  Survey,  898.    The  Fall  of  Mesolonghl,  400.    Naval  Triumphs,  404. 
III.  —  THE  KINGDOM  OK  GREECE  .  .  .  .  407 

INDEX       ........  417 


PART  SEYEJSTTH. 
THE  BAN  SIT  PR  EM  A  C  T. 


CHAPTER  I. 

RISE    OF    THEBAN    POWER. 

Character  of  the  Thebans. 

WE  have  already  alluded  to  the  character  and  life  of  the 
Boeotians-  and  Thebans.  The  Thebans  were  certainly  not 
among  the  noblest  tribes  in  Hellas.  They  possessed  neither 
the  advantages  which  the  Athenians  derived  from  their 
matchless  intelligence,  nor  those  which  the  Spartans  ob- 
tained through  their  wonderful  political  and  military  organ- 
ization. The  very  sentiment  of  Hellenic  autonomy  was  for 
a  long  time  weak  among  the  Thebans.  They  had  openly 
united  with  Xerxes  and  Mardonius  during  the  invasion  of  the 
Persians.  But  the  Thebans  were  brave  soldiers,  and  pos- 
sessed souls,  if  not  always  noble,  yet  ever  resolute  ;  bodies,  if 
not  prepossessing,  yet  athletic  and  well  prepared,  by  exercise 
and  thorough  drill  from  early  childhood,  for  every  military 
duty.  The  Thebans  in  the  fifth  century  B.  c.  repeatedly  ob- 
tained the  honor  of  having  defeated  the  Athenian  hoplites, 
then  in  their  glory.  At  Koroneia  they  showed  the  Spartans 
themselves  that  they  were  not  unworthy  opponents.  This 
warlike  spirit  and  dexterity  only  had  need  of  some  power- 
ful motive  to  accomplish  great  deeds.  The  dastardly  plot 


2  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

through  which  Sparta  sought  to  humble  Thebes  by  the 
peace  of  Antalkidas  provided  this  necessity.  The  violent  act 
of  Phoebidas  and  the  tyranny  of  Leontiades  made  it  more 
imperative.  The  indignation  which  the  ruinous  policy  of 
Sparta  produced  at  Thebes  was  exemplified  by  a  few  men — 
first  by  Ismenias,  then  by  Pelopidas,  Mellon,  Charon,  Gor- 
gias,  Theopompus,  and  others  ;  but  it  was  poured  into  the 
veins  of  all  the  Thebans,  and  like  some  sacred  fire  kindled 
and  incited  them  to  the  contest,  and  to  every  sacrifice  for 
the  preservation  of  their  restored  independence. 

Thus  may  be  explained  to  some  extent  the  sudden  promi- 
nence of  the  city  of  Thebes.  The  life  and  government  of 
the  Athenians  recall  to  our  mind  the  countries  which  Nature 
has  made  fertile  by  many  and  great  rivers.  The  life  and 
constitution  of  Sparta  recall  the  lands  in  which  art  and  indus- 
try, by  an  economical  use  of  the  few  streams  running  through 
them,  and  by  the  construction  of  various  canals,  have  suc- 
ceeded in  making  fertile  even  the  most  arid  plains.  But 
the  life  and  constitution  of  the  Thebans  were  for  a  long  time 
almost  unproductive  ;  until,  from  a  powerful  sentiment  of 
liberty  and  ambition  stirring  the  lowest  and  apparently  in- 
sensible depths,  there  suddenly  burst  forth  a  living  spring 
which  changed  the  desert  into  a  garden. 

Epaminondaa  and  Pelopidas. 

Was  the  man  also  a  product  of  that  moral  revolution, 
who,  by  his  military  genius,  his  political  fitness,  and  his  pow- 
er of  speech,  made  immortal  that  period  of  Hellenic  history  ? 
Unfortunately,  while  we  can  to  some  extent  ascertain  the 
causes  of  the  rise  and  decline  of  nations,  the  growth  and 
power  of  great  men  have  heretofore  remained  unexplained. 
We  certainly  can  not  say  that  the  political  growth  and  re- 
generation of  the  city  of  Thebes  entirely  recreated  that  man, 
because  only  in  371 — i.  e.,  seven  years  after  the  restoration  of 
independence — does  he  seem  to  have  held  the  first  rank  ;  yet 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  3 

on  the  recovery  of  freedom,  in  which  he  certainly  was  less 
engaged  than  Pelopidas  and  many  other  citizens,  he  was 
already  forty  years  old,  and  in  the  very  prime  of  his  bodily 
and  intellectual  forces.  It  can  not,  therefore,  be  affirmed 
that  the  advancement  of  the  city  produced  Epaminondas, 
nor  that  he  caused  the  growth  of  the  city.  Each  seems  to 
have  grown  independently  of  the  other,  though  they  united, 
and  acted  the  one  with  the  other.  Without  the  growth  of 
Thebes,  the  genius  of  Epaminondas  would  not  have  received 
stimulus;  and  without  the  genius  of  Epaminondas,  the  growth 
of  Thebes  would  have  been  limited  to  the  small  hegemony 
of  Bceotia. 

The  family  of  Epaminondas,  son  of  Polymnis,  traced  its 
lineage  to  the  race  called  Sparti,  whose  heroic  progenitors 
were  said  to  have  sprung  from  the  dragon's  teeth  sown  by 
Kadmus ;  *  but  it  was  in  such  reduced  circumstances  that 
not  even  the  name  of  his  mother  was  ever  known.  Epami- 
nondas was  trained  from  early  youth  in  all  the  branches  of 
gymnastics  and  military  duty,  such  as  were  imposed  upon 
every  Theban  citizen.  In  this  respect  he  had  need  of  no 
better  school  than  that  of  his  own  country,  because  bod- 
ily exercise  received  great  attention  at  Thebes.  But  he 
was  also  distinguished  by  the  diligent  care  he  took  of  his 
intellectual  education.  He  eagerly  sought  the  society  of 
philosophers  within  his  reach,  among  whom  were  the  Theban 
Simmias  and  the  Tarentine  Spintharus,  both  of  them  once 
companions  of  Sokrates  ;  so  that  Epaminondas  may  be  re- 
garded in  some  measure  as  the  pupil  of  that  great  Athenian. 
As  the  relations  between  Athens  and  Thebes,  ever  since  the 
close  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  had  become  more  and  more 
friendly,  we  may  reasonably  presume,  with  Grote,  that  he 
profited  by  teachers  of  the  latter  city  as  well  as  of  the  former. 
But  we  are  told  that  the  man  to  whom  he  especially  devoted 
himself,  and  whom  he  not  only  revered  as  a  pupil,  but  tended 

*  Pausanias. 


4  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

almost  as  a  son  toward  the  close  of  his  long  life,  was  a 
Tarentine  exile  named  Lysis,  a  member  of  the  Pythagorean 
brotherhood.  With  him  and  many  other  such  men  did 
Epaminondas  associate  for  several  years,  and  engage  in  all 
the  branches  of  study  and  research.  But,  while  possessed  of 
so  lofty  a  genius,  and  so  much  addicted  to  the  improvement 
of  the  mind,  he  was  at  the  same  time  modest  and  wholly 
devoid  of  a  boasting  spirit.  This  is  especially  to  be  admired, 
since  the  Hellenes  were  noted  for  their  self-love  and  self- 
sufficiency.  He  was  indifferent  to  money,  and  remained 
poor  throughout  his  life,  leaving  not  even  the  means  neces- 
sary for  his  burial ;  while  strangers  often  submitted  to  him 
propositions  of  bribery,  and  friends  offered  to  relieve  his 
pressing  needs.  He  was  distinguished  for  the  mildness  of 
his  political  sentiments,  his  repugnance  to  harsh  treatment 
of  conquered  enemies,  and  his  refusal  to  mingle  in  intestine 
bloodshed.  These  virtues  are  especially  worthy  of  admira- 
tion, since  they  were  rare  among  the  Hellenes.  If  there  were 
men  whose  conduct  justified  the  severest  punishment,  they 
were  Leontiades  and  the  traitors  with  him.  They  not  only 
opened  the  gates  of  the  Kadmeia  to  the  Spartans,  but  also 
killed  Ismenias.  Epaminondas,  however,  disapproved  of  the 
scheme  of  Pelopidas  and  the  other  exiles  to  assassinate  them, 
partly  on  prudential  grounds,  but  in  part  from  conscientious 
scruples.* 

Epaminondas  does  not  appear  in  the  career  of  political 
action  before  371  B.  c.  Let  it  not  be  supposed,  however, 
that  he  had  remained  idle  in  the  interim.  He  took  an  active 
part  in  the  success  of  the  daring  plan,  and  provided  also  the 
means  for  the  defense  of  Thebes.  He  was  among  the  first 
to  urge  the  Thebans  to  intrench  and  fence  off  the  fertile  plain 
on  the  north  of  the  city,  from  which  they  derived  their  prin- 
cipal means  of  sustenance.  At  the  same  time  he  organized 
with  Pelopidas  the  famous  sacred  lochos  or  band,  composed 

*  Plutarch. 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  5 

of  three  hundred  picked  men,  bound  together  by  the  closest 
ties  of  friendship  and  devoted  to  each  other  to  the  death. 
This  lochos  was  maintained  at  the  public  expense,  was  con- 
stantly drilled,  and,  being  actuated  by  the  noblest  sentiments, 
proved  one  of  the  principal  supports  of  the  power  of  Thebes. 
It  filled  Hellas  with  the  fame  of  its  achievements,  and  fell 
only  on  that  fatal  day  when  the  autonomy  of  Hellas  disap- 
peared. 

Thus  Epaminondas  was  in  the  service  of  his  country 
from  the  very  beginning  of  its  freedom,  although  during 
the  first  seven  years  Pelopidas  held  a  higher  rank  than  he. 
It  was  Pelopidas  who  first  conquered  the  Spartans,  and 
first  restored  the  hegemony  of  the  Thebans  over  Bceotia. 
He  was  unlike  Epaminondas  both  in  his  circumstances  and 
habits  of  life.  He  was  younger  than  the  latter,  rich,  and  a 
happy  father  of  a  family,  while  Epaminondas  was  never 
married.  He  delighted  more  in  bodily  exercises,  and  amused 
himself  in  the  wrestling-ring  or  in  hunting,  while  Epaminon- 
das spent  his  hours  of  leisure  in  philosophical  researches. 
But  they  were  united  by  the  strictest  and  most  inviolable 
friendship,  which  remained  constant  to  the  last,  in  all  the 
high  posts  which  they  held,  both  military  and  civil.  This 
was  a  rare  instance  indeed  of  such  union  between  two  leaders 
and  fellow  aspirants  in  ancient  Hellas.  In  fact,  the  names 
of  these  two  men  are  usually  mentioned  in  history  side  by 
side.  One  of  the  greatest  historians  of  antiquity,  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  Polybius,  who  flourished  during  the  second  cen- 
tury B.  c.,  said  that  the  supremacy  of  the  Thebans  was 
formed,  flourished,  and  declined  with  the  lives  of  Epaminon- 
das and  Pelopidas.*  But  this  parallel  between  the  virtues 
and  achievements  of  Pelopidas  and  Epaminondas  is  true 
only  in  part.  Pelopidas  was  the  best  of  the  Thebans  —  Epam- 
inondas, the  best  of  the  Greeks.  Pelopidas  began  the  work 


*  Kal  yap  ffwriv^Or)  »col  ffvvfiKp.a.ffe  KO!  (rvy/caTe\<507j  ret  Qr/Batuv  epya  T<J> 
ev  nt\oiri$ov  ply  irpofavwr. 


6  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

of  the  freedom  and  supremacy  of  the  Thebans,  but  to 
Epaminondas  are  due  its  completion  and  the  Panhellenic 
achievements  of  Thebes.  After  the  death  of  Pelopidas  the 
city  continued  to  grow  under  Epaminondas  ;  but  after  the 
death  of  the  latter  it  fell  as  if  by  magic.  In  a  word,  if  the 
daring  of  Pelopidas  and  his  devotion  to  his  country  were  in 
every  point  similar  to  those  same  virtues  in  Epaminondas, 
yet  the  victor  of  Leuktra  and  Mantineia,  and  he  who  glori- 
ously advocated  in  the  national  congress  the  rights  of  his 
own  country,  the  restorer  of  Messenia,  the  founder  of  Mega- 
lopolis, proved  himself  without  doubt  greater  than  his  great 
and  noble  friend. 

Humiliation  of  the  Spartans — Battle  of  Tegyra. 

After  the  return  of  Kleombrotus  from  Boeotia,  the  Spar- 
tans persuaded  Agesilaus  himself  to  undertake  the  war 
against  the  Thebans.  This  veteran  warrior  repeatedly  in- 
vaded Boeotia  during  378  and  377,  but  accomplished  nothing 
of  importance.  The  Thebans,  assisted  by  the  Athenians, 
manfully  met  all  the  attacks,  and  in  fact  began  to  extend 
their  operations  to  other  Boeotian  cities.  While  Agesilaus 
was  returning  from  Boootia  in  377  he  ruptured  a  blood-ves- 
sel, and  his  one  healthy  limb  was  also  injured,  rendering 
him  for  a  long  time  unfit  for  service  ;  and  the  command 
again  passed  to  Kleombrotus.  The  latter  marched  in  376 
against  Boeotia,  but  was  unable  even  to  cross  the  Kithreron, 
which  was  already  occupied  by  a  force  of  Athenians  and 
Thebans,  and  turned  back  without  effecting  his  purpose. 

The  Spartans,  who  were  daily  losing  their  prestige  and 
becoming  humbled,  resolved  to  try  their  fortunes  at  sea, 
hoping  to  detach  the  Athenians  from  the  alliance  of  the 
Thebans.  But  their  admiral  Pollis,  in  command  of  sixty 
triremes,  was  totally  defeated  near  Naxos  in  September,  376, 
by  the  Athenian  Chabrias  with  eighty  triremes.  The  Athe- 
nians, availing  themselves  of  the  victory,  began  to  extend 


KISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  7 

their  naval  sway,  and  their  influence  was  felt  as  far  as  the 
Ionian  Sea. 

In  like  manner  did  the  Thebans  continue  to  prosper.  No 
new  invasion  of  Boeotia  was  made  by  the  Lacedaemonians 
during  376  and  375.  In  the  former  year  Kleombrotus  was 
unable  to  cross  the  Kithaeron,  and  in  375  the  attention  of 
Sparta  was  directed  to  the  movements  of  the  Athenian  Timo- 
theus  on  the  Ionian  Sea.  Hence  the  Thebans  daily  gained 
strength  in  Bceotia.  They  had  frequent  skirmishes  with  the 
Lacedaemonian  garrisons  there,  which  gave  them  considerable 
drill  and  improvement.  "  For  their  spirits,"  says  Plutarch, 
"  were  raised,  their  bodies  were  inured  to  labor,  and,  by  being 
used  to  these  encounters,  they  gained  both  experience  and 
courage."  The  most  noted  of  these  combats  was  the  battle 
of  Tegyra,  in  which  the  Thebans,  led  by  Pelopidas,  achieved 
a  splendid  victory,  which  served  as  a  sort  of  prelude  to  that 
of  Leuktra. 

Pelopidas,  learning  that  the  Lacedaemonian  harmost,  with 
two  divisions  from  the  garrison  at  Orchomenus,  had  gone 
on  an  incursion  into  the  Lokrian  territory,  made  a  dash 
from  Thebes  with  the  Sacred  Band  and  a  small  party 
of  horse  to  surprise  the  place.  On  approaching  Orchome- 
nus, he  was  informed  that  there  were  other  Spartan  troops 
in  the  town,  and  that  no  surprise  could  be  effected.  He 
therefore  retraced  his  steps,  but  on  reaching  Tegyra  met 
the  Lacedaemonian  polemarchs,  Gorgoleon  and  Theopompus, 
who  were  returning  from  the  Lokrian  foray.  The  Lace- 
dsemonian  force  was  twice  as  numerous  as  that  of  Pelopidas, 
and  the  polemarchs  accordingly  welcomed  this  encounter. 
The  Thebans  were  at  first  much  dispirited,  and  one  of  them  ran 
and  told  Pelopidas,  "  We  are  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands." 
"  And  why  not  they,"  said  he,  "  into  ours  ?  "  But  it  was  only 
after  repeated  exhortations  from  their  leader  that  they 
finally  regained  their  courage.  A  severe  battle  ensued, 
which  proved  how  unconquerable  was  the  united  strength 


8  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

and  courage  of  the  Sacred  Band.  The  shock  began  on  the 
spot  where  the  generals  fought  in  person,  and  raged  there 
furiously.  The  Spartan  commanders,  who  attacked  Pelopi- 
das,  were  among  the  first  that  were  slain,  while  all  that  were 
near  them  were  either  killed  or  put  to  flight.  This  so  terrified 
the  whole  army  that  they  opened  a  lane  for  the  Thebans, 
through  which,  if  they  had  pleased,  they  might  have  passed 
safely  and  continued  their  route.  But  Pelopidas,  disdaining 
to  retreat,  charged  those  who  yet  stood  their  ground,  and 
made  such  havoc  among  them  that  they  fled  in  great  con- 
fusion. The  neighborhood  of  Orchomenus  forbade  any  long 
pursuit,  so  that  Pelopidas  could  only  erect  his  trophy  and 
strip  the  dead  before  returning  to  Thebes.* 

This  battle,  in  which  the  Lacedaemonians  were  for  the 
first  time  routed  in  fair  field  by  numbers  inferior  to  their  own, 
produced  a  marked  sensation  throughout  Hellas,  and  raised 
the  hopes  and  strengthened  the  energies  of  the  Thebans. 
About  374  B.  c.  the  latter  controlled  all  the  cities  throughout 
Boeotia  except  Orchomenus,  with  its  dependency  Chaeroncia. 
This  battle  first  taught  the  Hellenes  that  it  was  not  the  Eu- 
rotas  which  alone  produced  brave  warriors,  but  that  wher- 
ever the  youth  are  ashamed  of  what  is  base,  are  resolute  in 
a  good  cause,  and  more  inclined  to  avoid  disgrace  than  dan- 
ger, these  are  the  men  who  are  terrible  to  their  enemies,  f 

At  the  same  time  the  Thebans  began  to  retaliate  upon 
their  neighbors  the  Phokians,  who  were  not  only  the  allies 
of  Sparta,  but  also  their  auxiliaries  in  the  recent  attacks  on 
Thebes.  They  were,  however,  compelled  to  withdraw,  since 
Kleombrotus  was  sent  across  the  gulf  to  their  aid,  with  four 
Lacedaemonian  divisions  of  troops  and  an  auxiliary  body  of 
allies. 

Athens  now  became  jealous  of  the  growing  influence 
and  prosperity  of  Thebes,  and  hastened  to  send  envoys  to 
Sparta  to  propose  terms  of  peace.     What  these  terms  were 
*  Plutarch.  f  Ibid. 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  9 

we  are  not  told,  but  Sparta  accepted  them  at  once.  For- 
tunately for  the  Thebans,  this  peace  did  not  last  long.  Timo- 
theus,  who  had  been  dispatched  with  a  powerful  fleet  to  cir- 
cumnavigate the  Peloponnesus,  alarm  the  coast  of  Laconia, 
and  acquire  new  allies  in  the  west,  was  now  ordered  home. 
On  his  return  he  landed  at  Zakynthus,  which  had  remained 
faithful  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  certain  Zakynthian  exiles 
who  had  served  with  him  during  his  voyage.  The  Zakyn- 
thian government  lodged  complaints  at  Sparta,  which  de- 
manded redress  of  Athens.  This  was  refused,  wherefore 
the  peace  was  at  once  broken  off,  and  war  again  declared. 
In  373  a  Lacedaemonian  squadron  besieged  Korkyra,  which 
Timotheus  had  prevailed  upon  during  his  periplus  to  declare 
itself  for  Athens.  The  Korkyrseans,  assisted  by  the  Athe- 
nians, compelled  the  Lacedaemonians  to  decamp  in  such  haste 
that  much  corn  and  wine,  many  slaves,  and  even  the  sick  and 
wounded  soldiers,  were  left  behind.  The  Athenians  after- 
ward sent  out  another  powerful  fleet  under  Iphikrates,  and 
so  they  fairly  ruled  the  Ionian  Sea. 

Thus  in  372  B.  c.  the  Spartans  were  humbled  on  all  sides. 
Their  despondency  was  heightened  by  the  terrible  earth- 
quakes and  rains  which  during  that  year  occurred  in  the 
Peloponnesus,  and  which  they  regarded  as  tokens  of  the 
wrath  of  the  god  Poseidon.  These  formidable  visitations 
were  more  disastrous  than  any  that  ever  before  or  since  oc- 
curred in  the  Peloponnesus.  Two  towns,  Helike  and  Bura, 
were  destroyed,  together  with  a  large  portion  of  their  pop- 
ulation. Ten  Lacedaemonian  triremes,  which  happened  to 
be  moored  on  this  shore,  were  sunk  with  their  crews  by  the 
tremendous  rush  of  the  waters.  The  Lacedaemonians  again, 
as  fifteen  years  before,  sent  Antalkidas  to  Persia,  to  solicit 
money  and  seek  once  more  the  interference  of  the  great  king 
in  Hellenic  affairs.  But  the  king  simply  recommended  to 
all  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  on  the  basis  of  the  peace  of 
Antalkidas.  Hence  Sparta  was  little  assisted  by  her  ancient 


10  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

ally,  and  would  have  come  to  still  greater  stress  had  not  the 
Athenians  again  decided  to  make  peace. 

Congress  at  Sparta. 

The  reasons  for  abandoning  the  alliance  of  the  Thebans 
which  existed  three  years  previously  had  daily  become 
stronger.  The  fear  which  caused  the  union  of  the  Athe- 
nians with  the  Thebans  in  378,  to  fight  against  the  Lacedae- 
monians, had  entirely  disappeared.  The  Athenians,  having 
established  their  new  naval  dominion,  had  no  longer  ground 
on  which  to  continue  the  war,  since  their  supremacy  was  in 
no  danger  whatever  from  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  war 
was  only  prolonged  for  the  sake  of  the  Thebans  ;  and  the 
Athenians  justly  deemed  it  unwise  to  sacrifice  their  resources, 
not  for  the  sake  of  the  autonomy  of  Thebes,  but  merely 
to  secure  their  rule  throughout  Bceotia,  which  they  ever  re- 
garded as  dangerous  to  their  own  interests.  It  was  accord- 
ingly voted  by  the  Athenians,  and  by  the  majorityxof  her 
allies,  to  send  to  Sparta  for  peace,  where  it  was  well  known 
that  similar  dispositions  prevailed.  Notice  of  this  intention 
was  given  to  the  Thebans,  who  were  also  invited  to  unite  in 
sending  ambassadors  thither  if  they  wished.  In  the  spring  of 
371  B.  c.,  at  the  time  when  the  allies  of  Sparta  were  assembled 
in  that  city,  there  came  also  the  ambassadors  -of  the  Athe- 
nians, as  well  as  those  of  the  Thebans  and  of  the  various 
cities  which  composed  the  new  hegemony  of  the  Athenians. 
Kallias  and  Autokles,  the  most  prominent  of  the  Athenian 
ambassadors,  both  belonged  to  the  best  families  of  the  city. 
They  were  accompanied  by  Kallistratus  the  orator.  Epam- 
inondas,  then  one  of  the  Bceotarchs,  was  the  only  prominent 
delegate  from  Thebes. 

Of  the  debates  which  took  place  during  this  memorable 
assembly  of  the  Hellenic  nation  we  have  very  imperfect 
knowledge.  Xenophon  only  alludes  to  the  speeches  of  each 
of  the  three  Athenians.  Kallias  spoke  as  a  friend  of  Sparta, 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  11 

and  his  speech  is  eminently  philo-Laconian  in  spirit.  Auto- 
kles,  on  the  contrary,  bitterly  censured  the  conduct  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  Kallistratus,  who  spoke  after  the  other  two, 
kept  a  middle  course,  acknowledged  the  mistakes  of  both, 
and  concluded  that  the  war  was  damaging  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  all,  and  that  the  general  welfare  demanded  peace 
on  both  sides.  "  Sparta,"  said  he,  "  now  commands  on  the 
land,  and  the  Athenians  rule  on  the  sea  ;  they  must  be  con- 
tent with  this  distribution  of  power,  and  not  continue  wran- 
gling, and  resembling  those  foolish  dice-players  who,  if  they 
win,  risk  double  stakes." 

The  words  of  the  orator  were  at  least  conscientious,  but 
they  did  not  please  the  remaining  cities,  which  saw  them- 
selves surrendered  to  the  discretion  of  Sparta  and  Athens. 
Hence  the  orator  added  that  peace  should  be  made  on  the 
basis  of  the  freedom  of  all  the  Hellenic  cities.  But  this 
principle  did  not  meet  the  views  of  the  others  respecting  the 
supremacy  of  Sparta  on  the  land  and  that  of  the  Athenians 
on  the  sea.  It  was  evident  that  a  peace  concluded  on  such 
terms  would  at  once  produce  new  causes  of  discontent.  In- 
deed, such  was  the  result.  The  Lacedaemonians  accepted 
the  proposals  of  the  Athenians  "to  take  away  their  gov- 
ernors from  the  cities,  disband  their  armies,  both  those  on  sea 
and  land,  and  leave  the  cities  free.  If  any  city  should  vio- 
late these  conditions,  all  were  at  liberty  to  take  arms  for  the 
support  of  the  injured  party  ;  but  no  one  who  did  not  feel 
disposed  was  bound  to  take  arms." 

"When  the  hour  came  for  the  stipulated  conditions  to  be 
voted  upon,  the  absurdity  of  the  terms  became  apparent. 
The  Athenians  restricted  themselves  to  taking  oath  only  for 
their  own  state,  and  their  allied  cities  also  swore  each  inde- 
pendently. The  Lacedaemonians  vouched  both  for  them- 
selves and  their  allies.  Now,  according  to  the  truce,  the 
cities  were  autonomous,  and  the  first  principle  of  indepen- 
dence is  the  right  of  concluding  peace  and  declaring  war. 


12  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

Thus  the  Lacedaemonians,  by  vouching  not  only  for  them- 
selves, but  also  on  behalf  of  the  allies,  interfered  with  one  of 
the  most  precious  rights  of  complete  liberty. 

When,  therefore,  the  turn  of  the  Thebans  came,  Epami- 
nondas  insisted  on  his  privilege  of  taking  the  oath,  not  for 
Thebes  separately,  but  for  Thebes  as  president  of  the  Boeo- 
tian federation,  which  included  all  the  Boeotian  cities.  The 
ephors,  and  above  all  Agesilaus,  opposed  this  measure  vehe- 
mently, and  demanded  that  Epaminondas  should  swear  for 
Thebes  alone,  and  each  Boeotian  city  separately  for  itself. 
Thus  matters  became  much  complicated.  Epaminondas 
daringly  opposed  the  dictatorial  conduct  of  Sparta,  while 
most  of  the  other  ambassadors,  frightened  by  her  suprem- 
acy, lowered  their  heads  before  the  haughty  Agesilaus. 
Epaminondas  declared  that  only  the  unjust  claims  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  prolonged  the  war,  and  that  a  lasting  peace 
could  not  be  concluded  unless  they  should  agree  to  lay  aside 
these  claims.  He  alone  preserved  a  proper  dignity  and  free- 
dom both  in  his  manner  and  his  propositions.  His  speech 
was  in  favor,  not  only  of  the  Thebans,  but  of  Hellas  in  gen- 
eral. He  showed  that  war  tended  to  aggrandize  Sparta  at 
the  expense  of  the  other  states,  and  insisted  that  the  peace 
should  be  founded  upon  justice  and  equality.*  "  The  The- 
bans," said  he,  "are  ready  to  answer  only  for  themselves, 
leaving  the  other  Boeotian  cities  each  to  vouch  for  itself,  but 
only  when  Sparta  swears  for  herself  alone,  leaving  not  only 
the  allies,  but  the  cities  of  Laconia  itself,  to  vouch  each  in 
its  own  name." 

The  representatives  were  terrified  at  this  daring  proposi- 
tion. But  Sparta  presided  over  this  congress,  and  Agesilaus 
over  Sparta  ;  and  the  bare  idea  of  the  equality  of  the  The- 
bans with  the  chief  city  of  Hellas  made  that  ruler  almost 
beside  himself.  Springing  up  in  anger  and  interrupting 
further  discussion,  which  he  considered  insulting  to  Sparta, 

*  Plutarch. 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  13 

he  said  to  Epaminondas,  "Speak  plainly.  Will  you,  or 
will  you  not,  leave  to  each  of  the  Boeotian  cities  its  sepa- 
rate autonomy  ? "  To  which  the  other  replied,  "  Will  you 
leave  each  of  the  Laconian  towns  autonomous  ?  "  Without 
another  word  Agesilaus  caused  the  names  of  the  Thebans  to 
be  struck  from  the  roll,  and  declared  war  against  them  upon 
the  spot. 

Such  was  the  result  of  that  memorable  congress  of  the 
Hellenic  nation  which  took  place  during  June  of  371  B.  c. 
Sparta  thought  that  Thebes,  as  formerly,  would  succumb  to 
her  will  without  battle,  or,  in  case  of  battle,  that  she  could 
easily  be  crushed.  But  before  the  lapse  of  a  year — nay, 
even  before  a  full  month  from  the  dissolution  of  the  synod 
— that  haughty  city  was  destined  to  see  how  illusive  indeed 
were  her  hopes.  The  Athenians  hastened  to  recall  Iphikrates 
from  the  Ionian  Sea,  but  took  no  part  for  the  present  in  the 
struggle  between  the  Spartans  and  the  Thebans.  The  Lace- 
daemonians also  recalled  their  governors  and  garrisons  from 
the  cities  which  they  held,  and  turned  their  attention  princi- 
pally to  the  speedy  overthrow  of  the  Thebans.  A  peremp- 
tory order  was  dispatched  to  Kleombrotus,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  an  army  of  Lacedaemonians  and  allies  in  Phokis,  on 
the  northwestern  frontier  of  Bceotia,  to  march  at  once  against 
the  Thebans  and  compel  them  to  abandon  their  supremacy 
over  the  rest  of  the  Bo3otian  cities. 

Battle  of  LeuJctra. 

Epaminondas  on  his  return  to  Thebes  found  cordial  sym- 
pathy with  the  resolute  bearing  which  he  had  adopted  be- 
fore the  congress.  The  Thebans  felt  the  greatness  of  the 
danger,  but  they  hoped  that  the  enemy  might  be  prevented 
from  penetrating  from  Phokis  into  Bo3otia  ;  -and  to  this  end 
they  occupied  with  a  strong  body,  under  Epaminondas,  the 
narrow  pass  near  Koroneia,  lying  between  a  spur  of  Mount 


14  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

Helikon  on  one  side  and  Lake  Kopais  on  the  other.*  But 
King  Kleombrotus,  instead  of  forcing  the  passage,  which 
was  the  regular  road  from  Phokis  into  Boeotia,  turned  south- 
ward by  a  mountainous  road  deemed  hardly  passable,  easily 
overpowered  the  Theban  division  which  guarded  it,  and 
crossed  the  ridge  of  Helikon  to  the  Boeotian  port  of  Kreusis 
on  the  Krisssean  Gulf.  There  he  captured  twelve  triremes, 
left  a  garrison  to  occupy  the  port,  and  marched  without  de- 
lay over  the  mountainous  ground  into  the  territory  of  Thes- 
piae  on  the  eastern  declivity  of  Helikon,  where  he  encamped 
on  an  eminence,  near  the  ever-memorable  village  of  Leuktra. 

This  strategic  and  daring  entrance  into  Bosotia  filled  the 
Lacedaemonians  with  joy  and  confidence,  while  the  Thebans 
were  disheartened  and  terrified.  It  required  all  the  ability 
and  daring  of  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas  to  revive  the  cour- 
age of  their  countrymen.  The  Hellenes  were  wont  on  such 
occasions  to  deem  every  physical  or  accidental  occurrence 
an  evil  omen,  and  these  presentiments  Epaminondas  especial- 
ly sought  to  overcome.  It  is  said  that  he  then  uttered  the 
famous  Homeric  adage,  "  Our  best  omen  is  to  fight  for  our 
country."  He  finally  prevailed  upon  the  Thebans  to  march 
to  Leuktra,  whore  he  encamped  on  a  hill  opposite  the  Spar- 
tan camp.  Here  arose  new  doubts  as  to  whether  they  ought 
to  fight  on  the  open  field,  or  to  shut  themselves  up  in  Thebes 
for  a  siege,  and  send  their  wives  and  families  away  to  Athens. 
But  the  opinion  of  Epaminondas  again  prevailed  for  a  battle 
"  on  equal  terms,"  and  at  the  same  time  propitious  omens 
came  which  somewhat  encouraged  the  Thebans. 

While  others  confided  to  omens  and  superhuman  assist- 
ance, Epaminondas,  to  whom  had  been  intrusted  the  com- 
mand of  the  coming  battle,  took  care  that  no  human  precau- 
tions should  be  wanting.  The  work  was  difficult,  and,  if  we 

*  This  pass  was  occupied  by  the  modern  Hellenes  in  1829,  and  there  was 
fought  the  last  battle  of  the  War  of  Independence,  in  which  the  Turks  were 
completely  defeated  with  severe  loss. 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  TOWER.  15 

accept  the  testimony  of  late  writers,  the  army  of  Kleombro- 
tus  was  nearly  double  that  of  the  Thebans,  while  some  of 
the  Boeotians  present  were  untrustworthy,  and  not  a  few 
were  without  experience. 

It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  great  military  genius  of 
Epaminondas  shone  in  all  its  brilliancy.  Up  to  this  time 
Hellenic  armies  had  been  drawn  up  in  parallel  lines  ;  hence 
the  more  numerous  and  the  best  armed  and  drilled  were 
necessarily  always  victorious.  If  the  Thebans  had  thus  met 
the  Lacedaemonians,  since  the  latter  were  far  more  numer- 
ous and  better  drilled,  no  matter  how  bravely  the  Thebans 
might  have  fought,  they  must  finally  have  succumbed.  Epa- 
minondas thought  that,  in  order  to  gain  the  victory,  it  was 
not  necessary  to  conquer  the  enemy  throughout  his  whole 
line,  from  one  wing  to  the  other.  If,  by  massing  upon  the 
center  a  greater  force  than  that  of  his  opponents  at  that 
point,  he  should  break  this  line,  the  two  wings  of  the  ene- 
my, separated  from  each  other,  would  be  easily  overpowered. 
Likewise,  if  he  could  concentrate  in  superior  numbers  upon 
one  of  the  wings,  and  put  the  enemy  there  to  flight,  he  might 
reach  the  rear  of  the  center  and  of  the  other  wing.  This 
plan,  which,  like  every  other  great  measure,  seems  very 
simple,  Epaminondas  conceived  on  that  memorable  day,  and 
hastened  to  execute.  Knowing  that  Kleombrotus,  with  the 
Spartans  and  all  the  officials,  would  be  on  the  right  of  their 
line,  he  placed  on  his  own  left  wing  Theban  hoplites,  with  a 
depth  of  fifty  shields,  with  Pelopidas  and  the  Sacred  Band 
in  front.  This  arrangement  of  Epaminondas  was  afterward 
largely  adopted  by  military  leaders,  and  by  its  successful 
application  some  of  the  greatest  battles  of  the  world  have 
been  gained  by  such  generals  as  Frederick  of  Prussia  and 
Napoleon. 

Epaminondas,  having  drawn  up  his  left  wing  in  very 
deep  order  for  desperate  attack,  and  having  posted  his  cav- 
alry in  front  of  his  line,  marched  down  the  declivity  to  the 


16  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

plain  below.  Kleombrotus  did  not  realize  the  importance 
of  this  strategy.  Trusting  to  his  numbers  and  to  the  eager- 
ness of  his  men,  he  hastened  to  the  plain  with  the  army  mar- 
shaled in  the  old  way — i.  e.,  having  the  center  and  the  two 
wings  on  an  even  line  and  of  equal  strength,  with  a  depth 
of  twelve  shields.  Kleombrotus  also  stationed  all  the  cav- 
alry before  his  army.  As  soon  as  the  battle  was  begun  by 
the  encounter"  of  the  cavalry,  the  result  was  as  Epaminondas 
had  presaged.  The  Thebans  routed  the  Lacedaemonian  cav- 
alry and  drove  it  back  upon  the  infantry,  whose  ranks  were 
thus  thrown  into  confusion.  Kleombrotus,  in  order  to  re- 
construct the  order  of  battle,  at  once  ordered  the  infantry 
to  advance,  himself  personally  leading  the  right.  Now, 
while  the  victorious  cavalry  kept  back  the  center  and  left 
wing  of  the  enemy,  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas  assailed 
with  great  fury  Kleombrotus  and  his  right  wing.  The  onset 
was  terrific ;  and,  although  the  warriors  of  Sparta  fought 
bravely  and  well,  it  was  impossible  long  to  hold  out  against 
the  thick  body  that  fell  like  a  thunderbolt  on  them.  In  this 
desperate  encounter  Kleombrotus  himself  fell,  and  around 
him  lay  the  most  eminent  members  of  the  Spartan  official 
staff — Deimon  the  polemarch,  Sphodrias  with  his  son  Kle- 
onymus,  and  several  others.  After  an  obstinate  resistance 
and  a  slaughter  such  as  had  never  been  known  before,*  the 
right  wing  of  the  Spartans  was  completely  beaten,  and  driven 
back  to  their  camp  on  the  higher  ground.  The  center  and 
left  wings  did  not  dare  to  await  the  assault,  and  also  has- 
tened to  seek  safety  in  their  encampment,  whither  the  vic- 
torious Thebans  did  not  attempt  to  follow  them. 

Of  the  seven  hundred  Spartans  who  an  hour  or  two  be- 
fore left  their  camp,  only  three  hundred  returned,  while 
more  than  a  thousand  Lacedaemonians  lay  on  the  field  of 
battle,  together  with  King  Kleombrotus.  The  allies,  who 
for  the  most  part  had  marched  unwillingly,  openly  rejoiced 

*  Plutarch. 


RISE  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  17 

at  the  misfortune.  A  few  of  the  Spartans  pressed  for  a  re- 
newal of  battle,  but  this,  after  due  deliberation,  was  declared 
impracticable.  The  surviving  polemarchs  sent  a  herald  to 
solicit  the  regular  truce  for  burial  of  their  dead.  This  the 
Thebans  granted,  after  erecting  their  trophy  and  stripping 
the  dead  of  their  arms,  the  most  precious  of  which  Pausa- 
nias,  five  hundred  years  afterward,  saw  preserved  at  Thebes. 
"What  the  Theban  loss  was,  Xenophon  does  not  tell  us. 
More  recent  writers  say  forty-seven,  others  three  hundred. 
The  first  number  is  preposterously  small,  and  even  the  latter 
is  not  any  too  large,  remembering  that  a  victory  in  close 
fight,  with  soldiers  like  the  Spartans  (who  on  this  occasion 
of  all  others  fought  with  desperate  valor),  must  have  been 
dearly  purchased. 

This  defeat  astounded  all  Hellas.  Only  a  little  while 
before  Sparta  had  haughtily  presided  over  the  national  con- 
gress, and  her  king  had  deliberately  excluded  the  Thebans 
from  peace.  Many  had  rejoiced  over  the  brave  resistance 
of  the  Theban  general,  but  feared  the  vengeance  of  all- 
powerful  Sparta.  Twenty  days  had  hardly  elapsed  when 
it  was  suddenly  reported  that  the  Lacedaemonians  had  been 
utterly  vanquished  in  the  open  field  by  the  Thebans,  with  a 
vastly  inferior  force.  But  their  defeat  on  the  battle-field 
was  not  their  only  misfortune.  In  their  city  also  appeared 
signs  of  the  disruption  of  their  ancient  national  spirit.  For- 
merly the  Spartan  mothers  and  wives  heard  with  a  superhu- 
man fortitude  of  the  death  of  their  children  and  husbands  ; 
while  at  Athens,  when  the  great  defeat  of  ^Egospotami  was 
announced,  not  a  man  slept  on  that  night,  but  passed  the 
hours  in  grieving  not  only  for  the  slain,  but  more  for  their 
own  fate  ;  so  that  the  wailing  and  cries  of  woe,  beginning 
in  the  Peirseus,  were  transmitted  by  the  guards  stationed  on 
the  long  walls  up  to  the  city.*  Even  on  the  destruction  of 
the  Lacedaemonian  battalion  at  Corinth,  the  relatives  of  the 

*  Xenophon. 
22  * 


18  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

fallen  heard  with  joy  and  pleasure  of  the  death  of  sons, 
fathers,  and  brothers.  The  ephors  now  tried  to  arouse  the 
pristine  Spartan  fortitude,  by  urging  the  women  not  to  raise 
any  cry,  but  silently  to  bear  the  misfortune.  They  were 
even  forced  to  issue  a  general  order  to  endure  their  woe  in 
silence. 

The  ephors  hastened  to  send  at  once  Archidamus,  son 
of  Agesilaus,  who  was  still  disabled,  with  all  the  available 
force  of  Sparta,  to  the  aid  of  the  army  at  Leuktra.  The 
Thebans  now  endeavored  to  obtain  reinforcements  from 
without,  before  following  up  their  recent  victory.  We  are 
told  that  they  sent  to  Athens  a  herald  crowned  with  wreaths 
proclaiming  their  triumph,  and  asking  the  Athenians  to  join 
hands  with  them  in  taking  full  revenge  upon  Sparta.  But 
the  Athenians  did  not  witness  with  pleasure  the  laurels  of 
their  neighbors,  and  dismissed  the  herald  without  even  a 
word  of  courtesy.  The  Thebans  next  applied  to  Jason  of 
Pherae,  who  shortly  before  had  subdued  all  the  cities  in 
Thessaly,  had  been  proclaimed  tagos,  and  had  established 
one  of  the  greatest  powers  mentioned  in  ancient  Hellenic 
history.  Jason  hastened  to  their  aid,  but  strongly  advised 
them  to  permit  the  departure  of  the  enemy  under  capitula- 
tion, and  not  to  attack  them  within  their  fortified  camp.  A 
truce  was  agreed  upon,  assuring  to  the  Lacedaemonians  the 
liberty  of  quitting  Boeotia.  On  reaching  ^Egosthena,  the  re- 
treating army  met  Archidamus,  who,  deeming  the  purpose 
of  his  march  completed,  advanced  no  farther.  The  arma- 
ment was  disbanded,  and  the  Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies 
returned  home.* 

*  Xcnophon. 


OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH  HELLAS.  19 

CHAPTER  II. 

OPERATIONS   IN  SOUTH   AND   NOKTH   HELLAS. 

Invasion  of  the  Peloponnesus. 

THE  return  of  the  Spartans  showed  again  how  much  the 
ancient  spirit  of  the  city  had  degenerated.  It  has  already 
been  stated  that  the  Spartan  who  survived  a  defeat  lost  all 
the  rights  of  a  citizen,  and  was  always  an  object  of  con- 
tempt. But  now,  on  the  proposition  of  Agesilaus,  it  was 
decided  that "  the  laws  must  be  allowed  to  sleep  to-day."  In 
other  words,  the  defeated  Spartans  were  freed  from  blame, 
because  the  number  of  the  citizens  was  so  much  lessened, 
that  any  new  diminution  by  act  of  the  city  itself  was  deemed 
dangerous.  Aristotle  well  said  that  the  city  was  lost  through 
lack  of  population.* 

Epaminondas  now  took  care  to  secure  the  supremacy  of 
the  Thebans  in  Boeotia,  by  compelling  the  Orchomenians 
to  recognize  it.  He  also  expelled  the  Thespians  (because, 
shortly  before  the  battle  at  Leuktra,  they  had  sought  to 
abandon  the  camp  of  the  Thebans),  and  extended  the  power 
of  his  country  over  the  nations  around,  by  subduing  the 
Phokians,  Euboeans,  Lokrians  (both  Epiknemidian  and  Opun- 
tian),  Akarnanians,  Melians,  and  Herakleans.  Hence,  except 
during  the  autumn  of  370,  he  was  not  able  to  give  his  atten- 
tion to  the  events  which  in  the  mean  while  had  taken  place 
in  the  Peloponnesus. 

Following  immediately  upon  the  defeat  at  Leuktra,  a 
great  revolution  had  broken  out  against  Sparta  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Her  harmosts  disappeared  from  all  the  cities,  and 
returned  home.  Nowhere  did  the  movement  become  strong- 
er than  in  Arkadia,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  seeing  their 

*  'H  ir6\is  a. 


20  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

ancient  masters  defeated,  hastened  to  free  themselves  from 
their  tyranny.  The  Mantineians  first  of  all  secured  their 
city,  which  had  been  tyrannically  overthrown  fifteen  years 
previously  by  the  Spartans,  by  fortifying  it  with  safer  walls 
and  towers.  It  was  furthermore  resolved  to  establish  a 
Panarkadian  federation,  composed  in  certain  proportions  of 
all  the  sections  now  autonomons,  and  invested  with  absolute 
power  of  determining  action  by  the  vote  of  its  majority. 
This  "commune  Arcadum"  found  favor  in  most  parts  of 
Arkadia.  Tegea  itself,  the  ever-faithful  ally  of  the  Lacedse- 
monians,  now  cordially  united  with  Mantineia,  and  only 
Orchomenus  and  Heraea  (on  the  west  of  Arkadia,  bordering 
on  Elis)  stood  aloof. 

The  Arkadians,  feeling  the  necessity  of  some  external 
protector  against  Sparta,  solicited  the  assistance  of  Athens. 
Being  met  with  a  refusal  there,  they  applied  to  Epaminon- 
das.  He  eagerly  promised  his  assistance,  and  invaded  the 
Peloponnesus  with  the  Thebans  and  their  allies,  with  whom 
the  Argeians,  Arkadians,  and  Eleians  united,  swelling  his 
army  to  about  forty  thousand  men.  The  Thebans  aroused 
the  admiration  of  all  by  their  warlike  appearance,  by  their 
exploit  at  Leuktra,  and  by  their  determination  to  accomplish 
still  greater  achievements. 

But  the  greatest  advantage  of  this  army  was  its  leader, 
who,  having  shown  himself  a  powerful  orator  and  a  most 
excellent  general,  was  now  about  to  give  signal  evidence  of 
his  statesmanship.  Epaminondas  entered  the  Peloponnesus, 
not  merely  to  assist  the  Arkadians,  but  to  execute  the  great 
plan  which  he  had  conceived  immediately  after  the  victory 
at  Leuktra.  This  plan  was  not  to  destroy  or  simply  over- 
come the  city  of  Sparta,  but  to  abolish  entirely  her  suprem- 
acy in  Hellas,  limit  her  to  Laconia,  restore  autonomy  to  the 
Messenians,  and  reorganize  both  the  Messenians  and  Arka- 
dians, so  as  to  surround  that  haughty  city  with  two  strong 
bulwarks.  To  accomplish  this,  he  did  not  deem  it  impera- 


OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH  HELLAS.  21 

tive  to  invade  Laconia.  But  finally,  though  it  was  winter, 
he  yielded  to  the  impatience  of  all  around  him  to  revenge 
upon  Sparta  her  long  career  of  pride  and  abused  ascen- 
dancy, and  gave  the  order  of  invasion.*  Slowly  and  cau- 
tiously he  entered  Laconia,  always  keeping  his  Theban 
troops  in  the  best  battle  order,  and  approached  almost  to  the 
very  gates  of  Sparta. 

Great  was  the  confusion  which  prevailed  in  that  city. 
Full  six  hundred  years  had  elapsed  since  the  first  establish- 
ment of  the  Dorians  in  Lacedsemon,  and  this  was  the  first 
time  in  all  that  long  period  that  they  had  seen  an  enemy  in 
their  territory.  The  armies  of  Sparta  had  often  penetrated 
into  Attica,  Boeotia,  and  indeed  every  part  of  Hellas  ;  but  up 
to  that  period  no  one  had  ever  dared  to  return  their  visits. 
Now  the  confederates  advanced  without  resistance,  laying 
waste  with  fire  and  sword,  as  far  as  the  Eurotas  and  the 
very  suburbs  of  Sparta  !  It  is  difficult  to  depict  the  tumult 
and  disorder  within  the  city — the  outcries  of  the  old  men, 
who  moved  back  and  forth  expressing  their  grief  and  indig- 
nation, and  the  wild  behavior  of  the  women,  who  were  ter- 
rified even  to  madness  at  the  shouts  of  the  enemy  and  the 
flames  which  ascended  around  them.  It  was  the  boast  of 
the  city  that  "  no  Spartan  woman  ever  saw  the  smoke  of  an 
enemy's  camp."  In  like  manner,  when  an  Athenian  disputed 
with  a  Spartan  on  the  subject  of  valor,  and  said,  "  We  have 
often  driven  you  from  the  banks  of  the  Kephisus,"  the  Spar- 
tan replied,  "But  we  never  drove  you  from  the  banks  of  the 
Eurotas."  Near  akin  to  this  was  the  repartee  of  a  Spartan 
to  a  man  of  Argos,  who  said,  "  Many  of  you  sleep  on  the 
plains  of  Argos."  The  Spartan  answered,  "  But  not  one  of 
you  sleeps  on  the  plains  of  Lacedaemon."  f 

Now,  however,  a  numerous  army  of  implacable  enemies 
suddenly  appeared  at  the  very  gates  of  the  city,  overturning 
prehistoric  claims  and  casting  down  the  pride  of  that  haugh- 

*  Xenophon.  f  Plutarch. 


22  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

ty  people.  Not  only  did  the  sentiment  of  humiliation  op- 
press the  Lacedaemonians,  but  the  danger  was  in  itself  great. 
Their  allies,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  Orchomenians  and 
Phliasians,  had  abandoned  them.  Many  of  the  Helots,  and 
of  the  dissatisfied  Spartans  known  under  the  ordinary  name 
of  the  Inferiors  (to  whom  Kinadon  had  belonged),  joined 
the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  We  may  therefore  understand  the 
feeling  of  wounded  pride,  misfortune,  and  danger  with  which 
that  city  was  now  agitated,  as  the  enemy  steadily  ap- 
proached. But  there  was  one  man  who  felt  more  strongly 
than  any  one  else  that  strange  reverse  of  fortune.  Is  it  neces- 
sary to  say  that  that  man  was  King  Agesilaus,  who  twenty 
years  before  managed  the  Hellenic  affairs  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
began  the  conquest  of  Persia,  and  was  now  compelled  to  pro- 
vide for  the  safety  of  his  own  city  ? 

Epaminondas,  however,  did  not  attempt  to  take  the  city 
by  storm.  Satisfied  with  having  defied  the  Spartans  and 
"manifested  his  mastery  of  the  field  even  to  their  own 
doors,"  he  turned  to  the  south  and  reached  the  Arkadian 
frontier.  It  now  remained  for  him  to  complete  the  humilia- 
tion of  Sparta  by  executing  the  two  enterprises  which  had 
formed  the  special  purpose  of  his  expedition — the  reestab- 
lishment  of  Messcnia  and  the  consolidation  of  the  Arkadians. 
Accordingly,  he  strengthened  the  Arkadian  knot  by  found- 
ing the  "  Great  City  "  (Megalopolis),  which  he  fortified  and 
made  the  metropolis  of  the  Arkadians.  He  proclaimed  the 
independence  of  all  the  Helots  and  of  the  Periceki  of  Mes- 
senia,  called  thither  all  the  Messenian  exiles,  who  for  cen- 
turies had  wandered  hither  and  thither  in  Hellas,  and  se- 
cured the  autonomy  of  that  unfortunate  land  by  founding 
another  new  city,  Messene.  Upon  the  summit  of  Mount 
Ithome  (twenty -five  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea) 
the  acropolis  of  the  new  town  was  built,  with  which  the 
town  itself,  situated  lower  down  on  the  slope,  was  connected 
by  a  continuous  wall. 


OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH  HELLAS.  23 

Having  deprived  Sparta  of  all  her  western  land,  the  best 
of  the  Spartan  territory,  and  the  inaccessible  mountainous 
regions  of  Arkadia,  and  having  marched  to  the  very  gates  of 
the  city,  Epaminondas  departed  from  Arkadia  to  return  to 
Thebes. 

Meanwhile  the  Athenians,  yielding  to  the  entreaties  of 
the  Lacedaemonians,  and  being  themselves  profoundly  af- 
fected by  these  proceedings  of  Epaminondas  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, decided  to  humiliate,  if  possible,  the  daily  increasing 
power  of  the  Thebans.  They  accordingly  sent  Iphikrates  to 
Corinth,  with  a  large  number  of  hoplites,  to  oppose  the 
Thebans  on  their  march.  But  Iphikrates,  who  had  per- 
formed so  many  brilliant  deeds  with  his  peltasts,  was  now 
able  to  accomplish  nothing  of  importance  ;  and  Epaminon- 
das, almost  without  battle,  crossed  the  isthmus  and  returned 
victorious  to  Thebes. 

Pelopidas  in  TJiessaty. 

Such  was  the  complete  change  of  affairs  which  had  oc- 
curred in  the  Peloponnesus  within  the  space  of  eighteen 
months,  from  June,  371  B.  c.,  when  the  Thebans  were  insult- 
ingly driven  from  the  national  congress  by  Sparta,  to  the 
spring  of  369,  when  the  Thebans  advanced  to  the  very  gates 
of  Sparta  and  triumphantly  returned  home.  But  outside  of 
the  Peloponnesus  serious  changes  had  also  taken  place.  It  has 
been  stated  that  Thebes,  even  before  Epaminondas  invaded 
the  Peloponnesus,  had  occupied  most  of  the  countries  as  far 
as  Thessaly.  The  kingdom  of  Jason,  which,  through  his  ambi- 
tion, energy,  and  great  force  of  character,  could  have  become 
dangerous  to  the  Thebans,  did  not  last  long.  Jason  was 
murdered  in  370  B.  c.,  while  in  the  fullness  of  his  vigor. 
His  two  brothers,  Polyphron  and  Polydorus,  succeeded  to 
his  position  of  tagos,  but  not  to  his  greatness.  Polyphron 
murdered  his  brother,  and  enjoyed  power  for  a  short  time  ; 
but  he  was  in  turn  assassinated  by  a  third  brother,  Alex- 


24  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

ander  of  Pherae.  The  latter,  to  make  his  hold  on  the 
throne  secure,  committed  enormous  atrocities,  killing  and 
banishing  many  of  the  most  eminent  citizens  of  Larissa  and 
Pharsalus.  The  Larissaean  exiles,  many  of  whom  belonged 
to  the  great  family  of  the  Aleuadae,  escaped  to  Macedonia, 
where  Amyntas  II,  who  died  in  370  B.  c.,  had  been  succeeded 
on  the  throne  by  his  youthful  son  Alexander.  The  latter, 
having  invaded  Thessaly  at  the  instigation  of  the  fugitives, 
occupied  Larissa  and  Krannon. 

The  Thessalian  cities  at  the  same  time  invited  not  merely 
the  assistance  of  Alexander  of  Macedonia,  but  also  of  the 
Thebans,  against  the  tyrant  Alexander  of  Pherae.  Accord- 
ingly, Pelopidas  in  369  invaded  Thessaly,  subdued  the 
greater  part  of  that  country,  limited  to  a  few  cities  the  tyr- 
anny of  Alexander  of  Pherae,  and  banished  the  Macedonian 
Alexander,  who,  surrounded  by  enemies,  found  enough  diffi- 
culty in  maintaining  his  own  dominion  at  home,  without 
investing  Thessalian  towns.  After  a  reign  of  scarcely  two 
years,  he  was  assassinated  (368  B.  c.),  and  new  civil  wars 
broke  out  in  Macedonia.  Eurydike,  the  widow  of  Amyntas, 
was  now  left  with  her  two  younger  children — Perdikkas,  a 
young  man,  and  Philip,  yet  a  youth.  Deserted  by  many 
of  her  most  powerful  friends,  she  sought  the  protection  of 
Iphikrates,  who,  after  his  return  from  Corinth,  was  sent  by 
the  Athenians  to  the  coasts  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace  to 
strengthen  and  increase  their  naval  resources.  Eurydike  re- 
minded Iphikrates  that  Amyntas  was  in  life  not  only  a  faith- 
ful ally  of  the  Athenians,  but  had  also  adopted  him  (Iphik- 
rates) as  his  son,  and  had  thus  constituted  him  brother  to 
the  two  young  princes.  Placing  the  elder,  Perdikkas,  in  his 
bands,  and  causing  Philip,  who  was  then  about  fourteen 
years  old,  to  embrace  his  knees,  she  implored  the  aid  of  the 
Athenian  as  the  only  chance  of  personal  safety  to  the  family. 
Deeply  moved  by  this  affecting  supplication,  Iphikrates  de- 
clared in  her  favor,  suppressed  Pausanias,  her  principal  op- 


OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH  HELLAS.  25 

ponent,  and  surrendered  the  scepter  to  the  house  of  Amyn- 
tas,  under  Ptolemy  of  Alorus  as  regent  for  the  time.* 

Who  then  could  have  told  the  Athenians  that  with  their 
own  hands  they  were  establishing  the  kingdom  of  the  man 
who,  after  the  lapse  of  thirty  years,  should  gain  the  victory 
of  Chseroneia  ?  But  during  those  years  the  Athenians  nat- 
urally suspected  no  danger  from  Macedonia,  but  believed  that 
the  fate  of  Hellas  depended  upon  their  relations  with  Sparta 
and  Thebes. 

Since  their  neighbors  the  Thebans  had  grown  strong 
beyond  their  own  boundaries,  the  Athenians  preferred  the 
alliance  of  Sparta  ;  and  accordingly  these  two  states  entered 
into  a  permanent  league,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  com- 
mand both  on  land  and  sea  should  alternate  between  Athens 
and  Sparta  for  periods  of  five  days.f  They  occupied  Corinth 
and  Mount  Oneium,  so  as  to  prevent  the  Thebans  from  again 
penetrating  into  the  Peloponnesus.  But  these  measures  did 
not  prevent  Epaminondas  from  repeatedly  invading  that  re- 
gion during  368  and  367  B.  c.  He  again  demonstrated  not 
only  his  military  but  also  his  political  virtues.  It  was  the 
general  practice  of  the  Thebans  to  kill  all  the  Boaotian  exiles 
who  fell  into  their  hands  as  prisoners  ;  but  at  the  capture  of 
a  village  named  Phoebias  in  the  Sikyonian  territory,  Epami- 
nondas took  captive  a  considerable  body  of  exiles,  whom  he 
allowed  to  depart  under  ransom.  Again,  when  in  367  he 
made  the  Achaeans  submissive  to  the  Thebans,  he  agreed  to 
accept  them  as  his  allies,  without  requiring  either  the  estab- 
lishment of  democratical  forms  in  place  of  the  oligarchical, 
or  the  banishment  of  the  existing  rulers.  He  was  satisfied 
with  their  promise  that  they  would  faithfully  carry  out  their 
obligations  to  the  Thebans. 

The  Thebans  were  also  prosperous  in  the  north  of  Hellas. 
In  368  Pelopidas  again  invaded  Thessaly,  and  still  further 
limited  the  rule  of  Alexander  of  Pherse.  He  next  advanced 
*  Xenophon.  f  Ibid. 


26  TDEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

into  Macedonia,  and  compelled  Ptolemy  to  abandon  his  alli- 
ance with  the  Athenians  and  join  the  Thebans,  and  to  give 
him  thirty  hostages  from  the  most  distinguished  families  in 
Macedonia,  as  a  guarantee  for  his  faithful  adherence.  Among 
these  was  the  youthful  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas,  who  remained 
in  this  character  at  Thebes  for  some  years,  under  the  care  of 
Pammenes. 

TJie  Tearless  Battle. 

During  these  years,  therefore,  Thebes  was  the  ruling 
city  in  Hellas.  Macedonia,  Thessaly,  most  of  the  countries 
between  Thermopylae  and  the  isthmus,  and  much  of  the 
Peloponnesus,  obeyed  her.  But  her  supremacy  was  not 
destined  to  become  more  enduring  than  that  of  the  Athe- 
nians or  Spartans.  Already  in  368  the  spirit  of  the  Ar- 
kadians  had  been  so  raised  by  the  formation  of  the  new 
Panarkadian  communion,  that,  forgetting  that  they  mainly 
owed  their  independence  to  the  Thebans,  they  claimed  to 
divide  the  leadership  with  Thebes,  as  Athens  divided  it  with 
Sparta.  But  they  were  severely  punished  for  their  presump- 
tion. 

About  the  end  of  868  Archidamus  implored  his  soldiers, 
in  an  emphatic  and  pathetic  appeal,  to  rescue  the  great  name 
of  Sparta  from  the  disgrace  into  which  it  had  fallen,  and, 
availing  himself  of  the  absence  of  Epaminondas  from  the 
Peloponnesus,  invaded  Arkadia,  and  attacked  an  army  of 
Arkadians  and  Argeians  near  Megalopolis  with  such  fierce- 
ness that  they  fled  with  scarcely  any  resistance.  The  pursuit 
was  a  murderous  one,  especially  by  the  Gallic  mercenaries 
whom  the  tyrant  Dionysius  had  sent  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Spartans.  Ten  thousand  men  were  slain,  without  the  loss  of 
•  a  single  Lacedaemonian.*  The  Spartans  called  it  "  the  tear- 
less battle,"  and  so  great  was  the  emotion  produced  by  this 
victory,  that  all  the  Spartans  who  heard  the  report  burst  into 

*  Diodorus. 


OPERATIONS  IN  SOUTH  AND  NORTH  HELLAS.  27 

tears — Agesilaus,  the  senators,  and  the  ephors  setting  the 
example.  Multitudes  flocked  to  the  river,  stretching  out 
their  hands  and  blessing  the  gods,  as  if  Sparta  had  washed 
off  her  late  unworthy  stains,  and  had  seen  her  glory  stream 
out  afresh.*  A  striking  proof,  as  Grote  remarks,  how  hum- 
bled and  disaccustomed  to  the  idea  of  victory  their  minds 
had  recently  become  ! — a  striking  proof  also,  when  we  com- 
pare it  with  the  inflexible  self-control  which  marked  their 
reception  of  the  disastrous  tidings  from  Leuktra,  how  much 
more  irresistible  is  unexpected  joy  than  unexpected  grief,  in 
working  on  these  minds  of  iron  temper !  The  Arkadians 
became  extremely  prudent  and  cautious  after  this  unprece- 
dented defeat,  and  recognized  the  fact  that  they  were  not 
independent  of  Theban  aid. 

But  even  at  Thebes  there  existed,  as  it  appears,  a  party 
opposed  to  Epaminondas.  During  his  first  campaign  in  the 
Peloponnesus  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  extend  his  office 
of  commander  four  months  beyond  the  legal  expiration  of 
the  term.  On  his  return  he  was  "  capitally  tried,"  f  but, 
having  eloquently  defended  himself,  he  was  freed  from  all 
blame.  In  367  he  was  again  accused,  this  time  by  the  Arka- 
dians, for  his  mild  course  toward  the  Achaeans.  The  oppo- 
site faction  now  prevailed,  and  not  only  reversed  the  policy 
of  Epaminondas  in  Achaia,  but  also  refused  to  reelect  him 
as  Bo3otarch  during  the  ensuing  year.  The  result  was  disas- 
trous for  Thebes.  A  great  body  of  exiles  from  Achaia  was 
soon  accumulated,  who  expelled  the  Theban  harmosts,  and, 
again  allied  themselves  with  Sparta. 

*  Plutarch.  t  Ibid. 


28  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

CHAPTER  III. 

CULMINATION   OF   THEBAN  POWER. 

The  Persian  Rescript. 

THE  Thebans,  having  now  discovered  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians had  dispatched  ambassadors  to  the  king  of  Persia, 
to  obtain,  if  not  military,  at  least  pecuniary  aid,  sent  Pelopi- 
das  (366  B.  c.)  to  Susa  to  oppose  this  measure.  The  king  of 
Persia,  remembering  the  ancient  alliance  of  Thebes  with 
Xerxes  against  Sparta  and  Athens,  fully  granted  his  de- 
mands. Messene  was  declared  autonomous  and  indepen- 
dent ;  the  Athenians  were  directed  to  order  home  and  disarm 
their  ships  of  war  now  in  active  service ;  Thebes  was  de- 
clared the  head  city  of  Hellas,  and  any  city  refusing  to  ad- 
mit her  leadership  was  menaced  with  instant  compulsion  by 
Persian  force.  In  other  words,  the  decree  of  Antalkidas  was 
repeated,  except  that  it  was  now  delivered  in  behalf  of  the 
Thebans  and  not  the  Spartans.  But  when  the  deputies  of 
the  allies  were  asked  to  take  an  oath  to  the  rescript,  they 
flatly  refused  to  adhere  to  it.  The  deputies  from  Arkadia 
went  still  further,  and  entered  a  general  protest  against  the 
supremacy  of  Thebes.  When  the  Thebans  saw  that  the  al- 
lies collectively  refused  to  adhere  to  the  royal  decree,  they 
resolved  to  try  the  efficacy  of  individual  application ;  but 
they  were  again  disappointed.  All  the  cities  that  were  vis- 
ited refused  to  bind  themselves  by  any  common  oaths  with 
the  king  of  Persia.  The  Thebans,  in  their  efforts  to  have 
their  supremacy  recognized  throughout  Hellas,  sent  envoys 
not  only  to  the  Peloponnesus,  but  also  to  Thessaly  and  the 
northern  districts  of  Hellas. 

Pelopidas  was  the  envoy  appointed  to  Thessaly,  and 
while  in  the  execution  of  his  duty  was  seized  and  detained 
as  prisoner  by  Alexander  of  Pherse.  When  the  Thebans 


CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  29 

were  informed  of  this  outrage  they  were  filled  with  indig- 
nation, and  gave  orders  to  their  army  to  march  directly 
into  Thessaly  and  liberate  their  beloved  leader.  But,  unfor- 
tunately, Epaminondas  did  not  command  this  army.  That 
bitterly  wronged  but  ever  moderate  man  served  then  as  a 
simple  hoplite.  His  worthless  successors,  unable  to  accom- 
plish anything  against  Alexander,  were  forced  to  retreat 
homeward  ;  and  so  unskillful  was  their  generalship  that  the 
entire  army  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  destroyed. 
Therefore  with  one  voice  they  called  upon  Epaminondas  to 
assume  the  command.  This  he  did,  and  succeeded  in  re- 
pelling all  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  and  in  conducting  the 
army  safely  back  to  Thebes.  The  Theban  generals  returned 
home  in  disgrace,  and  were  condemned  to  a  fine  of  ten  thou- 
sand drachmae  and  deposition  from  their  office  ;  and  at  the 
same  time  Epaminondas  was  given  the  command  of  the  army 
that  was  to  act  in  Thessaly. 

Epaminondas,  knowing  the  savage  disposition  of  the 
tyrant,  and  the  little  regard  he  paid  to  reason  or  justice, 
was  careful  not  to  reduce  him  to  such  despair  as  might  prove 
fatal  to  the  prisoner.  He  kept  Alexander  in  suspense,  until 
he  finally  became  so  terrified  at  the  name  and  character  of 
Epaminondas  that  he  hastily  sent  an  embassy  to  offer  satis- 
faction. Epaminondas  refused  to  admit  such  a  man  into 
alliance  with  the  Thebans  ;  he  only  granted  him  a  trace  of 
thirty  days,  engaging  to  evacuate  Thessaly  in  return  for  the 
release  of  Pelopidas.  His  terms  were  accepted,  and  he  had 
the  delight  of  conveying  Pelopidas  in  safety  to  Thebes.*  It 
soon  became  evident,  however,  that  the  influence  of  Thebes 
in  Thessaly  was  materially  diminished  after  this  occurrence, 
and  that  Alexander  of  Pherse  was  henceforth  its  true  ruler. 

The  supremacy  of  the  Thebans  had  already  begun  to 
crumble.  Like  its  predecessors,  it  was  based  not  on  an 
equality  of  rights,  but  on  a  domination  which  Hellenic  in- 

*  Plutarch. 


30  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

dimduality  could  not  suffer.  The  Thebans,  however,  were 
destined  yet  to  see  some  glorious  days.  Many  Peloponne- 
sians  recognized  the  autonomy  of  Messene,  and  concluded 
peace  with  the  Thebans.  Thus  their  supremacy  was  at  least 
established  in  the  Peloponnesus.  But  let  us  not  forget  that 
Alexander  of  Pherae  was  the  ruler  of  Thessaly,  and  that  the 
Athenians  during  365  and  364  B.  c.  wonderfully  extended 
their  naval  power,  recovered  Samos  and  a  part  of  the  Thra- 
cian  Chersonese,  and  captured  many  cities  of  Chalkidike. 
They  were  assisted  by  Perdikkas,  king  of  Macedonia,  who, 
having  murdered  Ptolemy  of  Alorus,  regent  of  that  country, 
seemed  favorably  disposed  to  the  Athenians. 

Death  of  Pelopidas. 

Pelopidas,  burning  with  ardor  to  revenge  both  the  city 
and  himself  for  the  ill-treatment  he  had  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  tyrant  Alexander,  prevailed  on  the  Thebans  to 
place  him  at  the  head  of  a  fresh  army  for  the  purpose  of 
invading  Thessaly.* 

The  successes  of  the  Athenians,  under  their  admiral  Timo- 
theus,  also  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Thebans,  and  Epami- 
nondas  resolved  to  grapple  with  Athens  on  her  own  element 
and  abolish  her  supremacy  on  the  sea.  A  powerful  opposi- 
tion arose  at  Thebes  against  this  scheme,  which  was  charac- 
terized as  a  hazardous  attempt,  since  the  Thebans  had  never 
distinguished  themselves  as  sailors.  But  the  eloquence  and 
emphatic  language  of  Epaminondas  aroused  the  zeal  of  the 
Thebans  to  such  a  degree  that  it  was  immediately  voted  to 
equip  one  hundred  triremes,  and  construct  docks  and  ship- 
houses  for  the  maintenance  of  such  a  number.  As  soon  as 
the  fleet  was  ready,  Epaminondas  crossed  the  ./Egean,  and 
visited  Byzantium  and  other  cities  near  it  subject  to  the 
Athenians.  He  brought  back  his  fleet  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  without  having  gained  any  marked  victory  ;  but  by  his 

*  Plutarch. 


CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  31 

presence  and  energy  he  had  materially  weakened  the  claim 
of  the  Athenians  to  the  supremacy  of  the  sea.  He  intended 
in  the  next  year  (362  B.  c.)  to  push  his  maritime  enterprises 
still  farther,  but  unexpected  circumstances  called  him  to 
another  field  of  battle. 

In  the  mean  time  Pelopidas  invaded  Thessaly  in  order 
to  depose  the  tyrant  Alexander,  then  in  the  zenith  of  his 
glory.  He  routed  the  forces  of  Alexander  near  a  place 
called  Kynos  Kephalae  or  the  Dog's  Heads.  Suddenly  per- 
ceiving the  tyrant  encouraging  and  rallying  his  mercenaries, 
he  was  no  longer  master  of  himself,  but,  sacrificing  both  his 
safety  and  his  duty  as  a  general  to  his  passion,  he  sprang 
forward  a  great  way  before  his  troops  and  was  slain.  His 
death  was  a  great  loss  to  the  Thebans.  His  soldiers  were 
deeply  afflicted,  calling  him  their  father,  their  savior,  and 
their  instructor  in  everything  that  was  great  and  honorable. 
When  night  came  on,  a  melancholy  silence  prevailed  through- 
out the  camp  ;  the  soldiers  refused  to  kindle  a  fire  or  take 
refreshment,  as  if,  instead  of  gaining  so  great  a  victory,  they 
had  been  worsted  and  enslaved  by  the  tyrant.*  Neverthe- 
less, the  Thebans,  as  though  still  inspired  by  the  spirit  of 
that  great  man,  pressed  Alexander  hard  and  compelled  him 
to  submit  to  their  own  terms.  He  was  forced  to  abandon  all 
his  dependencies  in  Thessaly,  to  confine  himself  to  Pherae, 
with  its  small  territory  near  the  gulf  of  Pagasce,  and  engage 
by  oath  to  submit  to  the  Thebans  and  to  keep  his  forces  in 
readiness  to  execute  their  orders.  At  the  same  time  the 
Magnesians,  Phthiotae,  and  Achaean  s  recognized  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Thebans  ;  and  thus  their  influence  was  more  than 
ever  before  established  in  the  northern  districts  of  Hellas. 

Battle  of  Mantineia — Death  of  Epaminondas. 

In  the  mean  while  matters  became  seriously  complicated 
in  the  Peloponnesus.  Not  only  the  Achseans,  but  even  the 

*  Plutarch. 


32  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

Eleians,  oppressed  by  the  Arkadians,  had  already  united  with 
the  Spartans.  Worst  of  all,  the  Arkadians  were  divided 
among  themselves  ;  one  portion  of  them,  led  by  the  Manti- 
neians,  leagued  itself  with  Sparta,  while  another  remained 
in  alliance  with  the  Thebans.  Therefore,  about  the  middle 
of  362  B.  c.,  Epaminondas  deemed  it  necessary  to  march 
again  into  the  Peloponnesus,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  ad- 
herents of  the  Thebans  and  put  down  their  numerous  oppo- 
nents. This  was  the  last  and  most  glorious  of  his  expe- 
ditions. 

The  army  which  he  led  comprised  nearly  all  the  Greeks 
beyond  the  isthmus — Boeotians,  Euboeans,  Thessalians,  Lokri- 
ans,  JEnianes,  and  others.  On  reaching  Tegea,  it  was  fur- 
ther increased  by  the  addition  of  all  his  Peloponnesian  allies 
— the  Arkadians  of  Tegea,  Pallantium,  Asea,  and  Megalopo- 
lis, the  Messenians,  and  the  Argeians.  His  opponents,  con- 
centrated at  Mantineia,  consisted  of  the  Mantineians  with 
the  major  part  of  the  other  Arkadians,  the  Eleians,  and 
the  Achseans.  They  expected  to  be  joined  by  the  Athenians 
and  the  Spartans,  led  by  Agesilaus,  now  in  his  eightieth 
year. 

Epaminondas  decided  to  engage  the  Mantineians  in  battle 
before  the  Spartans  and  Athenians  joined  them.  He  accord- 
ingly marched  close  to  Mantineia,  but  the  enemy  kept  care- 
fully on  their  guard,  not  wishing  to  risk  battle.  Epaminondas 
retreated  to  his  camp,  as  they  were  too  strongly  posted  to  be 
forced.  Being  apprised  that  Agesilaus  was  on  the  way  to 
Mantineia,  he  decamped  from  Tegea  in  the  night,  unknown 
to  the  Mantineians,  took  a  different  road  to  Lacedsemon  from 
that  chosen  by  Agesilaus,  and  led  his  Theban  force  with  all 
speed  toward  Sparta,  hoping  to  come  upon  that  town  "  as  upon 
a  nest  of  unprotected  young  birds,"  at  a  moment  when  no  re- 
sistance could  be  made.*  He  would  certainly  have  become, 
without  battle,  master  of  the  city,  and  would  have  thus  in- 

»  Plutarch. 


V  ertsova_ 
Battle  of 

MANTINEIA 

B.C. 362. 


JfariAufEpaminondatfrvm  Tegea.  TlMAYENIS'  GREECE 

_4rmy  of  JZpaminvndas  at  formed  fur  attack 


CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  33 

flicted  on  his  opponents  a  mortal  blow,  had  not  a  Kretan 
runner  hurried  to  Agesilaus  with  the  news  that  the  Thebans 
were  marching  rapidly  southward  from  Tegea.*  Agesilaus 
instantly  led  back  his  troops  to  Sparta,  and  succeeded  in 
placing  the  city  in  an  effective  state  of  defense  before  the 
Thebans  arrived.  In  a  little  time  the  Thebans  passed  the 
Eurotas  and  attacked  the  town.  Agesilaus  defended  it  with 
a  vigor  above  his  years.  He  knew  that  this  was  the  time  for 
the  boldest  and  most  desperate  efforts.  Every  Spartan  on 
this  occasion  proved  himself  a  hero.  Archidamus,  son  of 
Agesilaus,  with  one  hundred  hoplites,  dashed  against  the 
Theban  lines,  and  actually  beat  them  back  with  some  loss, 
but  was  finally  himself  repulsed  and  forced  to  retreat. 

But  the  bravery  of  the  Spartan  Isidas,  son  of  Phcebidas, 
was  the  most  extraordinary  and  striking  spectacle,  not  only 
to  his  countrymen,  but  to  the  enemy  ;  and  it  did  signal  honor 
to  Sparta,  in  this  day  of  her  disaster  and  comparative  decline. 
"He  was,"  says  Plutarch,  "tall  and  beautiful  in  his  person, 
and  just  growing  from  a  boy  into  a  man,  which  is  the  time 
the  human  flower  has  the  greatest  charm.  He  sallied  forth 
naked  and  unshielded,  with  his  body  oiled  as  in  the  palaestra. 
Wielding  in  his  right  hand  a  spear  and  in  his  left  a  sword, 
he  rushed  with  desperate  valor  against  the  enemy,  striking 
down  every  man  he  engaged  with.  Yet  he  was  suffered  to 
retreat  unwounded,  as  he  appeared  to  his  adversaries  to  be 
something  more  than  human.  The  ephors  honored  him  with 
a  wreath  for  the  great  things  he  had  performed,  but  at  the 
same  time  fined  him  one  thousand  drachmae  for  daring  to  ex- 
pose himself  without  defensive  armor." 

It  was  by  such  acts  of  heroism  that  the  Spartans  warded 
off  the  present  danger,  and  snatched  the  town  out  of  the 
hands  of  Epaminondas.  But  the  Theban  general  had  many 
arrows  in  his  quiver.  He  knew  that  the  Arkadians  and 
their  other  allies  in  Mantineia  would  be  immediately  sum- 

*  Xenophon. 


34  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

raoned  to  Sparta,  to  avert  all  danger  from  that  city.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  marched  against  Mantineia,  already  destitute  of 
defenders.  On  reaching  Tegea  he  saw  that  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  that  the  infantry  should  rest  after  such  severe  fa- 
tigue ;  for  the  hoplites  had  been  kept  for  nearly  forty  hours 
in  incessant  movement.  The  cavalry,  however,  was  sent  to 
Mantineia,  as  alone  sufficient  to  accomplish  the  object.  But, 
although  the  Arkadians  and  Spartans  and  the  other  allies 
were  far  from  the  town,  the  Athenian  cavalry  had  arrived 
almost  an  hour  before,  and  had  just  dismounted  from  their 
horses  within  its  walls.  An  engagement  ensued,  in  which 
the  Athenian  cavalry  forced  the  assailants  to  retire.  We 
must  bear  in  mind,  however,  that  the  Theban  and  Thes- 
salian  horsemen  were  wearied  by  two  days  and  nights  of 
almost  incessant  march,  and  had  not  tasted  food  for  many 
hours,  while  the  Athenians  had  taken  their  evening  meal  and 
rested  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.  The  Athenian  cavalry 
commander,  Kephisodorus,  and  Gryllus,  son  of  the  histo- 
rian Xenophon,  were  both  slain  in  the  battle.  The  famous 
contemporary  painter  Euphranor,  in  a  splendid  picture  which 
adorned  the  city  of  Athens,  commemorated  the  battle  and 
the  distinguished  valor  of  Gryllus,  to  whose  memory  the 
Mantineians  also  paid  great  honors. 

Thus  two  well-conceived  plans  of  Epaminondas  failed  by 
the  strange  concurrence  of  unexpected  events.  The  general 
then  decided  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  open  field.  The  lat- 
ter, in  the  mean  time,  had  united  their  forces  and  encamped 
at  a  narrow  defile  near  the  city  of  Mantineia.  Epaminondas 
came  out  from  the  northern  gate  of  Tegea,  leading  his  army 
to  battle.  He  first  marched  straight  toward  the  enemy  at 
Mantineia,  but  presently  changed  his  course,  turning  to  the 
left,  and  slowly  advanced  toward  the  Meenalian  range  of 
mountains,  which  forms  the  western  boundary  of  the  Manti- 
nico-Tegeatic  plain  (two  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
sea),  and  which  he  probably  reached  somewhere  near  the  site 


CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  35 

of  the  present  Tripolitza.*  Thence  he  marched  northward, 
skirting  the  flank  of  the  mountains,  until  at  length  he  neared 
the  right  wing  of  the  enemy.  Here  he  ordered  his  phalanx 
to  halt,  face  to  the  right,  and  stack  their  arms,  as  if  he  in- 
tended to  encamp. 

The  enemy,  who  had  watched  him  ever  since  he  left 
Tegea,  thought  at  first  that  he  was  coming  directly  against 
them  for  the  purpose  of  offering  them  immediate  battle,  but 
now  supposed,  from  these  movements,  that  he  had  given  up 
the  intention  of  fighting  that  day.  Hence  they  broke  up 
their  ranks  and  scattered  about  the  field.  But  Epaminon- 
das,  who  even  in  the  hour  of  rest  kept  his  phalanx  in  a  com- 
pact body,  suddenly  ordered  his  army  to  take  up  arms  and 
march  forward.  The  enemy  saw  the  danger  and  hastened 
to  recover  their  arms  ;  but  it  was  evident  that  these  hurried 
preparations  could  only  prove  disastrous.  It  was  certainly 
not  to  be  expected  that  soldiers  thus  taken  unawares  "  were 
in  a  condition  to  stand  the  terrific  shock  of  chosen  Theban 
hoplites  in  deep  column." 

In  the  allied  army  the  Mantineians  occupied  the  ex- 
treme right  wing  (because  the  battle  was  to  be  fought  in 
their  territory),  together  with  the  other  Arkadians.  Next 
to  them  were  the  Lacedaemonians,  Eleians,  and  Achaans. 
On  the  extreme  left  were  the  Athenians.  The  cavalry  was 
not  drawn  up,  as  at  Leuktra,  in  front  of  the  infantry,  but  on 
both  wings — the  Athenian  on  the  left,  and  the  Eleian  on  the 

*  Colonel  Leake's  account  of  Tripolitza  is  accurate.  It  is  the  greatest 
of  that  cluster  of  valleys  in  the  center  of  the  Peloponnesus,  each  of  which  is 
so  closely  shut  in  by  the  intersecting  mountains  that  no  outlet  is  afforded  to 
the  waters  except  through  the  mountains  themselves.  "This  plain  stretches 
from  north  to  south,  bordered  by  the  mountain  ranges  of  Maenalus  on  the 
west,  and  of  Artemisium  and  Parthenion  on  the  east.  It  has  a  breadth  of 
about  eight  miles  in  the  broadest  part,  and  of  one  mile  in  the  narrowest.  Man- 
tineia  is  situated  near  its  northern  extremity,  Tegea  near  its  southern ;  the 
direct  distance  between  the  two  cities,  in  a  line  not  much  different  from  north 
to  south,  being  about  ten  English  miles," 


36  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

right.  It  is  not  known  whether  Agesilaus  or  any  other  king 
of  Sparta  was  present.  Epaminondas  repeated  here  the  same 
tactics  which  he  had  used  in  the  battle  of  Leuktra.  He 
formed  on  his  left  a  colossal  phalanx,  composed  of  all  his 
Boeotians,  having  a  depth  of  fifty  shields,  intending  to  bear 
down  the  enemy  on  that  side  with  irresistible  force.  He 
ordered  his  right  and  center  not  to  attack  until  the  battle 
should  have  been  thus  wholly  or  partially  decided.  His 
splendid  Theban  and  Thessalian  cavalry  was  drawn  up,  like 
that  of  the  enemy,  on  both  wings.  Diodorus  estimates  the 
number  of  the  allied  forces  at  twenty  thousand  foot  and  two 
thousand  horse,  and  those  of  Epaminondas  at  thirty  thousand 
foot  and  three  thousand  horse.  But  little  value  can  be  as- 
signed to  such  statements,  especially  since  Xenophon  men- 
tions no  numbers  whatever. 

The  battle  began  with  an  attack  by  both  the  infantry 
and  cavalry  of  Epaminondas  stationed  on  the  left.  His  fine 
cavalry  soon  broke  and  routed  that  of  the  Eleians,  and  then 
turned  to  the  right  to  fall  upon  the  phalanx  of  infantry.  In 
the  mean  time  Epaminondas  had  assailed  with  irresistible 
force  the  much  less  compact  ranks  of  the  Mantineian  and 
Lacedaemonian  hoplites,  and,  after  a  desperate  conflict  of 
shield  against  shield,  spear  against  spear,  and  sword  against 
sword,  he  put  them  to  flight.  At  the  same  time  the  Arka- 
dian,  Messenian,  and  other  allies  of  Epaminondas  bore  down 
upon  the  now  terrified  Achseans  and  Eleians,  whom  they 
easily  routed.  Thus  the  whole  army  of  the  enemy  was  driven 
from  the  field,  and  Epaminondas  appeared  to  have  complete- 
ly established  the  supremacy  of  his  country,  when,  as  he  was 
pressing  on  the  retiring  enemy  at  the  head  of  his  Theban 
phalanx,  he  received  from  a  spear  a  mortal  wound  in  his 
breast.  We  must  remember  that  a  Greek  general  fought  on 
foot  in  the  ranks,  and  carried  the  same  arms  as  a  private 
soldier.  Epaminondas  was  ever  foremost  in  braving  danger, 
and  on  this  occasion  exposed  himself  in  the  thickest  of  the 


CULMINATION  OF  THEBAN  POWER.  37 

conflict  as  a  means  of  encouraging  his  men  and  breaking  the 
wing,  upon  the  accomplishment  of  which  victory  depended. 

The  fall  of  Epaminondas  produced  in  the  victorious  army 
the  most  extraordinary  and  unique  occurrence  in  military 
history.  As  soon  as  the  fact  was  known,  the  arms  of  the 
multitude  of  men  about  him,  which  up  to  that  moment  had 
been  deemed  unconquerable,  fell  as  if  by  magic.  "We  do  not 
speak  of  this  to  praise  the  Thebans.  Those  nations  are  not 
to  be  envied  whose  existence  depends  upon  the  life  or  death 
of  one  man.  But  is  it  possible  not  to  revere  the  genius  of 
men  like  Epaminondas,  who  cluster  about  themselves  the 
whole  national  spirit  to  such  an  extent,  that  through  them 
and  by  them  alone  it  seems  to  exist?  Epaminondas,  still 
alive,  was  carried  to  the  camp,  and  the  physicians  declared 
that  he  must  die  as  soon  as  the  spear-head  was  withdrawn. 
The  general  heard  unmoved  the  decision  of  science,  and  first 
of  all  asked  whether  his  shield  was  safe.  His  shield-bearer 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  showed  it  to  him,  when  he 
again  asked  what  was  the  result  of  the  battle.  Being  told 
that  his  own  army  was  victorious,  he  desired  to  see  lolaidas 
and  Dai'phantus,  who  he  intended  should  succeed  him  in  the 
command.  He  received,  however,  the  ominous  news  that 
both  had  perished.  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  you  must  make  peace 
with  the  enemy."  He  ordered  the  spear-head  to  be  extract- 
ed, when  the  efflux  of  blood  speedily  terminated  his  life. 
"We  are  told  that  even  in  his  last  moments  he  did  not  lose 
the  consciousness  of  the  great  deeds  which  he  had  accom- 
plished. Being  told  by  those  about  him,  "  Thou  diest  child- 
less, O  Epaminondas  ! 5> — "  No  !  by  Zeus,"  he  said,  "  for  I 
leave  two  daughters,  the  victory  at  Leuktra  and  that  at  Man- 
tineia."  Epaminondas  died  in  July,  362  B.  c.,  at  about  the 
age  of  fifty-seven. 

To  determine  correctly  the  relative  value  of  great  men  is 
not  only  a  difficult  but  perhaps  even  a  vain  task.  Supposing 
that  the  historian  can  accurately  weigh  the  various  degrees 


38  ITHEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

of  genius,  yet  such  is  the  difference  of  circumstances  and  the 
means  through  which  great  men  have  accomplished  their 
deeds,  that  one  may  easily  appear  unjust  in  his  comparisons 
and  estimations.  But,  while  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times  various  opinions  have  been  expressed  concerning  the 
great  men  of  Hellas,  there  has  ever  been  for  Epaminondas 
only  praise  and  admiration.  He  was  the  last  great  political 
and  military  leader  of  the  first  historic  period  of  the  Hel- 
lenic nation  ;  the  last  of  those  many  and  glorious  heroes 
who  typified,  led,  and  held  together  the  Hellenic  commu- 
nity. After  he  fell,  political  anarchy  prevailed  for  twenty- 
five  years,  ending  only  in  the  Macedonian  supremacy,  from 
which  period  there  begins  another  phase  of  Hellenic  life. 
Here  ends  also  the  last  great  historic  work  of  this  first  period 
of  Hellenism,  the  "Hellenika"  of  Xenophon.  Hencefor- 
ward, for  a  long  period,  we  know  the  incidents  of  Hellenic 
history  only  through  historians  who  lived  long  afterward — 
Diodorus,  Plutarch,  Pausanias — and  through  the  unconnect- 
ed and  often  untrustworthy  information  found  in  the  works 
of  the  orators. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

BISE     OF     MACEDONIA. 

Death  of  Agesilaus. 

THE  Thebans  hastened  to  follow  the  dying  advice  of 
Epaminondas,  and  concluded  peace — probably  at  once,  be- 
fore the  army  left  the  Peloponnesus.  It  was  decided  to 
maintain  the  status  quo — to  leave  everything  exactly  as  it 
was  before  the  battle  ;  yet  "  admitting  Megalopolis,  with 
the  Panarkadian  constitution  attached  to  it,  and  admitting 
also  Messene  as  an  independent  city."  Sparta  vehemently 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  39 

opposed  this  measure,  but  we  are  told  that  not  one  of  her 
allies  sympathized  with  her  feelings. 

Thebes  by  this  peace  did  not  wholly  master  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, as  she  would  have  done  had  Epaminondas  lived  ;  yet 
she  retained  many  important  advantages  through  which  she 
could  still  be  regarded  as  the  strongest  city  in  Hellas.  But 
soon  the  Phokians  revolted,  and  not  long  after  the  Eubceans. 
Thus  this  body,  however  vigorous  it  might  have  appeared, 
was  already  deprived  of  its  soul,  and  the  slightest  breath  of 
wind  threatened  to  dissolve  it  into  its  component  parts. 

Still  more  unfortunate  was  the  condition  of  Sparta,  which 
was  deprived  not  only  of  her  Peloponnesian  allies,  but  of 
the  greatest  and  most  fertile  part  of  her  country.  Agesilaus, 
hopeless  from  this  state  of  affairs,  though  now  more  than 
eighty  years  old,  and  with  his  body  full  of  wounds  and  scars, 
decided  to  seek  his  fortune  elsewhere.  The  paralysis  of  the 
Persian  empire  during  those  years  was  at  its  height,  as  most 
of  the  western  satrapies  had  revolted  against  the  great  king. 
Tachos,  king  of  Egypt,  supported  with  all  his  might  this 
revolution.  Agesilaus  thought  that,  by  assisting  Tachos 
with  a  thousand  Lacedaemonians  and  other  Peloponnesians, 
he  would  inflict  a  mortal  wound  upon  the  Persian  empire, 
and  revive  the  undertaking  which  at  the  acme  of  his  vigor 
he  had  been  unable  to  carry  out.  On  reaching  Egypt,  how- 
ever, he  was  received  with  little  respect,  and  not  long  after 
he  became  displeased  with  Tachos.  Nevertheless,  contrary 
to  his  dignity  and  nature,  he  submitted  to  the  barbarian 
until  he  could  find  an  opportunity  to  shake  off  his  yoke. 
That  opportunity  soon  presented  itself.  Nektanabis,  nephew 
to  Tachos,  revolted,  and,  Agesilaus  having  proclaimed  in  his 
favor,  was  chosen  king  by  the  Egyptians.  Agesilaus  now 
decided  to  return  home,  and  marched  from  the  Nile  toward 
Kyrene,  whence  he  intended  to  sail  to  Lacedaemon.  But  he 
died  on  the  march,  without  reaching  Kyrene.  His  body 
was  conveyed  home  by  his  troops  for  burial,  in  a  preparation 


40  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

of  melted  wax,  since  honey  was  not  to  be  obtained.*  The 
last  events  in  the  career  of  Agesilaus  and  his  last  dreams 
befittingly  sealed  a  life  which,  while  it  ever  pursued  the 
greatest  aims,  was  condemned  by  fortune  to  the  small  and 
trivial. 

Decline  of  the  Naval  Power  of  Athens. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  at  Mantineia  the  city  of 
Athens  seemed  the  strongest  in  Hellas.  She  not  only  pre- 
served the  naval  supremacy  which  she  had  established  since 
the  rebuilding  of  her  long  walls,  but  in  358  B.  c.  she  detached 
Eubcea  from  the  Thebans  and  effected  the  conquest  of  the 
Thracian  Chersonese.  But  this  second  naval  supremacy 
crumbled  like  a  building  whose  weak  foundations  could  not 
bear  its  own  weight.  The  Athenian  confederacy  had  its 
origin  in  a  generous  spirit  of  common  maritime  defense  ;  f 
but  the  promises  made  to  the  allies,  and  especially  that  the 
property  of  the  latter  should  remain  their  own  and  not  be- 
come the  private  property  of  Athenian  citizens  as  Klerouchi, 
were  all  forgotten  after  the  humiliation  of  her  great  enemy, 
Sparta,  at  Leuktra.  Discontent  naturally  grew,  and  in  358, 
when  the  Athenian  confederacy  seemed  to  have  acquired  its 
greatest  impetus,  the  islands  of  Chios,  Kos,  and  Rhodes, 
together  with  the  important  city  of  Byzantium  on  the  Thra- 
cian Bosporus,  declared  themselves  detached  from  Athens 
and  her  confederacy.  The  Athenians  sought  to  reduce  them 
to  subjection,  but  were  driven  back  from  Chios,  where  the 
Athenian  commander  Chabrias  fell,  and  finally,  in  355,  were 
compelled  to  recognize  the  complete  autonomy  and  sever- 
ance from  their  confederacy  of  the  revolted  cities.  . 

The  inglorious  termination  of  this  war,  known  as  "  the 
Social  War"  (358-355  B.  c.),  again  demonstrated  the  decline 
of  Athens.  That  city,  which  in  412  B.  c.  was  able,  notwith- 
standing the  terrible  losses  she  had  suffered  in  Sicily,  to 

*  Plutarch.  f  Demosthenes. 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  41 

fight  alone  the  combined  force  of  Hellas  and  Persia,  was 
now  obliged,  after  three  years  of  fruitless  attempts,  to  lay 
aside  its  arms,  and  recognize  the  autonomy  of  these  few 

revolted  cities. 

Anarchy. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Hellas  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century  B.  c.  All  the  wars  which  had  been  waged 
for  the  purpose  of  establishing  one  empire  had  ended  in 
nothing.  The  three  great  cities  which  successively  sought 
this  end  were  not  only  unsuccessful,  but  had  exhausted  their 
forces  to  such  a  degree  that  no  more  hope  was  left  for  re- 
newing the  attempt.  No  city  in  Hellas  seemed  able  to  suc- 
ceed to  their  supremacy  and  become  the  center  of  Hellenism. 
Alexander  of  Pheras  had  indeed  attained  great  power  after 
the  death  of  Epaminondas,  but  was  in  359  murdered  by  the 
brothers  of  his  own  wife  Thebe,  and  Thessaly  relapsed  into 
its  usual  anarchy. 

Still  less  influence  could  the  city  of  Syracuse  wield  in 
the  affairs  of  Hellas.  After  the  death  of  Dionysius  the 
Elder  (367  B.  c.)  a  long  civil  war  broke  out,  during  the  reign 
of  his  successor  Dionysius  the  Younger,  among  the  Hellenic 
cities  in  Sicily.  Syracuse  sent  to  Corinth  a  pathetic  and 
urgent  appeal  for  a  leader  who  would  extricate  her  from 
her  present  difficulties,  and  preserve  Hellenism  as  well  as  free- 
dom, which  was  becoming  extinct  on  the  island.  Corinth 
heard  with  favor  and  sympathy  the  appeal  of  her  most 
distinguished  colony.  Accordingly,  Timoleon,  a  man  dis- 
tinguished "  no  less  for  his  courage  than  for  the  gentleness 
of  his  disposition,"*  was  sent  to  Syracuse,  expelled  the  tyran- 
nical Dionysius  the  Younger,  and  succeeded  within  a  short 
time  in  quelling  disturbances  and  greatly  limiting  the  power 
of  the  Carthaginians.  But  the  subsequent  fortunes  and  his- 
tory of  Syracuse  are  closely  linked  with  the  history  of  the 
Romans. 

*  Plutarch. 
23 


42  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

Hellas,  therefore,  the  focus  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  con- 
tinued without  a  head.  It  was  evident  that  the  divided 
and  agitated  body  would  inevitably  become  lifeless,  unless 
some  new  element  should  spring  up  capable  of  uniting  and 
vivifying  it.  In  fact,  in  the  north  of  Hellas,  in  a  coun- 
try inhabited  originally  by  tribes  akin  to  the  Hellenic,  and 
in  time  wholly  Hellenized — in  Macedonia — there  appeared 
during  that  epoch  a  man  who,  having  established  a  powerful 
monarchy,  actuated  by  the  noblest  elements  of  Hellenism, 
opened  for  Hellas  a  new  career  of  energy.  But  Hellas  was 
destined,  before  reaching  this  second  phase  of  her  political 
life,  to  pass  through  a  state  of  anarchy  which  conclusively 
showed  not  only  the  change  in  the  mind  and  sentiments  of 
that  country,  but  even  what  would  have  been  her  lamentable 
end  if  the  Macedonian  hegemony  had  not  just  then  ap- 
peared, and  granted  to  her  the  means  of  pursuing  a  noble 
and  useful  career  in  Hellenizing  nations  hitherto  in  an  abject 
state  of  servility. 

Second  Sacred  War. 

The  Amphiktyonic  Council,  which  had  originally  not  only 
a  religious  but  to  a  certain  extent  a  political  character,  had 
for  more  than  two  centuries  rarely  meddled  in  political 
affairs.  But  ever  since  the  Thebans  became  the  leading 
power  in  Hellas,  and  had  taken  the  two  votes  which  the 
Boeotians  originally  had  in  the  assembly,  they  decided  to 
employ  this  ancient  and  venerable  institution  as  a  means  of 
satisfying  their  political  antipathies.  This  of  course  shows 
the  decline  of  religious  sentiment  in  Hellas,  when  the  influ- 
ence of  the  time-honored  council  was  made  the  means  of 
political  aggrandizement.  After  the  battle  of  Leuktra  the 
Thebans,  through  its  influence,  imposed  upon  Sparta  a  fine 
of  five  hundred  talents,  for  having  treacherously  seized  the 
Kadmeia  (the  citadel  of  Thebes)  in  a  period  of  profound 
peace.  This  sentence  was  of  course  never  carried  out ;  it 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  43 

only  proved  the  humiliation  of  Sparta  and  the  insolence  of 
Thebes.  Yet  the  intervention  of  the  council  in  political 
matters,  after  so  long  a  torpor,  became  the  cause  of  evils 
destined  to  bring  about  most  ruinous  results. 

In  357  B.  c.  the  Thebans,  irritated  at  the  Phokians  for 
having  broken  off  from  their  alliance,  and  availing  them- 
selves also  of  the  ancient  antipathy  of  the  Lokrians  and 
Thessalians  against  them,  persuaded  the  Amphiktyonic 
Council  again  to  impose  upon  the  Phokians  a  heavy  fine  (of 
what  amount  we  are  not  told),  which  was  altogether  beyond 
their  means  of  payment.  The  ground  of  accusation  is  not 
definitely  known.  They  were  probably  accused  of  having 
cultivated  some  portion  of  the  Kirrhsean  plain,  belonging 
to  the  temple  of  Delphi.  The  Phokians  of  course  did  not 
submit  to  pay  ;  they  had  probably  neither  the  means  nor 
the  inclination  to  do  so.  The  council,  therefore,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Thebans,  issued  a  decree  by  which  it  was 
decided  to  inflict  upon  them  the  punishment  which  the  Kir- 
rh£eans  had  suffered  two  centuries  before.  At  the  same  time, 
threats  were  uttered  against  the  Lacedaemonians  for  non-pay- 
ment of  the  fine,  and  it  was  finally  decided  to  pass  against 
them  a  vote  of  something  like  excommunication. 

The  Phokians,  seeing  themselves  threatened  with  such 
imminent  danger,  decided  not  only  to  resist  to  the  last,  but 
also  to  seek  allies.  They  received  promises  of  assistance 
from  the  Athenians,  Spartans,  Peloponnesians,  and  Achaean  s. 
But  the  Thebans  and  Thessalians,  assisted  by  the  Lokrians, 
Dorians,  JEnianes,  Phthiot-Achseans,  Magnetes,  Perrhaebians, 
Athamanes,  and  Dolopes,  decided  to  carry  out  the  sentence 
of  the  assembly.  Thus  the  Phokians  found  themselves  sur- 
rounded by  many  enemies  situated  very  near  to  them,  while 
their  allies  were  distant,  and  on  account  of  their  own  weak- 
ness could  not  render  any  energetic  assistance.  Hence  the 
Phokians  understood  that  they  must  rely  wholly  on  their 
own  resources  ;  and  accordingly,  at  the  proposition  of  their 


44  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

general,  Philomelas,  they  decided  to  lay  hands  on  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Delphian  temple. 

Philomelus  therefore  seized  the  sanctuary,  and  then  began 
a  series  of  impious  acts  by  which  the  greatest  and  most  vener- 
able fane  of  the  Hellenic  nation  was  violated  and  robbed  of 
its  treasures — an  evidence  that  the  nation  had  now  ceased  to 
have  any  religion,  and  hence  was  incapable  of  any  longer 
preserving  its  autonomy.  First  of  all,  Philomelus  seized  and 
put  to  death  the  members  of  the  family  called  Thrakidie,  and 
confiscated  their  property.  The  Thrakidae  were  one  among 
several  consecrated  families,  who  for  centuries  had  controlled 
the  political  and  religious  interests  of  the  place.  Next  he 
required  the  Pythian  priestess  to  sanction  his  violent  acts. 
She  obstinately  refused  to  obey  him,  and  he  laid  hold  of 
her  and  forcibly  made  her  mount  the  tripod.  Frightened 
for  her  personal  safety,  she  involuntarily  exclaimed  that 
"he  might  do  what  he  chose."  Philomelus  forthwith 
caused  the  answer  to  be  put  down  in  writing,  and  declared 
himself  authorized  by  the  god  to  do  as  he  chose.  This 
scandalous  act  again  showed  the  depth  of  impiety  that  Hellas 
had  now  reached.  Such  violence  and  insolence  were  cer- 
tainly unprecedented  in  the  country.  Other  acts  were  des- 
tined to  follow,  attacking  not  only  the  religious  convictions 
of  the  people,  but  also  their  most  venerable  national  traditions 
and  the  very  foundations  of  public  faith,  as  well  as  the  ma- 
terial interests  of  the  whole  nation. 

It  has  already  been  said  that  there  were  laid  up  in  the 
temple  many  great  treasures — precious  articles  dedicated  by 
citizens  and  cities,  the  tithes  of  booty  (and  especially  that 
which  was  seized  from  the  barbarians),  the  tithes  of  findings, 
costly  presents  of  foreign  kings  and  communities,  etc.  The 
treasure  thus  accumulated  was  supposed  to  be  worth  at  least 
ten  thousand  talents,  the  value  of  which  to-day  can  not  be 
considered  less  than  four  hundred  millions  of  drachmas 
(nearly  $69,000,000).  Philomelus  now  decided  to  seize  these 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  45 

treasures,  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  his  mer- 
cenaries, but  also  to  bribe  his  allies.  The  act  was  scandalous 
and  unprecedented.  Ominous  indeed  was  the  impression 
produced  on  the  Hellenic  world  by  this  sacrilege,  by  which 
not  only  was  the  temple  of  Delphi  robbed  of  its  public  and 
private  treasures,  but  even  the  dedicatory  offerings  which 
were  linked  with  the  most  sacred  traditions  of  the  nation, 
and  especially  with  its  imperishable  feats  against  the  bar- 
barians, for  ever  disappeared.  Thus  the  first  Hellenism,  be- 
fore its  expiration,  sought  with  its  own  hands  to  destroy  the 
evidences  of  its  piety,  glory,  and  prosperity.  The  use  made 
of  the  money  was  also  especially  repugnant  to  the  common 
conscience.  As  no  honorable  man  could  be  prevailed  upon  to 
serve  for  money  proceeding  from  a  sacrilegious  act,  the  troops 
which  Philomelus  mustered  were  composed  of  cutthroats, 
thieves,  and  murderers — of  the  most  reckless  malefactors  in 
Hellas.  Again,  many  of  the  public  men  of  the  country  were 
bribed  by  the  Phokians  to  remain  faithful  to  their  alliance. 
The  Athenians,  many  Thessalians,  and  above  all  King  Archi- 
damus  II  of  Sparta,  his  wife,  the  ephors,  and  all  the  elders, 
were  not  ashamed  to  receive  money  from  the  Phokians. 

By  such  causes  and  such  resources  the  war  was  carried 
on  for  ten  years — 355-346  B.  c.  At  first  Philomelus  repeat- 
edly routed  his  enemies  ;  but  he  was  finally  overtaken  near 
a  narrow  and  mountainous  spot,  and  completely  defeated. 
Unwilling  to  surrender,  he  dashed  himself  to  pieces  by  leap- 
ing down  a  craggy  rock.  Onomarchus,  a  man  far  more  capa- 
ble, now  assumed  the  command,  and  his  energetic  measures 
soon  retrieved  the  Phokian  loss.  It  was  during  his  command 
that  Philip,  king  of  Macedonia,  first  took  part  in  Hellenic 
affairs. 

Philip,  King  of  Macedonia. 

Philip,  as  has  been  said,  was  educated  at  Thebes,  and  it 
is  not  definitely  known  when  he  departed  from  that  city.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  he  was  in  Macedonia  during  the 


46  TIIEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

reign  of  his  brother  Perdikkas  ;  and  when  the  latter  fell  in 
battle  against  the  Illyrians,  leaving  an  infant  son,  Philip 
at  once  seized  the  sovereignty.  When  he  ascended  the 
throne  he  found  Macedonia  threatened  by  many  enemies. 
The  Illyrians,  Pseonians,  Thracians,  and  others  were  prepar- 
ing to  overwhelm  her.  But  he  completely  subdued  them, 
and  was  already  preparing  to  extend  his  dominion  over  the 
sea-coast  towns  when  the  Eupatridae  of  Thessaly,  and  espe- 
cially the  Aleuadse,  severely  oppressed  by  the  successors  of 
Alexander  of  Phera?,  sought  his  assistance,  while  at  the  same 
time  Lykophron  and  many  others  of  their  opponents  sought 
the  assistance  of  the  Phokians. 

Philip  entered  Thessaly  after  having  first  seized  Methone, 
a  possession  of  the  Athenians  on  the  Macedonian  coast,  sit- 
uated near  the  theatre  of  war.  Lykophron,  who  came  to 
meet  him,  assisted  by  a  large  force  of  Phokians,  was  com- 
pletely defeated  and  forced  to  flee  the  country.  Hereupon 
Onomarchus  himself  marched  against  Philip,  defeated  him 
twice,  and  forced  him  back  to  Macedonia.  The  Phokian  gen- 
eral, elated  by  his  victory,  marched  into  Boeotia,  conquered 
the  Thebans  in  battle,  and  made  himself  master  of  Koroneia, 
in  addition  to  Orchomenus,  which  he  held  before.  But  in 
352  Philip  again  invaded  Thessaly,  and  completely  routed 
Onomarchus  in  a  decisive  battle,  during  which  that  general 
himself  perished,  six  thousand  Phokians  were  slain,  and  three 
thousand  of  them  are  said  to  have  been  taken  prisoners. 
Philip  now  became  master  of  Thessaly,  and  proclaimed  him- 
self the  avenger  of  the  Delphian  god  and  the  defender  of  the 
insulted  Hellenic  religion.  He  wished  to  penetrate  at  once 
into  Hellas,  but  was  repelled  by  the  Athenians,  who,  to  their 
credit  be  it  said,  displayed  then  an  energy  that  was  rare  dur- 
ing the  last  days  of  their  political  existence,  and,  by  occupy- 
ing Thermopyla3  in  season,  paralyzed  for  a  time  the  ambitious 
projects  of  Philip.  But  this  delay  was  of  little  avail  to  the 
Athenians  and  the  Greeks  in  general,  who  in  the  mean  time 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  47 

were  torn  to  pieces,  not  only  by  the  murderous  Phokian  war, 
but  by  fresh  hostilities  which  broke  out  in  the  Peloponnesus. 
While  Hellas  was  thus  expending  in  vain  and  inglorious 
wars  her  last  resources,  Philip  was  daily  extending  his  em- 
pire, organizing  his  army,  and  unceasingly  preparing  himself 
to  avenge  the  defeat  which  he  had  suffered  at'  Thermopylae, 
and  to  accomplish  his  purpose  of  reducing  all  Hellas  to  his 
sway.  But  it  was  not  destined  that  the  last  days  of  the  first 
Hellenism  should  thus  ingloriously  set  upon  the  malefactors 
who  were  carrying  on  the  Phokian  war.  A  noble,  thrilling 
voice  was  destined  to  resound  throughout  Hellas  ;  a  voice 
which  should  defend  the  rights  of  Hellenic  autonomy  by  the 
most  finished  speeches  that  ever  fell  from  mortal  lips  ;  a  voice 
which  did  not,  indeed,  save  the  first  Hellenism,  because  no 
voice  could  now  save  it,  but  which  at  least  covered  its  fall 
with  a  veil  of  honor,  beauty,  and  splendor. 

Demosthenes. 

Demosthenes  was  born,  according  to  what  seems  the  most 
trustworthy  among  contradictory  accounts,  in  382  or  381  B.  c. 
His  father,  also  named  Demosthenes,  was  one  of  the  princi- 
pal citizens  of  Athens,  and  "  of  a  character  so  unimpeachable 
that  even  JEschines  (the  most  bitter  opponent  of  his  son  De- 
mosthenes) says  nothing  against  him."  His  mother,.  Kleobu- 
le,  was  one  of  the  two  daughters  and  co-heiresses  of  an  Athe- 
nian citizen  named  Gylon,  who,  it  is  said,  was  forced  to  flee  on 
a  charge  of  treason  against  the  commonwealth.  Having  be- 
come rich  as  a  land  proprietor  and  exporter  of  corn  in  Bospo- 
rus, he  sent  his  two  daughters  to  Athens,  where  they  married 
Athenian  citizens,  Demochares  and  the  elder  Demosthenes. 
The  father  of  Demosthenes  had  two  distinct  manufactories  : 
one  of  swords  and  knives,  employing  thirty-two  slaves  ;  the 
other  of  couches  and  beds,  employing  twenty.  He  died  about 
375  B.  c.,  leaving  his  son  Demosthenes,  then  seven  years  of 
age,  to  the  care  of  three  guardians.  His  patrimony  of  four- 


48  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

teen  talents  (equal  to  about  500,000  modern  drachmae)  was  so 
faithlessly  administered  that,  on  attaining  his  civil  majority 
at  sixteen  years,  when,  according  to  the  laws  of  Athens,  he 
was  justified  in  assuming  the  administration  of  his  property, 
the  sum  paid  to  him  was  less  than  two  talents.  He  was  there- 
fore obliged  to  bring  a  judicial  action  against  his  guardians  ; 
and  five  speeches  delivered  by  Demosthenes,  three  against 
Aphobus  and  two  against  Onetor,  brother-in-law  of  Aphobus, 
are  still  preserved.  But  it  appears  that  he  recovered  nothing, 
and  was  finally  obliged  to  relinquish  most  of  his  claims. 

Demosthenes  received  during  his  youth  instruction  in 
grammar  and  rhetoric,  such  as  the  richest  of  the  Athenians 
usually  obtained,  and  very  early  showed  a  wonderful  in- 
clination to  rhetoric.  But*  he  was  from  childhood  of  a 
sickly  constitution  and  feeble  muscular  frame,  and  hence  his 
mother  did  not  choose  that  he  should  be  put  to  the  hard  and 
laborious  exercises  of  the  palaestra.*  So  delicate  indeed  was 
his  clothing,  and  so  effeminate  his  habits,  that  the  boys  are 
said  to  have  given  to  him  the  contemptuous  name  of  Bata- 
lus,  i.  e.,  "the  effeminate,"  which  remained  attached  to  him 
nearly  throughout  his  life.  Hence  Demosthenes  never  com- 
bined the  two  requisites  of  a  complete  citizen  as  under- 
stood by  Plato,  Isokrates,  and  Aristotle,  mental  growth  and 
bodily  strength  and  endurance.  This  disproportion  between 
the  physical  and  mental  force  of  Demosthenes  was  destined 
to  be  immortalized  by  the  following  famous  inscription  placed 
on  his  statue  after  his  death  : 

"  Had  thy  valor,  Demosthenes,  been  equal  to  thy  eloquence, 
The  warlike  Macedonian  would  never  have  ruled  in  Hellas."  t 

But  perhaps,  on  the  other  hand,  his  sickly  constitution 
and  feeble  muscular  frame  contributed  to  his  wonderful 

*  Plutarch. 

f  Efirep  t<rt\v  $<Si\i.-f\v  yv^Ti,  Arin6ff 
OCiror'  &v  'E\\-f)vuy  -fip^tv  "Apijs 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  49 

mental  and  rhetorical  eminence,  since  he  may  have  felt  that 
by  this  alone  could  he  achieve  the  glory  which  his  noble 
ambition  sought.  His  family  position  gave  him  many  op- 
portunities to  appear  in  public  as  a  pleader  and  political 
orator.  Plato,  Isokrates,  and  Isaeus  were  then  in  their  full 
celebrity,  and  many  scholars  flocked  from  all  parts  of  Hellas 
to  listen  to  them.  Demosthenes  is  said  to  have  put  himself 
under  the  teaching  of  Isaeus,  and  no  doubt  he  profited  largely 
by  the  discourse  of  Plato,  Isokrates,  and  others.  But  he 
was  not  satisfied  with  those  living  teachers  only.  He  stud- 
ied the  ancients  with  great  diligence,  and  especially  devoted 
himself  to  Thucydides,  whose  history,  according  to  one  ac- 
count, "  he  copied  eight  times  over  with  his  own  hands  "  ; 
according  to  another,  "he  learned  it  all  by  heart,  so  as  to 
be  able  to  rewrite  it  from  memory  when  the  manuscript 
was  accidentally  destroyed."  In  fact,  in  the  works  of 
the  great  orator  we  can  easily  discern  the  majestic  phra- 
seology of  Thucydides,  divested  of  its  extreme  brevity  and 
obscurity,  and  clothed  with  a  clearness  and  grace  in  no  wise 
inferior  to  those  of  Lysias,  the  simplest  and  gentlest  of 
orators. 

Rhetorical  art  does  not  alone  make  an  orator.  That  this 
accomplishment  may  have  an  influence  over  the  multitude, 
there  is  need  of  certain  other  peculiarities,  both  bodily  and 
mental,  which  Demosthenes  seems  to  have  entirely  lacked  ; 
for  he  had  neither  the  magnetic  voice  of  ^Eschines  nor  the 
ready  and  vehement  improvisation  of  Demades.  Before 
venturing  to  ascend  the  bema,  he  had  always  to  put  his 
thoughts  together  by  laborious  preparation  ;  his  voice  was 
weak,  and  even  lisping ;  his  enunciation  was  not  clear  and 
distinct ;  his  breath  was  short ;  his  gesticulations  were  un- 
graceful ;  moreover,  he  was  easily  confused  by  the  manifes- 
tations of  the  multitude.  Such  and  similar  natural  defects 
compelled  Isokrates  to  avoid  the  assembly  of  the  people,  and 
to  limit  himself  to  a  select  audience  of  his  friends  and  pupils. 


50  THEBAX  SUPREMACY. 

But  Demosthenes  was  not  dismayed  by  his  first  failure,  nor 
by  the  laughter  and  clamor  which  the  novelty  of  his  speech 
incited.  He  was  bound  to  succeed,  and  he  did  succeed, 
and  became  the  glory  and  boast  of  that  assembly  which 
was  accustomed  to  listen  to  the  most  famous  orators  of  the 
world. 

His  wonderful  power  of  will,  and  his  patience  in  over- 
coming his  defects,  so  as  to  satisfy  a  critical  assembly  like 
the  Athenian,  is  what  we  especially  admire  in  the  man. 
He  prepared  himself  to  overcome  the  tumults  of  the  as- 
sembly by  declaiming  in  stormy  weather  on  the  sea-shore 
of  Phalerum.  He  strengthened  his  voice  by  running  or 
walking  up  hill,  and,  during  the  consequent  shortness  of 
breath,  pronouncing  some  passage  in  an  oration  or  a  poem. 
He  sometimes  passed  two  or  three  months  together  in  a 
subterranean  study,  practicing  night  and  day  to  form  his 
action  and  exercise  his  voice,  and  shaving  one  side  of  his 
head,  so  that,  if  he  should  happen  to  be  ever  so  desirous  of 
going  abroad,  the  shame  of  appearing  in  that  condition 
might  keep  him  in.  After  several  unsuccessful  trials  in  the 
assembly,  he  was  wellnigh  discouraged,  when  Eunomus  and 
other  old  citizens  reassured  him  by  comparing  his  manner  of 
speaking  to  that  of  Perikles,  and  exhorting  him  to  persevere 
a  little  longer  in  the  correction  of  his  external  defects.  Anoth- 
er time,  when  his  speeches  had  been  ill  received,  and  Demos- 
thenes was  pouring  his  disappointment  into  the  ears  of  the 
famous  actor  Satyrus — saying  that,  though  he  was  the  most 
laborious  of  all  the  orators,  and  had  almost  sacrificed  his 
health  to  his  study,  yet  he  could  gain  no  favor  with  the  peo- 
ple, while  drunken  seamen  and  other  unlettered  persons  were 
heard  and  kept  the  bema — "  You  say  true,"  answered  Satyrus; 
"  but  I  will  soon  explain  the  cause,  if  you  will  repeat  to  me 
some  passage  in  Euripides  or  Sophokles."  When  Demos- 
thenes had  done  so,  Satyrus  pronounced  the  same  speech 
with  such  art  and  grace  that  it  appeared  to  the  orator  quite 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  51 

a  different  passage.  He  therefore  began  anew  the  task  of 
self -improvement,  and  practiced  before  a  looking-glass,  con- 
stantly watching  and  correcting  his  movements.  After  per- 
sistent application  for  many  years,  he  achieved  complete 
success.  His  delivery  became  full  of  decision  and  vehe- 
mence, and  in  his  harangues  he  often  spoke  as  by  a  super- 
natural impulse.  A  few  critics  still  ridiculed  his  modula- 
tion as  artificial  and  savoring  of  low  stage-effect,  while  oth- 
ers condemned  his  speeches  as  over-labored  and  smelling  of 
the  lamp.*  But  the  criticism  of  the  modern  world  and  that 
of  the  grandest  orators  of  France  and  England  unanimously 
places  Demosthenes  at  the  head  of  orators,  and  accepts  the 
enthusiastic  judgment  of  Dionysius  of  Halikarnassus,  who 
says  :  "Whenever  I  read  any  of  the  speeches  of  Isokrates, 
I  become  serious,  and  my  mind  is  calm  and  settled  ;  .  .  . 
but  when  I  take  those  of  Demosthenes,  I  am  inspired  and 
carried  hither  and  thither,  passing  from  one  passion  to  anoth- 
er, distrusting,  suffering,  fearing,  despising,  hating,  pitying, 
sympathizing,  becoming  angry,  envying,  and,  in  fact,  sharing 
in  all  the  passions  which  affect  the  human  mind." 

Demosthenes  was  twenty-seven  years  old  when  he  first 
appeared  (354-353  B.  £.)  as  the  political  counselor  of  the 
people  of  Athens.  A  report  was  spread  that  the  king  of 
Persia  was  preparing  to  march  against  Hellas,  and  Athens 
in  particular.  Demosthenes,  with  a  Panhellenic  patriotism 
worthy  of  Perikles,  then  delivered  his  oration  "  De  Sym- 
moriis."  f  His  second  oration,  "  Pro  Megalopolitanis,"  which 
favored  the  defense  of  Megalopolis  against  Spartan  recon- 
quest,  was  delivered  in  353-352.  But  his  political  and  ora- 
torical career  had  its  true  beginning  in  the  following  year 
(352-351),  when  he  delivered  the  first  of  those  famous  ora- 
tions known  as  "  the  Philippics."  "  He  had  now,"  says 
Plutarch,  "  a  glorious  subject  for  his  political  ambition,  to 
defend  the  cause  of  Hellas  against  Philip,  and  he  defended 

*  Plutarch.  f  Tlepl  -r&v 


52  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

it  like  a  champion  worthy  of  such  a  charge."  It  was  in  this 
oration  that  Demosthenes  first  declared  his  unmitigated 
hatred  of  Philip  and  of  Macedonia — a  hatred  which  lasted 
throughout,  his  life. 

"We  acknowledge  the  difficulty  of  an  attempt  to  criticise 
the  political  system  of  Demosthenes.  The  opinion  has  pre- 
vailed from  antiquity  that  the  man  was  the  last  defender  of 
Hellenism  ;  that  all  who  claim  that  he  failed  in  the  choice 
of  his  political  career,  which  Grote  characterizes  as  "the 
combination  of  earnest  patriotism  with  wise  and  long-sighted 
policy,"  appear  to  be  committing  an  act  of  impiety  toward 
the  most  sacred  of  sentiments.  We  appreciate  this  difficulty 
still  more,  since  we  find  ourselves  overcome  not  only  by  his 
conquering  eloquence,  but  also  by  his  Panhellenic  patriotism 
and  disinterestedness.  But  we  must  confess  that  Demos- 
thenes did  not  foresee  the  great  and  glorious  fortunes  which 
the  Macedonian  hegemony  prepared  for  the  Hellenic  nation, 
nor  the  ruin  into  which  the  nation  would  have  fallen  had 
not  that  hegemony  furnished  it  with  a  new  center  of  union 
and  a  new  career  of  energy.  The  experience  of  two  hun- 
dred years  had  shown  that  no  union  could  be  accomplished 
in  Hellas  by  the  elements  then  existing  in  that  country. 
Again,  the  Hellenic  nation  would  not  have  achieved  the 
great  work  of  Hellenizing  Asia,  from  which  resulted  its  sub- 
sequent fortune.  That  nation,  left  to  the  narrow  limits  of 
Hellas  proper,  would  not  only  sooner  or  later  have  become 
the  easy  booty  of  the  first  foreign  invader  that  might  have 
attacked  it,  but  in  all  probability,  having  exhausted  its 
forces,  it  would  have  disappeared  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 
Again,  Philip  was  a  Greek,  as  Isokrates,  Herodotus,  and  the 
facts  themselves  testify,  since  his  ancestors  were  accepted  in 
the  Olympic  festivals,  in  which  only  Hellenes  could  take 
part.  The  assertion  of  Demosthenes,  therefore,  that  Philip 
was  a  barbarian,  is  false.  Philip  was  a  Greek,  and  the 
Macedonians  were  quite  as  Hellenic  as  the  Akarnanians  and 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  53 

other  nations  in  Hellas.  Philip  sought  to  unite  in  one  the 
Hellenic  nation,  that  he  might  march  against  Asia.  His 
hegemony  was  much  like  that  of  Sparta,  Athens,  and  Thebes  ; 
and  hence  Demosthenes,  by  opposing  it,  attacked  the  only 
means  by  which  the  nation  could  still  act  a  prominent  part 
in  history.  In  fine,  he  undertook,  a  contest  evidently  futile. 
We  do  not  mean  to  justify  all  the  methods  which  Philip 
used  for  the  promotion  of  his  ends,  although  they  were  those 
of  a  statesman,  and  by  no  means  as  base  as  many  of  the 
violent  acts  of  the  Athenian  and  Spartan  hegemonies. 

Again,  many  men  throughout  Hellas,  and  especially  at 
Athens,  conscientiously  regarded  a  war  against  Philip  as 
ominous,  and,  with  a  clear  conscience  and  accurate  under- 
standing of  the  true  interests  of  Hellas,  recommended  the 
preservation  of  peace.  Among  them,  the  most  prominent 
were  Isokrates  and  Phokion.  The  latter,  who  was  called 
"  Phokion  the  Honest,"  was  born  about  402  B.  c.,  and  was 
thus  twenty  years  older  than  Demosthenes.  He  belonged 
to  a  family  of  small  means,  being  the  son  of  a  pestle-maker. 
He  lived  eighty-four  years,  and  was  forty-five  times  elected 
to  the  prominent  office  of  a  strategos  (general).  He  proved 
himself  worthy  of  hi$  exalted  position  by  his  courage  and 
talents  for  command,  as  well  as  by  his  uprightness  and  wis- 
dom. He  despised  flattery  and  avoided  long  speeches  to  the 
people,  and -was  yet  so  successful  in  his  addresses  that  he 
proved  himself  a  worthy  opponent  of  Demosthenes  himself. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  political  career  of  Demosthenes  was 
condemned  even  by  many  honest  and  practical  men  of  his 
own  time.  And  yet,  so  great  is  the  power  of  that  inimitable 
eloquence,  that  the  world  has  not  ceased  to  admire  the  con- 
test that  one  man  undertook  against  the  decrees  of  fate. 
So  deep  also  is  the  enchantment  which  the  first  Hellenism 
produced,  that,  however  grand  and  glorious  a  career  the 
Macedonian  hegemony  opened  to  the  nation,  many  to  this 
day  are  not  persuaded  that  the  Macedonian  Hellenism  was 


54  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

a  continuation  of  the  first  Hellenic  life,  and  still  declare 
that  true  Hellenism  expired  at  the  battle  of  Chaeroneia, 
regarding  Demosthenes  not  only  as  the  greatest  of  orators, 
but  the  last  defender  of  Greece.  However  noble  these  sen- 
timents, they  are  antagonistic  to  the  truth  and  to  the  facts 
as  shown  in  the  last  two  thousand  years.  They  are  dis- 
proved by  the  blood  which  flows  in  the  veins  of  the  modern 
Hellenes,  by  their  aspirations,  their  enthusiasm,  and  their  glo- 
rious sacrifices  for  the  preservation  of  Hellenic  autonomy. 

End  of  the  Second  Sacred  War —  Growth  of  Philip's 
Power. 

The  Athenians  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  by  the  elo- 
quent arguments  of  Demosthenes  to  make  the  necessary  ex- 
ertions for  limiting  the  power  of  Philip,  who  in  350  B.  c.  had 
subdued  the  Olynthians,  and  by  347  had  become  master  of 
all  the  remaining  cities  in  Chalkidike.  Not  long  after  he 
succeeded  in  invading  Hellas  itself.  The  Phokians  had  in 
the  mean  while  compelled  the  Thebans  to  seek  the  assistance 
of  the  king  of  Macedonia.  Philip  entered  with  his  Thessa- 
Jians  into  Phokis,  because  the  Athenians,  as  usual,  did  not 
hasten  to  the  assistance  of  the  Phokians.  Master  of  Phokis 
as  he  now  was,  Philip  again  convoked  the  Amphiktyonic 
Assembly,  which  issued  the  following  resolutions  :  All  the 
towns  in  Phokis,  twenty-two  in  number,  excepting  Abse, 
which  took  no  part  in  the  spoliation  of  the  temple,  should 
be  dismantled  and  broken  into  villages.  No  village  should 
be  allowed  to  contain  more  than  fifty  houses,  and  the  inhab- 
itants should  cultivate  their  territory  and  pay  an  annual  trib- 
ute of  fifty  talents,  until  the  wealth  taken  away  should  have 
been  n/ade  good.  All  Phokian  fugitives  should  be  deemed 
accursed,  and  be  liable  to  arrest  wherever  they  should  be 
found.  Furthermore,  the  two  votes  which  the  Phokians  had 
in  the  assembly  were  given  to  Philip  and  his  successors.  At 
the  same  time  Philip  was  chosen  to  preside,  together  with 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  55 

the  Boeotians  and  Thessalians,  over  the  celebration  of  the 
Pythian  games. 

Thus,  in  346  B.  c.,  the  king  of  Macedonia  punished  the 
sacrilegious  Phokians  and  became  master  of  the  Amphikty- 
onic  Council.  The  Athenians  were  also  forced  for  the  pres- 
ent to  accept  these  decrees.  Philip  in  the  mean  time  did 
not  cease  to  follow  up  the  completion  of  his  plan.  Ex- 
tending his  power  both  to  the  north  and  south,  he  secured 
his  hold  in  Hellas  by  protecting  in  344  the  Messenians, 
Arkadians,  and  Argeians  against  the  incessant  attacks  of 
the  Spartans  ;  and  in  341  he  laid  siege  to  Perinthus  and 
Byzantium,  for  the  purpose  of  completing  the  conquest  of 
Thrace. 

The  Athenians — now  acting  under  the  exhortations  of 
Demosthenes,  who  urged  them  to  bury  in  a  generous  ob- 
livion all  their  past  grounds  of  offense  against  Byzantium — 
decided  to  hasten  to  the  rescue  of  both  the  threatened  cities, 
especially  since  the  Chians,  Rhodians,  and  many  others,  of- 
fered to  unite  with  them,  to  prevent  Philip  from  becoming 
master  of  the  great  passage  through  which  corn  was  imported 
into  the  Hellenic  seas.  But  the  Athenians  were  doomed  to  do 
nothing  in  the  right  way,  for  they  dispatched  the  loose  and 
rapacious  general  Chares  to  the  allies,  whom  the  latter  re- 
fused to  accept.  The  Athenians  were  sorely  distressed  ;  but 
Phokion — who,  although  he  had  often  advised  them  to  keep 
aloof  from  war,  had  never  yet  refused  to  risk  his  life  in  be- 
half of  his  country  when  war  was  once  decided  upon — told 
them  that  they  "  should  not  feel  grieved  against  the  allies, 
but  against  the  generals  who  render  us  an  object  of  hate,  even 
to  those  who  can  be  saved  only  through  us."  The  Athenians 
accordingly  sent  Phokion  to  the  allies,  and  Philip  was  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  siege  of  Byzantium  as  well  as  of  Pe- 
rinthus. Philip  deemed  it  best  for  the  present  to  conclude 
peace  with  the  Athenians  and  the  other  Greeks,  knowing 
well  that,  as  matters  were  then  in  Hellas,  an  opportunity 


56  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

would  soon  offer  itself  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  great 
project. 

New  Sacred  War — Battle  of  Chceroneia. 

The  orator  ^Eschines  not  long  after  furnished  this  oppor- 
tunity. Remembering  that  the  Lokrians  of  Amphissa  had 
cultivated  a  piece  of  land  belonging  to  the  temple  of  Delphi, 
he  called  upon  the  Amphiktyonic  Assembly  to  pass  sentence 
against  them.  But  as  great  delay  occurred  in  the  execution 
of  the  judgment,  the  Amphiktyons  determined  "to  invoke 
the  interference  of  Philip,  appointing  him  commander  of 
the  combined  force,  and  champion  of  the  god,  in  the  new 
Sacred  War,  as  he  had  been  in  the  former."  Philip  accord- 
ingly invaded  Hellas  with  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  foot- 
soldiers  and  two  thousand  horse.  Such  was  the  speed  of 
his  warlike  movements  that  he  had  already  captured  Am- 
phissa and  Elateia  before  the  Athenians  had  decided,  by 
advice  of  Demosthenes,  to  form  a  combined  alliance  of  the 
Greeks  against  him.  In  vain  did  Phokion  endeavor  to  re- 
strain them  from  engaging  in  this  war.  The  Athenians 
resolved  to  fight,  and  Demosthenes  himself  hastened  to 
Thebes  and  persuaded  that  city  to  make  common  cause 
against  Philip.  A  few  smaller  cities  united  with  the  Athe- 
nians ;  and  finally,  on  the  3d  of  August,  338  B.  c.,  the  two 
armies  were  drawn  up  on  the  plain  of  Chaeroneia.  The 
Athenians  and  their  allies  were  more  numerous  than  their 
opponents  ;  but  the  Macedonian  army  had  received  such  an 
ascendancy  through  the  superior  tactics  of  Philip  and  his 
constant  expeditions,  that  the  Greeks,  although  they  fought 
bravely,  were  finally  conquered.  The  Sacred  Band  of  the 
Thebans  to  a  man  fell  in  this  battle  as  they  stood  in  a  solid 
phalanx,  not  one  of  the  three  hundred  yielding  a  foot.  To 
the  youthful  Alexander  was  due  the  chief  credit  of  this  vic- 
tory, for,  after  routing  the  Thebans,  he  forced  the  Athenian 
generals  to  retreat. 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  57 

Philip  now  became  master  of  Hellas.  He  severely  chas- 
tised Thebes,  which,  from  being  his  ally,  suddenly  took  arms 
against  him.  He  put  to  death  several  of  its  leading  citizens, 
banished  others,  and  confiscated  the  property  of  many.  He 
established  a  council  of  three  hundred,  which  he  invested 
with  the  government  of  the  city,  and  with  powers  of  life  and 
death  over  every  one.  He  also  placed  a  Macedonian  garri- 
son in  the  Kadmeia.  With  the  Athenians,  however,  he  has- 
tened to  conclude  peace  on  mild  terms,  and  they  in  turn 
did  not  hesitate  to  recognize  him  as  chief  of  Hellas.  The 
great  and  glorious  subsequent  career  of  Hellas  in  no  wise 
bears  out  the  criticism  of  Grote  that  this  peace  was  a  renun- 
ciation of  all  the  proud  historical  past,  and  the  acceptance 
of  a  new  and  degraded  position  for  Athens,  as  well  as  for 
Hellas  generally. 

Philip  for  the  most  part  acted  leniently  toward  the 
Greeks,  for  he  freed  without  ransom  the  two  thousand  pris- 
oners whom  he  captured  in  battle,  and  granted  autonomy 
to  all  the  cities  which  promptly  recognized  his  supremacy. 
Sparta  alone  stood  aloof,  and  refused  all  re'cognition  of  the 
supremacy  of  Philip,  He  invaded  Laconia,  and  in  various 
ways  humbled  Spartan  haughtiness  ;  yet  he  did  not  seek  to 
reduce  the  city,  but  hastened  to  the  realization  of  his  great 
project.  He  convened  a  congress  of  Hellenic  cities  at  Cor- 
inth, and  informed  them  that  he  intended  to  march  against 
the  great  king,  to  free  "  the  brethren "  in  Asia  and  avenge 
the  invasion  of  Hellas  by  Xerxes.  He  was  accordingly 
chosen  general-in-chief  of  all  Hellas.  One  vote  only  was 
wanting — that  of  stubborn  Sparta ;  but  this  city  had  now 
become  so  small  and  weak  that  Philip  could  easily  afford 
to  despise  her  policy.  Thus  under  the  Macedonian  he- 
gemony was  finally  concluded  the  fourth  political  union  of 
the  nation,  which,  although  it  did  not  last  a  long  time,  yet 
accomplished  achievements  worthy  of  the  most  brilliant 
epochs  of  Hellenic  history. 


58  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

Character  of  the  first  Hellenism. 

By  the  battle  of  Chseroneia  and  the  congress  held  in 
Corinth,  Hellenism  was  not  abolished  ;  yet  these  two  events 
may  be  regarded  as  the  end  of  its  ancient  type.  It  differs 
from  the  second  or  Macedonian  Hellenism  in  the  following 
points  :  During  the  first  the  national  life  achieved  its  growth 
through  the  complete  freedom  of  the  individual  cities,  but 
during  the  second  mainly  through  the  Macedonian  mon- 
archy, under  which  the  autonomy  of  the  cities  was  materi- 
ally limited.  But  if,  in  its  want  of  union,  the  earlier  politi- 
cal organization  was  faulty,  on  the  other  hand,  by  the  exces- 
sive growth  of  the  individual  cities,  its  intellectual  and  moral 
life  became  varied  and  complete.  Each  separate  community 
was  small,  and  the  relative  importance  of  the  citizen  was 
greater  than  in  larger  communities.  Much  attention  was 
therefore  paid  to  the  preservation  and  growth  of  that  im- 
portance, by  means  of  every  possible  intellectual  and  bodily 
exercise.  So  great,  indeed,  was  the  extent  to  which. the 
citizen  and  the  city  acted  and  reacted  one  upon  the  other, 
that  they  seemed  to  coalesce  into  a  perfect  harmony.  Hence 
resulted  that  wonderful  union  of  the  private  and  public  life, 
of  the  intellectual  and  the  physical,  of  the  theoretical  and 
the  practical.  We  see,  too,  that  all  great  national  events 
were  at  once  depicted  by  corresponding  productions  of  the 
mind.  As  soon  as  the  nation  had  succeeded  in  an  achieve- 
ment, the  deed  was  at  once  immortalized  in  poetry,  history, 
philosophy,  architecture,  sculpture,  painting.  To  such  a  de- 
gree were  events  the  productions  of  the  mind,  and  the  mind 
the  result  of  events. 

The  heroic  life  of  Hellas  was  represented  by  the  Iliad 
and  Odyssey  ;  its  first  legislative  attempts,  by  the  works  of 
Solon,  Theognis,  Alkseus,  and  the  other  political  poets  ;  its 
sacred,  musical,  and  athletic  contests,  by  the  lyric  poems 
of  Pindar ;  its  first  great  war  of  independence,  by  the  history 


RISE  OF  MACEDONIA.  59 

of  Herodotus  and  the  tragic  muse  of  JEschylus  ;  the  glorious 
events  of  the  hegemony  of  Athens,  by  the  masterpieces  of 
Pheidias,  Iktinus,  and  Polygnotus  ;  the  internal  life  of  the 
city,  by  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes  and  the  philosophical 
researches  of  Sokrates ;  the  Peloponnesian  war,  by  the  his- 
tory of  Thucydides  ;  the  hegemony  of  Sparta  and  of  Thebes, 
and  the  genius  of  Agesilaus,  by  the  "  Hellenika "  of  Xeno- 
phon  ;  the  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand  Greeks  under  Xeno- 
phon,  by  the  "  Anabasis  "  of  the  same  author ;  and,  to  speak  of 
the  most  prominent,  the  last  efforts  in  behalf  of  its  autonomy, 
by  the  inimitable  eloquence  of  Demosthenes.  Thus  all  the 
works  of  mind  and  of  art  came  from  the  very  heart  of  the 
nation.  They  were  the  productions  of  the  national  and  not 
of  private  intellect,  imagination,  or  heart ;  they  reflected  the 
national  conscience,  and  for  this  reason  they  possess  an  im- 
perishable life.  Therefore  they  are  admired  to  this  day,  and 
are  considered,  in  many  instances,  so  inimitable,  that  all  the 
intellectual  and  moral  life  of  modern  civilization  turns  to 
them  as  to  a  model,  in  the  search  for  the  beautiful,  the  lofty, 
and  the  grand. 

But  the  political  organization  of  the  Hellenes,  though 
deprived  of  the  invulnerable  panoply  of  complete  national 
union,  had  a  mighty  influence  on  the  public  interests  of 
modern  civilization.  The  Greeks  first  of  all  nations  created 
a  clear  and  true  political  life  ;  first  permitted  to  the  individ- 
ual the  right  to  participate  in  public  affairs  ;  first  granted  the 
right  of  suffrage,  and  first  recognized  and  verified  the  truth 
that  the  state  must  be  regulated  according  to  the  progress 
of  the  intellectual  attainments  of  the  nation.  On  this  ac- 
count all  the  principles  of  the  most  free  and  prosperous 
constitutions  of  our  times  have  their  source  and  beginning 
in  the  first  Hellenism.  The  right  of  common  council,  the 
responsibility  of  officers,  equality  before  the  laws,  equitable 
taxation,  liberty  of  speech,  the  publicity  of  judicial  proceed- 
ings, the  prerogative  of  the  courts  to  administer  oaths,  the 


60  THEBAN  SUPREMACY. 

right  of  self-defense,  and,  in  fine,  all  the  salutary  principles 
on  which  the  most  prosperous  of  nations  pride  themselves, 
have  their  beginning  there. 

Let  us  not  omit  to  mention  the  wonderful  elasticity  of 
this  first  Hellenism.  Many  other  nations  have  flourished  in 
this  world  which,  as  soon  as  they  fulfilled  the  task  imposed 
upon  them,  either  disappeared  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
like  the  Babylonians,  Egyptians,  Romans,  etc. ;  or,  if  they 
still  exist,  they  exist,  like  the  Jews  and  the  Armenians,  with- 
out power  and  authority.  The  first  Hellenism  alone,  while 
it  seemed  to  have  accomplished  its  public  and  political  life, 
and  to  have  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  surrender  to  others 
its  career  of  energy,  suddenly  appears,  clad  in  monarchical 
robes,  attempting  to  extend  throughout  Asia  and  Africa  the 
exhaustless  intellectual,  political,  and  artistic  treasures  ac- 
cumulated in  this  small  corner  of  the  earth  during  the  first 
period  of  its  history.  The  first  Hellenism  communicated 
this  reforming  spirit  through  the  second  to  the  third,  and 
through  the  third  to  ours,  or  modern  Hellenism.  Thus  we 
find  that  the  Byzantine  Hellenism  is  the  same  as  the  Mace- 
donian, changed  somewhat  through  the  Christian  religion 
and  the  Roman  conquest.  Again,  our  own  Hellenism  is  the 
same  Byzantine,  changed  by  the  Turkish  rule  and  the  influ- 
ences of  European  civilization.  So  that  the  Hellenic  nation 
has  existed  for  three  thousand  years,  speaking  always  the 
same  language,  and  possessing  the  same  sentiments,  mind, 
and  name. 


PAET  EIGHTH. 
MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EXTENSION     AND     REORGANIZATION. 

Historical  Account  of  Macedonia. 

MACEDONIA,  before  its  enlargement  through  the  conquests 
of  Philip,  was  an  exclusively  inland  country,  lying  between 
the  mountain-ranges  of  Skardus  and  Bermius  on  the  northern 
side  of  the  great  Kambunian  chain.  The  language  of  its  in- 
habitants, widely  different  from  that  of  the  Thracians  on  the 
east  and  the  Illyrians  on  the  west,  was  so  nearly  akin  to  the 
Hellenic  that  the  latter  tongue  was  easily  acquired  by  them. 
Like  their  Hellenic  neighbors,  they  employed  a  regular  and 
systematic  method  of  warfare.  They  bore  a  general  resem- 
blance to  the  Thessalians  and  other  less  cultivated  nations  of 
the  Hellenic  race. 

In  the  earliest  times  they  were  divided  into  a  variety  of 
independent  tribes,  each  of  which  had  its  own  king  or  chief- 
tain. That  tribe  which  ultimately  obtained  supremacy  over 
the  rest  originally  occupied  the  country  about  j&gse  or  Edes- 
sa,  which  down  to  the  latest  historic  times  remained  the 
sacred  city  of  the  nation,  although  the  capital  was  at  an  early 
period  removed  to  Pella.  According  to  tradition,  the  real 
founders  of  the  greatness  of  Macedonia  were  fugitives  from 
Hellas,  belonging  to  the  royal  Herakleid  line  of  Argos,  who 


62  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

are  supposed  to  have  arrived  in  the  country  during  the  sev- 
enth century  B.  c.,  and  to  have  established  the  Macedonian 
kingdom  on  a  permanent  basis. 

The  first  Macedonian  sovereign  of  real  historic  impor- 
tance was  Amyntas,  the  father  of  the  Alexander  whom  we 
have  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Persians.  Amyntas 
(520-500  B.  c.)  extended  his  conquests  eastward  as  far  as  the 
Thermaic  Gulf,  and  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the 
Peisistratidae  of  Athens,  which  friendship  continued  between 
his  son  Alexander  and  the  Athenians  after  the  expulsion  of 
the  tyrants.  Perdikkas  II,  the  son  and  successor  of  Alex- 
ander, entered  into  still  closer  friendship  with  the  Hellenes, 
and  extended  his  dominion  as  far  as  the  river  Strymon. 
Later,  however,  Perdikkas  became  the  enemy  of  the  Atheni- 
ans, and  it  was  from  his  intrigues  that  all  the  difficulties  of 
Athens  on  that  coast  took  their  origin.  But,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  craft  and  energy  of  this  king,  his  monarchy 
possessed  elements  of  anarchy  by  which  its  progress  was  al- 
ways retarded.  The  order  of  succession  was  not  definitely 
settled,  and  hence  the  death  of  a  king  was  usually  followed 
by  dissensions  and  civil  wars.  Perdikkas  deprived  his  broth- 
er Alketas  of  the  throne. 

About  413  B.  c.  Archelaus,  ^^illegitimate  son  of  Perdik- 
kas, seized  upon  the  kingdom  THIfcugh  the  murder  of  the 
rightful  heir.  He,  however,  showed  himself  worthy  of  the 
sovereignty,  and  Macedonia  during  his  reign  shared  largely 
in  the  blessings  of  the  more  southern  Hellenic  civilization, 
while  it  was  acquiring  a  greater  military  strength  than  ever 
before.  Archelaus  increased  the  army  and  the  material 
basis  of  defense,  and  constructed  many  roads  throughout 
his  kingdom.  In  addition,  he  munificently  instituted  a  pe- 
riodical contest  in  honor  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  and  the 
Muses,  and  established  friendly  relations  with  the  Athenian 
poets  and  philosophers,  persuading  Euripides  and  many  of 
the  poets  to  take  up  their  residence  in  Macedonia.  He  was 


EXTENSION  AND   REORGANIZATION.  63 

murdered  in  399  B.  c.  by  two  Thessalians  and  a  Macedonian 
named  Dekamnichus.  Archelaus  had  been  strongly  attached 
to  the  two  former,  but  had  offended  them  by  insulting  treat- 
ment and  non-performance  of  promises.  The  Macedonian 
was  led  to  join  the  assassins  by  the  following  considerations  : 
Euripides,  who,  as  we  have  said,  went  to  Macedonia  by  invi- 
tation of  the  tyrant,  died  in  that  country  about  405  B.  c.  The 
great  tragedian,  before  whose  genius  and  grace  all  Hellas 
bowed,  was  troubled  with  an  offensive  breath.  He  was  once 
wantonly  insulted  on  this  score  by  Dekamnichus,  who  was 
delivered  over  to  the  poet  for  punishment.  This  is  particu- 
larly to  be  regretted,  because  Euripides,  the  encomiast  of 
philanthropy  and  stigmatizer  of  revenge — Euripides,  the  citi- 
zen of  the  free  and  law-abiding  city  of  Athens — himself  exe- 
cuted the  barbarous  sentence.  Six  years  after  the  death  of 
the  poet,  Dekamnichus,  who  could  not  forget  the  ignominy 
to  which  he  had  been  subjected,  took  the  opportunity  to  as- 
sist the  murderers  in  their  nefarious  deed.  The  events  which 
followed  show  the  weakness  of  the  Macedonian  constitution. 
It  presents  itself  to  us  as  an  absolute  monarchy,  in  which  no 
law,  no  tribunal,  guaranteed  individual  security  ;  or,  as  Grote 
says,  Ul&at,  Jest  moi  is  a  principle  which  stands  marked  in 
the  whole  series  of  national  proceedings  ;  the  personality  of 
the  monarch  is  the  determining  element. 

Orestes  succeeded  his  father  Archelaus  ;  but,  as  he  was  a 
minor,  Aeropus  acted  in  his  stead.  The  latter,  after  about 
four  years,  murdered  his  ward,  and  usurped  the  throne.  At 
his  death  his  son  Pausanias  succeeded,  but  after  a  year's 
rule  was  murdered  by  Amyntas  II.  This  Amyntas,  the 
father  of  Philip  and  the  grandfather  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
was  related  to  the  royal  house,  but  had  been  nothing  more 
than  an  attendant  of  Aeropus,  until  he  found  means  to  de- 
stroy Pausanias  and  seize  upon  the  kingdom.  He  reigned 
for  about  twenty-four  years  (393-369  B.  c.) — years  of  trouble 
and  distress  for  Macedonia,  and  of  occasional  exile  for  him- 


64  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

self.  The  warlike  organization  which  Archelaus  had  estab- 
lished was  disorganized  about  this  time,  since  the  repeated 
banishments  and  assassinations  of  kings,  begun  after  Perdik- 
kas  and  continued  through  the  reign  of  Amyntas,  deranged 
the  central  government  and  shattered  the  Macedonian  rule. 

Central  Macedonia  was  bordered  on  the  north  by  barbar- 
ous and  warlike  tribes,  whose  frequent  incursions  made  them 
an  object  of  just  terror.  By  reason  of  these  repeated  in- 
vasions, the  Macedonian  empire  became  limited  and  almost 
destroyed.  It  was  also  seriously  threatened  by  the  strong 
Olynthian  confederacy,  occupying  the  coast,  which  was  ulti- 
mately overthrown  by  the  Spartans,  with  the  cooperation  of 
Amyntas,  who  had  recovered  part  of  his  power. 

Philip. 

After  the  death  of  Amyntas  there  was  again  much  dis- 
turbance in  the  affairs  of  the  country,  and  a  constant  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  neighboring  nations.  Alexander, 
the  eldest  son  of  Amyntas,  had  succeeded  to  the  throne,  but 
was  assassinated  about  two  years  later,  and  other  civil 
wars  followed.  Eurydike,  the  widow  of  Amyntas,  finally 
through  the  assistance  of  Iphikrates  subdued  Pausanias, 
the  principal  opponent  of  her  two  children — Perdikkas,  a 
young  man,  and  Philip,  as  yet  scarcely  more  than  a  boy.  It 
was  accordingly  through  the  interference  of  the  Athenian 
Iphikrates  that  the  family  of  Amyntas  was  maintained,  and 
Ptolemy  of  Alorus  established  as  regent.  When  afterward 
the  affairs  of  the  hither  Greeks  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Theban  hegemony,  Pelopidas  penetrated  into  Macedonia, 
and  compelled  Ptolemy  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  his 
state.  To  secure  the  regent's  fidelity,  he  took  thirty  host- 
ages from  the  principal  families  of  Macedonia,  among  whom 
was  the  young  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas,  who  accordingly 
spent  three  years  in  Thebes  in  this  capacity.  Not  long 
afterward  Perdikkas,  the  elder  brother  of  Philip,  assassi- 


EXTENSION  AND  REORGANIZATION.  65 

nated  the  regent  Ptolemy,  and  seized  the  throne.  But  he 
ruled  only  about  five  years  (360-355),  having  been  murdered, 
as  it  is  supposed,  at  the  instigation  of  his  mother  Eurydike. 
His  son  Amyntas  was  still  a  boy,  and  Macedonia  was  again 
threatened  both  from  within  and  without. 

In  the  midst  of  this  crisis  Philip  succeeded  to  the  sov- 
ereignty. He  had  received  from  his  earliest  youth  such  an 
education  as  might  have  been  bestowed  on  the  best  of  the 
Greeks.  Not  only  during  the  time  he  spent  in  Thebes,  but 
from  his  very  birth,  he  had  lived  in  a  Hellenic  atmosphere. 
The  opinion  that  before  him  Macedonia  was  a  land  of  bar- 
barians is  erroneous,  because  the  Macedonians  were  not 
only  related  to  the  Hellenes,  but  from  very  early  times  had 
followed  to  some  degree  the  intellectual  progress  of  the  na- 
tion. The  immediate  predecessors  of  Philip  sought  as  much 
as  possible  to  approach  the  Attic  mode  of  life.  It  has  been 
stated  that,  forty  years  before,  King  Archelaus  introduced 
many  social  improvements  after  Hellenic  models,  and  was 
much  attached  to  the  youthful  Plato  and  his  teacher  Sokra- 
tes.  In  like  manner,  Amyntas  showed  himself  throughout 
his  reign  a  friend  of  the  most  eminent  Athenians,  and  his 
physician  was  Nikomachus,  father  of  the  famous  Aristotle. 
Amid  such  surroundings  Philip  was  educated.  At  the  age 
of  fifteen  he  was  taken  to  Thebes  as  a  hostage,  but  returned 
to  Macedonia  while  Perdikkas  was  still  reigning.  Though 
a  hostage,  he  was  honorably  and  cordially  welcomed,  re- 
ceived a  scientific  and  oratorical  training,  and  studied  philos- 
ophy, but  did  not  exhibit  much  inclination  for  its  subtleties. 
He  especially  availed  himself  of  the  intimacy  and  the  ex- 
amples of  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas,  who  were  the  orna- 
ments and  pride  of  all  Hellas.  His  stay  at  Thebes,  which 
under  their  administration  had  become  so  strong  and  war- 
like, had  a  considerable  influence  on  the  formation  of  Philip's 
character.  The  sight  of  the  Theban  army  could  not  but 
move  a  young  man  of  an  ambitious  and  energetic  nature, 
24 


66  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

destined  to  the  command  of  a  nation  which,  although  war- 
like, was  destitute  as  yet  of  an  adequate  military  organiza- 
tion. His  surroundings  enabled  him  to  become  familiar  with 
the  most  advanced  strategic  ideas  of  the  day,  and  his  mind 
was  naturally  thrown  into  the  track  of  reflection,  compari- 
son, and  invention  on  the  art  of  war. 

On  his  return  from  Thebes  he  was  intrusted  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  an  unimportant  province  in  Macedonia,  under  his 
elder  brother  Perdikkas.  He  began  at  once  to  organize  a 
small  but  well-disciplined  military  force.  At  the  death  of 
Perdikkas  he  received  intimations  that  he  could  probably 
obtain  the  sovereignty,  and,  assisted  by  his  well-equipped 
army,  he  achieved  success.  Philip  at  first  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country  as  guardian  of  his  young  nephew 
Amyntas,  but  circumstances  were  such  that  he  was  forced 
by  his  friends  to  take  control  of  the  kingdom  in  his  own 
name.  Amyntas  lived  throughout  the  entire  rule  of  Philip, 
and  was  finally  put  to  death  on  a  charge  of  treason  against 
Alexander. 

When  Philip  had  overcome  the  principal  obstacles  be- 
tween him  and  the  throne,  he  had  yet  many  enemies.  Above 
all,  he  sought  to  pacify  the  Thracians  by  seasonable  presents 
and  promises.  But  the  Athenians,  supporting  his  rival  Ar- 
ga3us,  were  opposed  to  him  on  the  sea,  and  the  Illyrians  on 
land.  Accordingly,  he  hastened  to  increase  his  military  force 
by  applying  throughout  his  kingdom  the  laws  which  he  had 
early  introduced  into  his  own  province,  and  encouraging  his 
friends  by  addresses  such  as  had  never  before  been  heard 
by  Macedonians.  He  then  proceeded  against  his  remaining 
enemies,  using  either  force  or  diplomacy,  as  the  particular 
occasion  demanded.  He  knew  that  the  Athenians  had  been 
carrying  on  war  against  Macedonia,  and  assisting  Argaeus, 
because  they  wished  to  occupy  Amphipolis.  He  therefore 
wrote  to  Athens  that  he  desired  to  preserve  the  friendly  re- 
lations which  his  father  Amyntas  had  formerly  established 


EXTENSION  AND  KEORGANIZATION.  67 

with  that  city,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  withdraw  from 
Amphipolis  the  Macedonian  garrison  whereby  "Perdikkas 
had  held  it  against  them."  This  made  the  Athenians  indif- 
ferent to  Argajus,  and  their  admiral  Mantias  remained  idle  in 
the  harbor  of  Methone,  while  Argaeus,  with  some  fugitives, 
a  body  of  mercenaries,  and  a  few  Athenian  exiles,  marched 
toward  ^Egge  or  Edessa,  hoping  to  procure  admission  into 
that  ancient  city.  The  inhabitants  refused  to  receive  him, 
and  Philip  attacked  and  completely  routed  his  forces.  He 
treated  the  Athenian  prisoners  kindly  and  sent  them  home, 
with  renewed  propositions  of  amity  to  the  people  of  Athens. 
He  afterward  defeated  the  Paeonians  and  compelled  them  to 
recognize  the  Macedonian  supremacy.  He  also  conquered 
the  Illyrians,  and  forced  them  to  seek  peace  and  to  deliver 
up  all  their  provinces. 

Having  accomplished  all  this  during  the  first  year  of  his 
reign  (859  B.  c.),  he  attempted  in  the  second  (358)  to  re- 
cover Amphipolis,  which  was  indispensable  to  the  security 
of  his  dominion,  both  as  being  near  the  bridge  over  the 
Strymon,  and  as  a  convenient  trading-post  for  the  ship-tim- 
ber, gold,  and  silver  of  the  regions  surrounding  Mount  Pan- 
gseus.  During  the  preceding  year  Philip  had  surrendered 
Amphipolis  to  the  Athenians  ;  but,  as  they  took  no  pains 
to  hold  the  city,  we  can  hardly  blame  him  that,  seeing  them 
indifferent  toward  this  splendid  gift,  he  himself  wished  to 
recover  it.  After  beginning  the  siege  of  Amphipolis  he 
wrote  a  courteous  letter  to  the  Athenians,  informing  them 
that  he  desired  to  punish  the  Amphipolitans  because  they 
had  given  htm  much  occasion  for  war,  but  that  he  besieged 
the  place  in  the  interest  of  the  Athenians,  and  upon  its  con- 
quest would  deliver  it  to  them.*  He  did  not,  however,  ful- 
fill his  promise,  but  kept  the  city  for  himself,  and  fortified 
it.  This  action  is  certainly  blameworthy  ;  but  how  many 
conquerors,  judged  by  the  principles  of  common  morality, 
*  Demosthenes  cont.  Aristokrat. ;  also  the  oration  De  Halonneso, 


68  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

would  escape  like  condemnation  ?  Ought  not  the  Athenians, 
who  could  not  find  words  strong  enough  to  stigmatize  the  con- 
duct of  Philip,  rather  to  have  accused  themselves  for  the  fatal 
inaction  which  had  now  become  their  besetting  sin  ?  They 
had  taken  no  care  to  occupy  the  city  surrendered  to  them, 
and  they  were  foolish  enough  to  believe  that  Philip  would 
sacrifice  his  time  and  his  army  in  order  afterward  to  hand 
over  to  them  a  possession  which  they  had  lost  through  their 
own  supineness.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  justice,  it  does 
not  appear  in  what  respect  the  Athenians  had  more  right 
than  Philip  to  occupy  Amphipolis.  Both  were  conquerors, 
seeking  to  possess  a  city  belonging  to  neither,  solely  to  fur- 
ther their  own  interests. 

The  Athenians  not  only  neglected  to  garrison  Amphipo- 
lis, but  also  committed  another  mistake.  On  the  coast  of 
Macedonia  was  situated  the  Hellenic  city  of  Olynthus,  for- 
merly the  head  of  a  great  confederacy,  which  had  been  dis- 
solved by  the  Spartans.  In  the  course  of  time,  however,  it 
had  succeeded  in  regaining  a  part  of  its  importance.  The 
Olynthians,  afraid  of  Philip  after  the  capture  of  Amphipolis, 
sought  alliance  with  the  Athenians,  that  both  in  common 
might  oppose  the  Macedonian  monarch,  now  daily  growing 
more  formidable.  It  is  evident  that,  if  the  Athenians  were 
willing  to  make  good  their  pretensions  by  corresponding  sac- 
rifices, they  ought  at  once  to  have  accepted  the  propositions 
of  the  Olynthians.  But  it  is  none  the  less  clear  that,  during 
this  period,  the  Athenians  spent  their  time  rather  in  the  ut- 
terance of  words  than  in  the  performance  of  deeds.  It  was 
also  about  this  time  that  they  became  engaged  in  the  so- 
called  Sacred  "War.  They  therefore  dismissed  the  Olynthian 
ambassadors  without  granting  their  request.  Philip  was 
desirous  of  treating  the  Olynthians  well,  and  they,  finding 
themselves  abandoned  by  the  Athenians,  were  equally  eager 
to  come  to  terms  with  the  king.  The  latter  even  ceded  to 
them  the  territory  of  Anthemus,  and  in  addition,  having 


EXTENSION  AND  REORGANIZATION.  69 

secured  Potidaea,  an  important  stronghold  of  the  Athenians, 
he  surrended  it  to  the  Olynthians. 

In  this  way  Philip  occupied  himself  during  the  two  years 
358-356  B.  c.  ;  and  soon  after  he  openly  declared  himself  an 
enemy  to  the  Athenians.  He  deprived  them  of  their  hold 
upon  the  Thermaic  Gulf,  in  which  they  now  seem  only  to 
have  retained  the  town  of  Methone.  In  the  mean  while 
Philip  became  master  of  the  gold-producing  regions  of  Mount 
Pangseus,  formerly  an  object  of  dispute  between  Athens  and 
the  Thasians.  The  Thasians  had  recently  founded  there  a 
city  called  Krenides,  which  Philip  now  enlarged  and  named 
Philippi.  It  became  the  center  of  the  great  metallurgical 
works  in  the  neighborhood,  which  received  such  an  impetus 
that  they  yielded  to  him,  according  to  Diodorus,  a  yearly 
income  of  one  thousand  talents.  He  also  caused  a  new  gold 
coin  to  be  struck,  bearing  a  name  derived  from  his  own 
(phUippeion).  Thus  Philip,  almost  from  the  beginning  of 
his  reign,  and  before  becoming  even  master  of  the  entire 
coast,  was  in  receipt  of  a  yearly  income  greater  than  that' 
which  the  Athenians  and  the  Spartans  obtained  in  the  very 
acme  of  their  power.  He  was  consequently  enabled  to  en- 
large his  military  force,  which  was  receiving  constant  drill 
in  the  frequent  wars  with  the  neighboring  barbarians. 

About  this  time  Philip  married  Olympias,  daughter  of 
Neoptolemus,  prince  of  the  Molossi,  a  reputed  descendant 
of  the  heroic  ^Eakidae.  He  had  become  acquainted  with  her 
in  the  island  of  Samothrake,  whither  both  had  gone  to  be 
initiated  into  its  religious  mysteries.  The  jealous,  savage, 
and  revengeful  nature  of  this  woman  was  destined  to  cause 
much  sorrow  to  the  king.  In  356  she  bore  to  him  a  son,  the 
famous  Alexander  the  Great. 

^Reorganization  of  the  Macedonian  Army. 

Philip  finished  these  achievements  during  the  first  four 
years  of  his  rule.  He  had  banished  his  domestic  opponents, 


70  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

routed  or  subdued  the  barbarous  nations  about  Macedonia, 
and  deprived  the  Athenians  of  their  possessions  on  the  coast. 
He  had  also  gained  possession  of  the  mines  near  Mount 
Pangifius,  and  thus  secured  a  large  revenue.  But  his  great- 
est achievement  was  the  creation  of  the  means  by  which 
he  was  enabled  to  accomplish  his  great  deeds.  He  began 
the  reorganization  of  that  army  which,  after  securing  his 
kingdom,  was  destined  at  a  later  period  to  spread  Hellenism 
throughout  Asia. 

Before  the  time  of  Philip  the  military  force  of  Macedonia 
was  composed,  like  that  of  the  Thessalians,  of  an  excellent 
cavalry  and  of  the  troops  called  peltasts ;  but  these  latter 
were  poorly  clothed  and  poorly  armed,  because  foot  service 
was  not  in  honor  among  the  natives,  and  "  the  Macedonian 
infantry  in  their  general  character  were  hardly  more  than  a 
rabble."  Philip  effected  a  complete  transformation  in  this 
state  of  affairs.  The  soldiers  were  not  to  blame  for  their 
deplorable  condition,  for  they  were  strong  in  body  and  reso- 
lute in  spirit.  Philip  began  to  impart  to  them  all  the  ac- 
complishments of  the  Hellenic  infantry,  besides  seeking  to 
habituate  them  to  the  use  of  a  new  and  heavy  weapon,  very 
effective  when  carried  by  a  compact  body  of  troops.  This 
new  weapon  was  the  sarissa — the  Macedonian  pike  or  lance. 
It  was  used  both  by  infantry  and  by  particular  regiments  of 
cavalry,  and  was  of  great  length,  though  much  shorter  for 
cavalry  than  for  infantry  service.  The  sarissophori,  or  bear- 
ers of  the  sarissa,  were  a  sort  of  light-horse  carrying  this 
long  lance,  by  which  they  were  distinguished  from  the  heavier 
cavalry,  which  carried  the  xyston  or  short  pike.  The  sarissa 
of  the  horsemen  was  about  fourteen  feet  long — as  long  as 
the  Cossack  pike  now  is ;  while  that  of  the  infantry  was 
twenty-one  feet  long.  This  would  be  almost  incredible  were 
it  not  for  the  assertion  of  the  historian  Polybius,  who  was 
not  only  an  eye-witness  of  its  use,  but  also  by  profession  a 
competent  judge  of  such  matters.  The  sarissa  in  its  horizon- 


EXTENSION  AND  REORGANIZATION.  7l 

tal  position  was  held  with  both  hands,  and  was  distinguished 
in  this  respect  from  the  pike  of  the  Greek  hoplites,  which 
occupied  only  one  hand,  while  the  other  held  the  shield. 
The  sarissa  was  held  in  such  a  manner  that  it  extended  fif- 
teen feet  beyond  the  body  of  the  pikeman,  while  the  remain- 
^g  portion,  six  feet  in  length,  was  of  sufficient  weight  to 
maintain  an  equilibrium.  Thus  the  sarissa  of  the  man  stand- 
ing second  in  the  file  extended  twelve  feet  in  front  of  the 
first  rank,  that  of  the  third  man  nine  feet,  of  the  fourth  six 
feet,  and  of  the  fifth  three  feet.  Consequently,  from  each 
division  there  was  opposed  to  the  enemy  a  quintuple  series 
of  pikes  ;  and  of  these  five,  the  first  three  and  perhaps  the 
fourth  extended  farther  than  the  pike  of  the  Hellenic  hop- 
lites. The  soldiers  behind  the  fifth  rank  were  mainly  em- 
ployed in  sustaining  the  front  and  guarding  the  whole 
phalanx  from  the  missiles  of  the  enemy,  by  carrying  the 
sarissa,  not  in  a  horizontal  position,  but  slantingly  over  the 
shoulders  of  those  before  them. 

The  phalangites,  or  soldiers  serving  in  the  phalanx,  were 
generally  drawn  up  in  files  sixteen  deep,  with  an  interval  of 
three  feet  between  the  ranks.  They  carried,  besides  the 
sarissa,  a  short  sword  and  a  circular  shield  with  a  diameter 
of  rather  more  than  two  feet,  and  wore  a  breastplate,  leg- 
gings, and  a  white,  broad-brimmed  hat,  called  Jcausia.  But 
the  long  pike  was  their  principal  weapon.  The  only  defect 
of  the  phalanx  was  the  fact  that  it  could  not  face  about  or 
maintain  its  position  on  uneven  ground.  Therefore  the  Ro- 
man legions,  which  were  better  organized,  finally  overcame 
it,  although  Philip  had  endeavored,  by  the  addition  of  other 
bodies  of  soldiers,  to  neutralize  this  serious  defect. 

The  composition  of  Philip's  military  force  may  be  briefly 
summed  up  as  follows  :  1.  The  Phalanx  or  the  heavy  infan- 
try, practiced  in  the  use  of  the  sarissa  ;  2.  The  Hypaspists — 
shield-bearers  or  Guards — lightly  armed,  and  employed  for 
the  personal  defense  of  the  king  ;  3.  The  Hetceri  or  Compan- 


72  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

ions,  forming  the  heavy  cavalry,  chiefly  native  Macedonians; 
4.  The  Sarissophori  or  Lancers,  a  new  and  lighter  variety 
of  cavalry,  used  for  advanced  posts  or  for  scouring  the  coun- 
try. The  Macedonian  army  also  included  a  numerous  assem- 
blage of  desultory  or  irregular  troops,  as,  for  instance,  the 
Thessalians,  who  furnished  a  cavalry  force  not  inferior  to 
that  of  the  Macedonians  themselves,  together  with  many  Gre- 
cian volunteers  armed  with  their  national  weapons.  Philip 
completed  his  military  organization  by  the  introduction  of 
an  excellent  engineering  corps,  possessed  of  a  great  stock  of 
projectile  and  battering  machines,  "  superior  to  anything  at 
that  time  extant."  To  this  great  array,  so  heterogeneous 
yet  so  systematically  divided,  we  must  add  the  armories,  in 
which  those  who  had  been  drafted  were  enlisted  and  drilled; 
the  magazines,  in  which  the  arms  and  ammunition  were 
kept ;  the  establishments  for  furnishing  cavalry-horses,  etc. 
Thus  we  obtain  an  idea  of  the  wonderful  military  organiza- 
tion which  Philip  instituted. 

Pella  was  a  small  city  when  Philip  ascended  the  throne  ; 
at  his  death  it  was  not  only  strong  as  a  fortification  and  place 
of  deposit  for  royal  treasure,  but  also  as  the  permanent  cen- 
tral war-office  of  this  great  military  power.  Never  before 
was  an  army  so  perfectly  organized,  and  the  Macedonian 
phalanx  became  even  more  powerful  than  the  famous  Hel- 
lenic infantry.  "We  are  told  that  the  Roman  general  Paulus 
JEmilius  was  seized  with  terror  on  first  seeing  this  phalanx  in 
battle  array  at  Pydna.  But  we  must  not  forget  that  this 
magnificent  Macedonian  army  was  nothing  else  than  the 
ancient  Hellenic  army  better  and  more  fully  equipped.  The 
principles  were  the  same  ;  the  measured  step  and  the  com- 
pact line  of  the  phalanx  were  the  same.  Even  the  idea  of 
the  engineering  corps  was  derived  from  the  Hellenes. 

Thus  Macedonia  was  recreated  by  Philip  from  Hellenic 
elements.  From  time  immemorial  it  was  composed  of  tribes 
akin  to  the  Hellenic  ;  it  finally  assumed  many  of  the  advan- 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  73 

tages  of  Hellenic  civilization  ;  spoke  principally  the  Hellenic 
tongue  ;  was  always  ruled  by  kings  of  Hellenic  descent ;  act- 
ed in  the  name  of  Hellenism,  and  spread  a  dominant  and  per- 
vasive Hellenism  in  Asia  and  Africa.  Neither  Philip  and  his 
successors,  nor  even  the  nations  against  whom  they  fought, 
considered  that  the  Macedonians  had  any  other  purpose  in 
view  than  the  extension  of  Hellenism.  Two  important  modi- 
fications of  this  Hellenism  took  place  during  the  process  of 
its  encroachment :  its  constitution,  instead  of  being  demo- 
cratic, became  monarchical ;  and  its  energy,  instead  of  being 
restricted  to  internal  and  political  affairs,  became  external 
and  conquering.  The  period  commencing  with  Philip  can 
only  be  regarded,  therefore,  as  another  phase  of  Hellenism, 
which,  in  order  to  distinguish  it  from  the  first,  we  have 
named  Macedonian  Hellenism. 


CHAPTER  H. 

THE   PHOKIAN  AND   OLYNTHIAN  WARS. 

Conquests  in  Thessaly,  Thrace,  etc. 

THE  events  of  the  so-called  Sacred  War  have  already 
been  partly  related.  The  Thebans,  to  punish  the  Phokians 
who  had  revolted  from  their  alliance,  moved  for  a  sentence 
of  the  Amphiktyonic  Council,  by  which  the  land  of  the  Pho- 
kians should  be  taken  from  them  and  dedicated  to  the  god 
at  Delphi.  The  Phokians,  in  desperation,  insulted  the  Pyth- 
ian prophetess,  bribed  the  allies,  spent  in  lasciviousness  and 
other  vices  the  money  of  the  nation,  and  made  the  Athenians 
and  the  Spartans  and  other  Peloponnesians  participants  in 
their  orgies.  Could  Philip  not  avail  himself  of  this  folly,  or 
was  it  quite  as  becoming  that  Hellas  should  ingloriously  fall 
by  her  own  hand — that  country  from  which  his  ancestors 


74  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

descended,  whose  language  he  spoke,  whose  civilization  he 
admired  and  adopted,  whose  political  and  military  energy 
could,  as  he  believed,  become  still  more  renowned  ?  Philip's 
intervention  was  not  only  unavoidable,  but  even  a  positive 
means  of  safety.  Not  that  Philip  proceeded  to  the  execu- 
tion of  his  plans  in  the  most  honorable  way,  but  his  policy 
was  not  worse  than  that  of  the  Spartans  or  the  Athenians. 
The  principal  cause  of  the  final  submission  of  Hellas  to  Philip 
was  the  pusillanimity  and  lack  of  public  spirit  among  ,the 
Greeks,  and  especially  among  the  Athenians. 

Philip  at  this  time  was  occupied  in  expelling  the  Athe- 
nians from  the  coasts  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  About  353 
B.  c.  he  gained  Methone,  the  only  remaining  possession  of 
the  Athenians  in  Macedonia.  At  the  same  time  the  Eupa- 
tridse  of  Thessaly,  and  especially  the  Aleuadae,  being  much 
harassed  by  the  successors  of  Alexander  of  Pherae,  pleaded 
for  the  assistance  of  Philip  ;  while  Lykophron,  the  successor 
of  Alexander,  sought  the  assistance  of  the  Phokians.  The 
Macedonians  and  the  Phokians,  therefore,  frequently  fought 
on  the  Thessalian  plains,  until  in  352  the  Phokians  were  ut- 
terly routed,  and  Philip,  capturing  Pherse,  abolished  the  dy- 
nasty of  the  successors  of  Alexander,  declared  the  city  free, 
and  proceeded  to  besiege  the  neighboring  town  of  Pagasse, 
the  most  important  maritime  station  in  Thessaly.  The  in- 
terests of  the  Athenians  demanded  that  this  valuable  spot 
should  not  be  captured,  because  it  commanded  the  Pagasnean 
Gulf,  the  great  inlet  of  Thessaly.  But  the  Athenians  were 
unwilling  to  contribute  either  men  or  money  for  the  equip- 
ment of  their  ships ;  hence,  though  assistance  was  decreed 
to  Pagasse,  the  matter  proceeded  so  slowly  that  when  the 
proffered  aid  arrived  Philip  had  already  captured  the  city. 

He  thus  became  master  of  all  Thessaly,  as  well  as  the 
destroyer  of  the  Phersean  dynasty  ;  and  by  routing  the 
Phokians  he  stood  forth  the  defender  of  the  temple  'against 
its  sacrilegious  robbers.  Availing  himself  of  this  prestige, 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  75 

he  sought  to  enter  Phokis,  in  order  to  terminate  the  un- 
holy war  and  assume  the  leadership  of  Hellas.  It  was 
necessary  to  pass  through  Thermopylae,  and  the  Athenians, 
awakening  at  last  from  their  lethargy,  occupied  the  pass 
and  placed  it  in  such  a  condition  of  defense  that  Philip  did 
not  think  it  wise  to  venture  an  attack.  Nevertheless,  he 
was  not  only  master  of  the  coasts  of  Macedonia  and  of  all 
Thessaly,  but  also  made  the  Athenians,  who  on  account  of 
their  timely  occupation  of  Thermopylae  had  boasted  them- 
selves the  saviors  of  Hellas,  bear  the  blame  of  upholding  the 
sacrilegious  Phokians  and  the  enemies  of  the  god  at  Delphi. 
But  while  the  Phokian  war  continued  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Athenians,  exhausting  the  last  material  forces  of 
the  nation  and  undermining  its  most  sacred  traditions,  and 
while  the  Spartans  wasted  their  scanty  resources  in  trifling 
combats  against  the  Messenians  and  Arkadians,  Philip  did 
not  cease  to  augment  his  military  power.  Demosthenes  had 
already  in  his  first  Philippic,  delivered  about  this  time,  open- 
ly declared  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  Athenians  to  mus- 
ter an  army  capable  of  contending  against  Philip.  The  fame 
of  his  military  genius  and  tireless  energy,  and  the  reputation 
of  his  officers  and  soldiers,  became  prevalent  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Hellas.  Philip  had  furthermore  ob- 
tained by  the  capture  of  the  Pagasoean  Gulf  a  large  naval 
force,  with  which  he  afterward  ravaged  the  possessions  of 
the  Athenians,  and  even  the  very  coasts  of  Attica.  Hence 
the  unavoidableness  of  a  general  war  against  the  Greeks 
became  daily  more  evident.  Philip,  however,  appeared  for 
the  present  to  be  abandoning  Hellas  to  her  fate,  and  occu- 
pied himself  principally  in  strengthening  his  hold  upon 
Thrace  and  the  Macedonian  coasts.  He  trusted  that  this 
delay  would  rather  facilitate  his  ultimate  success,  because  in 
the  mean  while  the  Greeks  did  nothing  but  make  still  more 
imperative  his  intervention  in  Hellenic  affairs. 

long  after  Philip  penetrated  into  Thrace,  where  he 


76  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

took  part  in  the  dissensions  of  the  native  rulers  and  rendered 
his  influence  more  secure.  During  this  expedition  he  ap- 
proached the  Thracian  Chersonese,  besieged  the  Heraeon 
Teichos,  and  threw  the  neighboring  Athenian  colonists  into 
much  alarm.  News  of  this  reached  Athens  in  November, 
352  B.  c.,  and  the  danger  was  deemed  so  pressing  that  "  a  de- 
cree was  immediately  passed  in  the  public  assembly  to  equip 
a  fleet  of  forty  triremes  ;  to  man  it  with  Athenian  citizens, 
all  persons  up  to  the  age  of  forty-five  being  made  liable  to 
serve  on  the  expedition  ;  and  to  raise  sixty  talents  by  a 
direct  property-tax."  But  soon  afterward  fresh  messengers 
arrived  from  the  Chersonese  bearing  tidings  that  Philip  had 
fallen  sick,  and  next  that  he  was  dead.  This  last  report  was 
false,  but  the  sickness  of  Philip  was  a  fact,  and  had  for  some 
time  delayed  his  military  operations.  It  is  clear  that  the 
Athenians  should  have  availed  themselves  of  this  oppor- 
tunity by  redoubling  their  efforts  ;  but  they  were  little  in- 
clined either  to  spend  money  or  to  endanger  their  personal 
security.  Consequently  they  were  induced  by  this  report  to 
avoid  carrying  out  the  resolution  adopted.  In  vain  did 
Demosthenes  show  to  his  fellow  citizens  the  results  of  their 
present  inactivity  ;  in  vain  did  he  urge  them  to  display  their 
former  energy  and  independence  ;  in  vain  did  he  point  out 
the  way  by  which  a  splendid  fleet  might  be  equipped.  The 
ridiculously  small  effect  produced  by  this  eloquent  appeal 
was  seen  in  the  month  of  September,  351,  when  the  Atheni- 
ans, after  having  passed  the  summer  in  complete  idleness, 
sent  to  Thrace  only  five  talents  and  a  fleet  of  ten  triremes, 
scantily  manned  with  sailors,  but  with  no  hoplites  on  board, 
and  commanded  by  the  mercenary  chief  Charidemus.  De- 
mosthenes attributed  the  disregard  of  his  wise  counsel  to  the 
machinations  of  men  who,  bribed  by  Philip,  had  on  various 
pretexts  dissuaded  the  Athenians  from  the  performance  of 
their  duty.  But  Demosthenes  was  wrong  if  he  believed  that 
Philip  could  have  accomplished  what  he  did  through  the 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  77 

perfidy  of  a  few  Greeks.  If  the  Greeks  of  that  day  had  had 
in  their  veins  a  few  drops  of  that  blood  which  one  hundred 
and  fifty  years  before  they  had  shed  so  freely  at  Marathon, 
Thermopylae,  and  Salamis,  not  all  the  treasures  of  the  world 
could  have  prevented  them  from  fighting  for  the  liberty  and 
glory  of  their  country.  •  . 

Olynthian  War. 

We  have  seen  that  Philip,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
befriended  as  much  as  possible  the  Olynthians.  The  latter, 
though  defeated  by  the  Spartans  in  379  B.  c.,  had  since  re- 
covered from  that  disaster  and  again  presided  over  a  power- 
ful confederacy,  which  included  nearly  all  the  Hellenic  cities 
in  Chalkidike.  But  now  that  he  had  become  master  of  Thes- 
saly  and  a  great  part  of  Thrace,  and  had  acquired  a  large 
revenue  and  vast  military  and  naval  forces,  he  thought  that 
the  time  had  come  when  he  ought  to  subjugate  the  Olyn- 
thians and  rule  the  Macedonian  coast.  The '  Olynthians, 
noting  the  increase  of  his  power,  foresaw  imminent  danger 
from  the  attack  which  soon  after  took  place.  They  naturally 
sought  alliance  with  the  Athenians,  and  the  latter  promised 
to  help  them.  Demosthenes,  by  his  three  speeches  called  the 
Olyntbiacs,  delivered  during  the  last  six  or  seven  months  of 
350  B.  c.,  strove  to  represent  the  necessity  of  displaying 
more  activity  than  ever  before,  by  employing  the  theoric 
funds  (the  money  appropriated  for  the  celebration  of  festi- 
vals) for  war  purposes.  But  the  Athenians  again  did  almost 
nothing  for  the  support  of  their  allies.  They  sent  a  body  of 
mercenaries  to  the  aid  of  the  Olynthians,  but  no  Athenian 
citizen-soldiers.  We  are  told  that  they  gained  a  victory 
over  Philip,  and  the  Athenians,  already  supposing  that  they 
had  destroyed,  or  were  in  a  fair  way  of  destroying,  his  em- 
pire, deemed  it  useless  to  take  immediate  measures  for  send- 
ing an  armament  of  citizens. 

The  foreign  relations  of  Athens  were  seriously  disturbed 


78  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

at  or  before  the  commencement  of  349  B.  c.  by  the  revolt  of 
Euboea,  instigated,  it  is  supposed,  by  Philip.  This  is  not 
improbable,  though  even  before  the  time  of  Philip  the  allies 
of  the  Athenians  had  often  revolted  from  them.  The  Athe- 
nians sent  Phokion  to  Eubcea  in  command  of  a  body  of  hop- 
lites.  His  forces  were  small,  his  enemies  numerous,  and 
success  was  finally  gained  only  by  his  indomitable  courage 
and  eminent  military  wisdom.  Notwithstanding  his  achieve- 
ments, Phokion  was  recalled  and  replaced  by  another  general, 
named  Molossus.  The  latter  carried  on  the  war  with  such 
bad  fortune  as  to  fall  himself  into  the  enemy's  hands.*  Ac- 
cordingly, hostilities  were  prolonged  for  many  years. 

During  this  war  Demosthenes  twice  abandoned  his  post 
in  the  army  :  first,  on  the  ground  that  he  wished  to  be  pres- 
ent at  Athens  during  the  celebration  of  the  Dionysia,  as  the 
choregus  of  his  own  tribe  ;  and  secondly,  because  he  was 
elected  about  the  middle  of  349  one  of  the  five  hundred  sen- 
ators. These  excuses  were  certainly  sufficient  in  themselves 
to  free  him  from  military  service  ;  but  the  man  who  asserted 
that  military  duty  was  the  surest  means  of  providing  for  the 
safety  of  the  city,  ought  to  have  demonstrated  in  practice 
that  its  performance  was  of  paramount  necessity.  At  any 
rate,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  charged  on  the  first  occasion 
with  desertion,  while  ^Eschines,  who  had  been  frequently 
accused  of  treason,  fought  with  such  bravery  by  the  side  of 
Phokion,  that  he  was  rewarded  by  being  sent  to  Athens  as 
the  messenger  of  victory. 

In  the  mean  time  Philip  continued  to  wage  war  against 
both  the  Olynthians  and  Chalkidians.  The  advice  of  Demos- 
thenes to  employ  against  him  the  money  appropriated  to 
public  festivals  was  apparently  accepted,  because,  at  the 
proposition  of  the  senator  Apollodorus,  such  a  decree  was 
voted  upon  ;  but  in  reality  this  resolution  was  practically 
enforced  only  a  few  days  before  the  battle  of  Chaeroneia. 
•Plutarch,  "Phokion." 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  79 

A  curious  feature  of  this  event  was  that,  while  the  proposi- 
tion of  Apollodorus  was  passed  (without  a  single  dissentient 
voice,  we  are  told),  Apollodorus  himself  was  fined  one  talent 
for  making  an  unlawful  proposal.  Hence  it  is  evident  that 
the  Athenians  had  no  inclination  to  risk  their  lives  and  prop- 
erty, or  even  make  the  slightest  sacrifice,  for  the  actual  war. 

About  the  middle  of  349  they  sent  to  Olynthus  the  cav- 
alry force  which  was  at  Euboea.  But  not  only  had  the  Olyn- 
thians  a  sufficient  cavalry,  but  the  Athenian  squadrons  could 
not  successfully  fight  against  the  better-armed  and  more  nu- 
merous Macedonian  and  Thessalian  horsemen.  It  is  true 
that  during  the  latter  portion  of  the  Olynthian  war  the 
Athenians  made  considerable  efforts  ;  for  Demosthenes  (in 
a  speech  six  years  afterward)  says  that  the  Athenians^  had 
sent  to  the  assistance  of  the  Olynthians  four  thousand  citi- 
zens, ten  thousand  mercenaries,  and  fifty  triremes  ;  but  even 
if  this  is  true,  it  did  not  prevent  Philip  from  capturing  the 
thirty-two  cities  in  Chalkidike,  and  Olynthus  itself.  During 
this  war,  while  he  was  forcing  the  passage  of  the  river  Sar- 
don,  he  was  wounded  in  the  eye  by  an  Olynthian  archer,  and 
lost  the  sight  of  that  eye,  notwithstanding  the  skill  of  his 
famous  Greek  surgeon  Kritobulus. 

At  the  close  of  the  Olynthian  war  Demosthenes  began 
to  charge  that  Philip  had  treasonably  become  master  of  the 
cities  of  Chalkidike,  and  that  he  afterward  made  himself  a 
barbarian  by  selling  his  captives  into  slavery,  and  "so 
thoroughly  and  cruelly  ruined  their  cities  as  to  leave  their 
very  sites  scarcely  discernible."  These  are  accusations  such 
as  the  vanquished  are  wont  to  make  in  order  to  cover  their 
own  defeat.  Philip  without  doubt  had  many  adherents  in 
Chalkidike  ;  but  it  is  evident  that  traitors  do  not  suffice 
for  the  success  of  such  enterprises.  There  were  traitors  at 
Athens  during  the  battle  of  Marathon,  yet  they  were  not 
able  to  turn  the  tide  of  that  famous  victory.  As  to  the 
cruel  deeds  charged  against  Philip,  it  appears  that  Demos- 


80  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

thenes  forgot  the  many  barbarous  acts  committed  both  by 
the  Athenians  and  the  Spartans  during  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  such  as  the  wholesale  murders  perpetrated  among  the 
Plataeans,  y]5ginetans,  Melians,  and  others.  Far  more  manly 
was  the  endeavor  of  Demosthenes  and  his  followers  to  form 
a  common  alliance  of  Hellas  against  the  king  of  Macedonia, 
for  which  end  they  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Peloponnesus 
and  elsewhere  ;  but  their  efforts  were  doomed  to  meet  with 
failure. 

Philip,  to  celebrate  his  new  victory,  instituted  a  splendid 
feast  in  Macedonia  in  honor  of  the  Olympian  Zeus,  in  which 
he  showed  unbounded  liberality.  He  distributed  costly  pres- 
ents for  various  gymnastic  and  poetic  contests.  How  unjust 
is  the  appellation  of  "barbarian,"  and  how  much,  on  the 
contrary,  he  had  espoused  the  Hellenic  character,  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  he  not  only  made  no  distinction  in  his  re- 
wards between  the  Macedonian  and  Greek  contestants,  but 
also  received  most  cordially  the  distinguished  poets  and 
others  who  flocked  to  see  him.  These  disciples  of  the  Hel- 
lenic muse,  however,  did  not  go  to  the  king  for  the  sake  of 
gain  only.  Many  availed  themselves  of  his  kindness  to  peti- 
tion him  for  leniency  in  the  treatment  of  his  captives.  The 
tragedian  Satyrus,  for  instance,  the  teacher  of  Demosthenes, 
sought  as  his  only  reward  the  liberation  of  two  maidens, 
daughters  of  one  of  his  friends.  Philip  gladly  granted  the 
request,  and  throughout  showed  his  generous  nature  and  his 
power  of  attracting  to  himself  distinguished  men.  He  had, 
indeed,  good  cause  to.  rejoice ;  for  he  had  reached  the  pinna- 
cle of  glory  and  power,  and  his  opponents  strove  in  vain  to 
make  head  against  him.  Most  of  the  ambassadors  whom  the 
Athenians  had  sent  to  other  parts  of  Hellas  with  the  design 
of  forming  a  common  alliance  against  the  king  returned  to 
Athens  without  success. 

Meanwhile,  the  destructive  Sacred  War  continued,  and 
the  Thebans  were  forced  to  ask  for  the  intervention  of 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  81 

Philip.  It  is  true  that  one  party  of  the  Phokians  invited  the 
Athenians  to  occupy  Thermopylae  ;  but  Phalsekus,  the  gen- 
eral of  the  Phokians,  opposed  this  plan.  Accordingly,  the 
Athenians  understood  that  the  only  course  remaining  was  to 
make  peace  with  Philip  ;  but  they  showed  throughout  the 
negotiations  a  lamentable  want  of  energy.  While  their 
principal  object  should  naturally  have  been  to  prevent  the 
entrance  of  Philip  into  Hellas,  the  affair  was  conducted  in 
a  manner  rendering  his  entrance  absolutely  necessary. 

Athenian  Proposals  of  Peace. 

During  November  of  347  B.  c.  the  Athenians  decided  to 
send  to  Philip  ten  ambassadors  to  make  peace  with  him,  if 
possible.  Among  these  was  Demosthenes.  Aglaokreon  of 
Tenedos  was  also  sent  as  envoy  extraordinary,  representing 
the  allies  of  the  Athenians.  About  the  beginning  of  346 
the  ambassadors  reached  Pella,  where  Philip,  surrounded  by 
his  political  and  military  court,  received  them  with  great 
magnificence.  The  Athenian  envoys  successively  addressed 
him  in  the  order  of  seniority.  Last  of  all  came  Demosthenes, 
the  youngest  of  the  ten,  ^Eschines  being  next  above  him. 
Demosthenes,  who  in  his  early  youth  had  been  easily  discom- 
posed, but  who  by  long  practice  in  the  Athenian  assembly 
had  overcome  this  difficulty,  had  now  before  him  a  different 
audience.  He  stood  in  the  presence  of  the  man  whom  he  had 
so  often  reviled ;  he  saw  him  surrounded  by  all  the  symbols 
of  strength  and  glory,  and  encircled  by  the  Macedonian  gen- 
erals, who,  unlike  Philip,  did  not  try  to  conceal  their  real 
sentiments.  He  began  his  speech,  long  before  laboriously 
prepared  ;  but  soon,  overcome  by  his  feelings,  his  language 
became  more  and  more  confused.  In  vain  did  Philip  try  to 
encourage  the  speaker.  Demosthenes,  discomfited  the  more, 
was  forced  to  stop  short,  and  thus  the  meeting  was  broken  up. 

Shortly  after,  Philip  recalled  the  ambassadors,  and  replied 
to  them  with  such  wonderful  readiness  of  speech  and  pres- 


82  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

ence  of  mind  as  "  to  excite  the  admiration  of  all  the  envoys, 
Demosthenes  among  the  rest."  What  Philip  said  we  do 
not  know.  But  it  appears  that  the  Athenians  claimed  Am- 
phipolis,  for  which,  although  it  was  promised  to  them,  they 
still  continued  waging  war  against  Philip,  so  that  the  prom- 
ise made  could  not  well  be  carried  out.  Again,  that  an 
envoy  on  the  part  of  Athens,  the  losing  party,  should  now 
stand  forward  to  demand  from  a  victorious  enemy  the  very 
place  which  formed  the  original  cause  of  the  war,  and  which 
had  become  far  more  valuable  to  Philip  than  when  he  first 
took  it,  was  a  pretension  altogether  preposterous.*  Philip, 
having  dismissed  them  in  a  friendly  manner,  sent  a  letter  to 
the  people  of  Athens,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  was  eager 
not  only  to  make  peace,  but  also  to  become  an  ally.  At 
the  same  time,  he  decided  to  send  ambassadors  to  Athens  to 
conclude  peace. 

The  ambassadors  of  the  Athenians  returned  home  on  or 
about  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  Elaphebolion  (March), 
346  B.  c.,  and  not  long  after  the  embassy  from  Philip  arrived. 
But,  although  Philip's  letter  was  couched  in  very  courteous 
language,  he  would  grant  no  better  terms  than  that  each  party 
should  retain  what  it  already  held.  The  Athenians,  seeing  no 
hope  of  regaining  their  lost  possessions,  agreed  to  the  peace. 
But  the  question  now  arose  how  to  prevent  Philip  from 
marching  into  Hellas.  Although  the  Athenians  had  lost 
much,  they  had  at  least  saved  their  independence  ;  but  once 
let  Philip  enter  Greece,  and  he  would  rule  over  it  as  su- 
preme. It  has  been  stated  that  the  Thebans  had  called 
Philip  to  assist  them  in  subduing  the  Phokians.  The  Athe- 
nians, therefore,  ought  to  have  found  some  way  to  prevent 
what  they  regarded  as  a  great  misfortune.  But  herein,  in- 
deed, they  showed  great  lack  of  diplomacy.  To  debar  Philip 
from  entering  Hellas,  they  should  have  removed  the  occa- 
sion for  his  entrance,  the  war  between  the  Phokians  and  The- 

*  Grote,  vol.  xi,  part  ii,  chap.  Ixxxix. 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  83 

bans,  and  thus  have  rendered  useless  the  appeal  made  to  him 
by  the  latter.  This  would  not  have  been  difficult.  Both 
combatants  were  wearied  and  exhausted.  The  Athenians 
should,  no  matter  at  what  sacrifice,  have  put  an  end  to  this 
internal  war  ;  but  hoping  that,  since  peace  had  been  de- 
clared between  themselves  and  the  king,  he  would  not  ac- 
cept the  appeal  of  the  Thebans,  they  took  no  active  mea- 
sures for  the  suppression  of  the  war.  The  hope  was  ground- 
less. So  long  as  the  Sacred  War  continued,  the  king  was 
not  foolish  enough  to  abandon  the  execution  of  his  most 
earnest  desire,  that  of  obtaining  a  foothold  in  Hellas.  He 
even  refused,  under  any  circumstances,  to  have  the  Phokians 
included  in  the  treaty,  and  the  Athenians  were  obliged  to 
conclude  it  without  them. 

Thus  peace  was  declared  at  Athens  in  March,  346  B.  c., 
on  the  basis  that  both  parties  should  retain  their  present 
possessions.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Athenians  then  went 
to  Philip,  to  receive  his  oath  for  the  maintenance  of  the  con- 
ditions agreed  upon. 

Meanwhile,  Philip  continued  to  enlarge  his  possessions  in 
Thrace.  According  to  agreement,  he  should  have  returned 
all  the  territory  obtained  after  the  treaty,  and  it  was  thus  the 
imperative  duty  of  the  ambassadors  to  proceed  with  all  pos- 
sible speed  to  Philip.  But,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  instead 
of  hastening  to  Thrace,  they  delayed  their  departure  from 
Athens  for  many  days,  and  then  proceeded  slowly  to  Mace- 
donia. At  Pella  they  awaited  in  idleness  the  return  of 
Philip,  which  did  not  take  place  until  fifty  days  after  the 
commencement  of  their  journey.  Finally,  the  ambassadors, 
after  so  long  a  delay  of  their  own  making,  found  themselves 
in  the  presence  of  Philip.  There  were  also  assembled  the 
envoys  of  many  other  Hellenic  states — Thebes,  Sparta,  Eu- 
boea,  and  Phokis — all  imbued  with  the  belief  that  the  future 
of  Hellas  depended  upon  the  Macedonian  king.  They  also 
saw  him  surrounded  by  a  numerous  and  victorious  army,  just 


84  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

returned  from  Thrace  and  ready  to  attempt  any  new  expe- 
dition. 

The  Athenian  ambassadors  were  divided  in  their  opinion 
as  to  what  should  be  done.  Demosthenes  maintained  that 
they  ought  to  demand  the  surrender  of  all  that  Philip  had 
obtained  since  the  oaths  of  his  representatives.  ^Eschines 
thought  that,  since  Philip  was  about  to  enter  Hellas,  their 
first  consideration  should  be  the  welfare  of  the  Phokians. 
The  question  was  a  serious  one,  and  after  a  long  deliberation 
the  ambassadors  failed  to  agree.  At  last  they  decided  that 
each  should  say  to  Philip  what  he  thought  best,  and  that  the 
youngest  should  speak  first.  Philip  took  advantage  of  this 
dispute  to  prolong  the  discussion  and  to  increase  the  dissen- 
sion. In  the  mean  time  he  advanced  from  Pella  into  Thes- 
saly,  followed  by  all  the  ambassadors,  whom  he  treated 
equally  well.  On  reaching  Pherae  the  representatives  of  the 
Athenians  finally  accepted  his  oath,  from  which,  as  has  been 
said,  the  Phokians  were  declared  excluded. 

The  events  which  took  place  at  Athens  on  their  return 
show  that  the  frequent  allegations  of  Demosthenes  concern- 
ing the  treason  of  his  fellow  ambassadors,  and  the  treacherous 
promises  of  Philip,  are,  to  say  the  least,  exaggerated.  The 
senate,  of  which  Demosthenes  was  that  year  a  member,  ap- 
peared well  disposed  toward  him.  Although  the  protest  of 
the  orator  against  the  conduct  of  his  fellow  ambassadors  was 
not  openly  accepted,  yet  neither  did  the  senate  commend  the 
ambassadors  for  their  work,  nor  did  it  invite  them  to  a  ban- 
quet in  the  Prytaneiura — an  insult  which  Demosthenes  char- 
acterizes as  without  precedent.  The  senate  also  voted  that 
fifty  triremes  should  be  fitted  out  at  once,  for  use  in  any 
emergency.  But  this  resolution  was  not  confirmed  by  the 
assembly  of  the  people.  This  body,  having  heard  ^Eschines, 
not  only  approved  of  the  peace  concluded,  but  added  that, 
unless  the  Phokians  should  yield  possession  of  the  Delphian 
temple  to  the  Amphiktyons,  the  people  of  Athens  would 


THE  PHOKIAN  AND  OLYNTHIAN  WARS.  85 

compel  them  to  do  so  by  armed  intervention.  More  com- 
plete satisfaction  could  not  have  been  given  to  the  fellow 
ambassadors  of  Demosthenes. 

End  of  the  PhoTcian  War. 

Philip  continued  his  march  to  the  south,  and  soon  reached 
Thessaly.  There  Phalaekus,  the  general  of  the  Phokians, 
was  stationed  with  an  army  of  eight  to  ten  thousand  hop- 
lites  and  one  thousand  horsemen.  Archidamus,  king  of 
Sparta,  had  also  come  to  his  assistance  with  one  thousand 
Lacedaemonians.  This  force  was  amply  sufficient  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  Philip,  especially  if  the  Athenians  had  given 
aid  by  sea.  But  the  common  opinion  of  Hellas  was  hostile 
to  the  sacrilegious  Phokians,  and  well  disposed  toward  the 
coming  reorganizer  of  the  temple.  The  Thebans  threatened 
the  army  at  Thermopylae  from  the  rear,  and,  the  Athenians 
having  declared  themselves  against  the  Phokians,  Archi- 
damus deemed  it  wise  to  retreat  before  the  arrival  of  Philip, 
while  Phalaekus  surrendered  his  position  to  the  king,  and 
himself  departed  under  truce  to  the  Peloponnesus. 

Philip  immediately  called  together  the  Amphiktyonic 
Council,  which  had  not  assembled  for  ten  years — since  the 
seizure  of  the  temple  by  Philomelus.  The  Amphiktyons 
deprived  the  Phokians  of  their  two  votes  and  gave  them  to 
Philip,  and  also  permitted  him  to  lead  henceforth  the  Pythian 
games  in  common  with  the  Boeotians  and  Thessalians.  The 
Amphiktyons  also  decided  that  all  the  cities  of  Phokis, 
twenty-two  in  number,  except  Abas,  whose  inhabitants  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  sacrilege,  should  be  turned  into  hamlets, 
their  walls  being  destroyed  ;  and  that  each  hamlet  should 
have  no  more  than  fifty  houses,  with  a  minimum  distance  of 
a  furlong  between  the  hamlets.  They  also  decreed  that  as 
many  of  the  Phokians  as  had  shared  in  the  sacrilege  should 
be  excommunicated,  and  that  the  rest  should  occupy  their 
country,  with  the  exception  of  a  certain  portion  of  the  fron- 


86  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

tier  transferred  to  the  Thebans,  but  with  the  proviso  that 
they  should  pay  annually  to  the  temple  a  tribute  of  fifty 
talents,  until  the  plundered  treasures  should  all  be  made 
good. 


CHAPTER  III. 

LAST    DAYS     OF     PHILIP. 

Preparations  for  the  Asiatic  Expedition. 

THE  succeeding  events  down  to  the  battle  of  Choeroneia 
and  the  assembly  at  Corinth,  related  in  the  preceding  part, 
are  unimportant.  In  337  B.  c.  Philip  succeeded  in  the  ob- 
ject which  he  had  so  long  pursued,  that  of  being  proclaimed 
hegemon  of  Hellas  in  an  expedition  against  Asia.  The  mi- 
nute details  of  these  events  would  also  show  the  same  zeal 
among  the  Athenians  for  opposing  the  influence  of  Philip, 
the  same  negligence  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  design, 
and  the  same  inevitable  failure  ;  in  Philip,  the  same  tenacity 
of  purpose,  the  same  tact  in  the  execution  of  his  plans,  and 
the  same  final  success.  The  future  of  Hellas  was  decided 
from  the  very  day  that  Philip  first  set  foot  upon  her  soil. 
All  the  subsequent  events,  up  to  the  battle  of  Chaeroneia  and 
the  assembly  at  Corinth,  were  the  unavoidable  results  of 
Philip's  entrance  into  Hellas. 

The  king  returned  home  from  Corinth  in  337  B.  c.,  and 
made  so  many  preparations  for  his  intended  expedition  into 
Asia  that  he  exhausted  his  accumulated  treasures.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  engaged  in  military  operations,  and  fought 
a  severe  battle  against  the  Illyrian  king  Pleurias.  In  the 
spring  of  336  he  sent  to  Asia  a  portion  of  the  Macedonian 
army  under  Parmenio  and  Attalus,  to  begin  hostilities  at 
once,  until  he  himself  should  assume  the  command  of  the 
expedition. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  PHILIP.  87 

Assassination  of  Philip. 

But  Philip  was  not  fated  to  carry  out  that  great  under- 
taking. His  nature  was  extremely  passionate  and  excitable. 
Besides  Olympias,  he  had  successively  taken  several  other 
wives,  the  last  of  whom,  Kleopatra,  niece  of  the  Macedonian 
Attalus,  persuaded  him  to  send  away  Olympias,  who  is  said 
to  have  possessed  an  irritable  temperament.  Olympias  went 
to  her  brother  in  Epirus,  and  a  dispute  arose  between  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  two  queens,  which  was  increased  by  the  wrath 
of  Alexander,  son  of  Philip  and  Olympias,  who  expressed  a 
strong  resentment  at  the  repudiation  of  his  mother.  How 
terrific  were  the  passions  aroused  in  the  court  of  Philip  is 
evident  from  an  occurrence  at  the  banquet  which  took  place 
on  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  with  Kleopatra.  In  the 
drunkenness  of  the  symposium,  Attalus  proposed  a  toast  and 
prayer  that  a  genuine  successor  might  be  born  to  Philip  and 
Kleopatra.  Alexander,  enraged  at  this,  exclaimed,  "  Do  you 
then  proclaim  me  as  illegitimate  ?  "  at  the  same  time  hurling 
a  goblet  at  him.  Philip  rushed  upon  his  son,  sword  in  hand  ; 
but,  blinded  by  rage  and  wine,  he  fell,  and  thus  Alexander 
was  saved  from  an  untimely  death. 

After  this,  father  and  son  were  separated.  Alexander  ac- 
companied his  mother  to  Epirus,  and  then  went  himself  to 
the  king  of  the  Illyrians.  Some  months  afterward  Philip  re- 
called him,  but  another  cause  of  dispute  arose  between  them. 
This  was  the  more  unfortunate,  since  the  expedition  against 
Asia  had  already  begun,  and  Philip,  preparing  to  depart  from 
Macedonia,  justly  feared  lest  Olympias  might  persuade  her 
brother  Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  to  overturn  the  present 
state  of  things  during  his  absence.  He  deemed  it  therefore 
wise  to  ally  himself  with  that  king  by  a  stronger  link,  and 
to  this  end  he  gave  him  in  marriage  Kleopatra,  his  daughter 
by  Olympias.  At  the  celebration  of  the  nuptials  in  August, 
336,  many  costly  and  splendid  entertainments  were  given. 


88  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

Philip  wished  on  this  occasion  to  celebrate  the  birthday  of 
the  son  born  to  him  by  Kleopatra,  and  hoped  that  by  flatter- 
ing both  parties  he  would  put  an  end  to  the  dissensions.  But 
the  savage  passions  which  were  probably  excited  to  a  great 
degree  by  his  own  fiery  nature  were  not  easily  to  be  sub- 
dued. 

Among  the  body-guard  of  the  king  was  Pausanias,  a 
noble  young  man,  who  had  once  been  insulted  by  Attalus, 
the  uncle  of  Kleopatra,  and,  not  receiving  justice  at  the 
hands  of  Philip,  had  resolved  to  murder  him.  He  was  urged 
to  this  act  by  the  implacable  enemies  of  Attalus  and  Kleo- 
patra, and  probably  by  Olympias  herself,  since  she  openly 
rejoiced  at  the  result.  The  charge  that  Alexander  connived 
at  this  murder  is  wholly  without  foundation.  Philip,  who 
knew  nothing  of  the  plot,  walked  radiant  and  untroubled 
toward  the  theatre,  already  crowded  with  spectators,  when, 
on  approaching  the  door,  he  was  suddenly  assassinated  by 
Pausanias.  The  murderer  at  once  sought  to  escape,  but  was 
seized  and  killed  by  Leonnatus  and  Perdikkas. 

Philips  Position  in  History. 

Thus  died  Philip,  at  the  age  of  forty-seven,  after  a  reign 
of  twenty-three  years.  Concerning  his  manner  of  ruling  and 
life,  most  antagonistic  opinions  have  been  advanced.  That 
Philip  was  unrestrained  in  his  passions,  is  evident  from  ac- 
counts well  authenticated.  Other  facts  justify  the  conclu- 
sion that  he  possessed  that  inspiration  which  we  may  term 
"genius,"  together  with  much  refinement  and  nobility  of 
sentiment.  The  king  who  gave  to  his  son  Aristotle  for  a 
teacher  knew  certainly  how  to  judge  and  esteem  the  grandeur 
of  intellectual  superiority.  The  king  who  so  much  loved  and 
admired  Hellenic  art  and  philosophy  had  certainly  a  con- 
sciousness of  the  beauty  and  loftiness  of  those  works  which 
still  stand  unequaled.  The  king  who  was  frequently  in  a 
position  to  attack  the  city  of  Athens  and  inflict  the  severest 


LAST  DAYS  OP  PHILIP.  89 

blows,  yet  always  spared  her  and  returned  her  captives 
without  ransom,  gave  certainly  conclusive  evidence  of  his 
veneration  and  respect  for  the  descendants  of  those  men  in 
whom  is  centered  the  imperishable  renown  of  Hellenic  civil- 
ization. 

The  life  of  Philip  presents  us  with  a  picture  of  one  of 
the  greatest  men  in  Hellenic  history.  When  he  ascended 
the  throne,  the  Macedonian  kingdom  was  a  narrow  territory 
around  Pella,  separated  from  the  neighboring  sea- coast  by 
many  autonomous  Hellenic  cities.  When  he  died,  his  king- 
dom extended  from  the  Propontis  to  the  Ionian  Sea  and  the 
Ambrakiot,  Messenian,  and  Saronic  gulfs.  All  the  cities 
within  these  limits  had  recognized  the  dominion  of  the.  king ; 
and  only  Sparta  and  a  few  mountaineers  like  the  -^Etolians, 
who  by  the  roughness  of  their  country  were  enabled  to 
preserve  their  liberty,  were  hardy  enough  to  dispute  his 
claims. 

If  Philip,  whom  Grote  calls  "  the  destroyer  of  freedom 
and  independence  in  the  Hellenic  world,"  had  sought  simply 
to  rule  Hellas,  he  would  have  no  title  to  our  admiration. 
But  he  was  not  one  of  those  common  conquerors  so  often 
mentioned  in  history.  Many  ancient  and  a  few  modern 
critics  do  not  accept  this  view,  regarding  him  rather  as  a 
tyrant  and  the  cause  of  countless  misfortunes  to  Hellas. 
This  opinion  is  so  hostile  to  fact,  that  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  it  can  prevail  in  our  time.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  the  ancients  believed  it,  because  many  of  the  writers  of 
the  epoch  did  not  survive  to  see  the  great  diffusion  of  civiliza- 
tion in  Asia,  and  thus  did  not  understand  the  near  or  distant 
results  of  the  work.  But  that  modern  historians,  having 
before  their  very  eyes  the  Hellenism  existing  in  historic 
Christianity,  and  the  grand  results  which  had  so  important 
a  bearing  on  the  fortunes  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  should  still 
hold  the  view  of  the  subjection  of  Hellas  and  the  overthrow 
of  Hellenism  by  Philip,  seems  incomprehensible. 
25 


90  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

To  confine  ourselves,  for  instance,  to  Grote,  the  most 
prominent  of  modern  historians,  we  find  that  he  does  not  hesi- 
tate to  compare  the  relations  of  Philip  and  Alexander  to  Hel- 
las with  those  that  existed  between  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
and  the  German  contingents,  especially  those  of  the  Confed- 
eration of  the  Rhine.  As  the  Germans,  he  says,  who  had  no 
public  interest  in  the  victory  of  the  invader,  were  neverthe- 
less compelled  to  serve  him,  so  the  Greeks  were  made  to 
serve  under  Philip  and  Alexander.  But  did  the  great  his- 
torian really  mean  this  ?  The  Germans  certainly  had  no  in- 
terest whatever  in  the  subjugation  of  Spain,  nor  in  that  dis- 
astrous invasion  of  Russia  in  1812.  But  is  it  true  that  the 
Hellenes  were  compelled  by  the  Macedonian  kings  to  march 
against  Asia,  though  prompted  by  no  inclination  and  actu- 
ated by  no  national,  political,  or  social  interest  ?  Was  not 
the  conquest  of  Asia,  from  the  heroic  times  downward,  the 
one  unfading  dream  of  Hellenic  nationality  ?  Was  not  this 
the  theme  of  their  most  ancient  epic  production  ?  Did  not 
Kimon  for  this  very  purpose  erect  his  trophies  at  Eurymedon 
and  Knidus  ?  Did  not  tho  elder  Thucydides  counsel  the 
same  thing  ?  Did  not  Agesilaus  make  the  attempt  ?  Did 
not  the  Athenian  Isokrates  constantly  advise  Philip  to  this 
course  ?  And  finally,  did  he  not  organize  the  expedition  as 
the  leader  elected  by  the  Hellenic  nation  for  this  very  pur- 
pose ?  The  idea  of  the  conquest  of  Asia,  therefore,  was 
from  the  first  entirely  Hellenic,  though  its  realization  was 
due  to  Philip  and  Alexander.  The  conquest  of  Spain  and 
Russia  was  wholly  foreign  to  the  interests  of  the  Germanic 
nation,  which  was  forced  to  cooperate  in  its  achievement. 
But  Hellas  first  of  all  sought  to  free  the  Hellenic  cities  of 
Asia  from  the  yoke  of  the  barbarians.  Again,  the  number- 
less cities  which  Alexander  and  his  successors  established 
were  colonized  by  Hellenes ;  were  organized  after  the  Hel- 
lenic political  laws  ;  were  adorned  by  Hellenic  artists  ;  were 
governed  by  Hellenic  generals ;  and  produced  Hellenic  phi- 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  91 

losophers,  astronomers,  geographers,  grammarians,  and  ora- 
tors, who  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  immortalize  the  name 
of  the  Hellenic  people. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ALEXANDER     THE     GREAT. 

Consolidation  of  his  Power. 

ALEXANDER  was  born  in  July,  356  B.  c.  His  principal 
teachers  were  Leonidas,  a  kinsman  of  Olympias,  and  an  Akar- 
nanian  named  Lysimachus.  One  of  the  first  books  that  he 
read  was  the  Iliad,  to  which  he  became  devotedly  attached, 
and  a  copy  of  which,  corrected,  as  it  is  said,  by  Aristotle,  he 
carried  with  him  in  his  military  campaigns. 

At  the  age  of  thirteen  his  education  was  intrusted  to 
Aristotle.  Unfortunately,  we  do  not  definitely  know  what 
studies  were  taken  up  by  Alexander.  It  is  certain  that  for 
at  least  three  years  he  continued  with  that  teacher,  to  whom 
he  became  much  attached.  It  is  also  known  that  he  acquired 
great  familiarity  with  the  Hellenic  tongue,  and  that  in  the 
midst  of  the  constant  wars  and  dangers  of  his  Asiatic  expe- 
ditions he  never  ceased  to  be  delighted  with  the  study  of 
Hellenic  philosophy  and  poetry. 

At  what  age  he  began  to  take  part  in  public  affairs  is  not 
known.  It  is  related  that  while  still  very  young,  during  the 
absence  of  his  father,  he  received  the  Persian  ambassadors, 
and  astonished  them  with  the  ease  of  his  manners  and  the 
depth  of  his  questions.  In  340  B.  c.  Philip  marched  against 
Byzantium  and  Perinthus,  and  Alexander,  though  only  six- 
teen years  old,  was  left  in  charge  of  affairs  in  Macedonia. 
At  that  time  he  subdued  a  rebellion  in  a  neighboring  Thra- 


92  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

cian  tribe,  took  one  of  its  towns,  and  founded  it  anew 
under  the  title  of  Alexandria.  Two  years  later,  in  338,  he 
advanced  with  his  father  against  Hellas,  commanded  under 
him  at  Chseroneia,  and  contributed  to  the  victory  by  destroy- 
ing the  Sacred  Band  of  the  Thebans. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  disputes  between  father  and 
son,  Philip  knew  well  the  ability  of  Alexander,  and  with 
perfect  confidence  intrusted  to  him  the  most  serious  affairs. 

After  the  murder  of  Philip,  Alexander  was  surrounded 
with  imminent  dangers.  Having  buried  his  father  with 
great  magnificence,  he  instituted  a  strict  inquisition  for  the 
punishment  of  all  the  guilty,  and  actually  put  many  of  them 
to  death.  There  had  prevailed  in  Macedonia  so  much  an- 
archy that  almost  all  the  kings  were  compelled  to  secure  the 
throne  by  measures  of  severity.  Alexander,  knowing  that 
all  the  subject  nations  were  ready  to  revolt,  and  that  Hellas 
itself  was  much  disturbed,  deemed  it  imperative  to  rid  him- 
self of  every  internal  opponent  before  putting  into  execution 
his  plans  of  foreign  conquest. 

When  the  news  of  the  death  of  Philip  was  received  at 
Athens,  there  was  an  outbreak  caused  especially  by  Demos- 
thenes, who  represented  his  death  as  holding  forth  new  hopes 
of  freedom  to  the  city.  He  eulogized  the  deed  of  Pausanias, 
insulted  Alexander  by  calling  him  "  boy "  and  "  Margites  " 
(the  name  of  a  silly  character  in  one  of  the  Homeric  poems), 
and  finally  proposed  that  the  people  should  make  a  sacrificial 
thanksgiving  to  the  gods.  There  was  also  much  disturbance 
in  other  Hellenic  states. 

When  Alexander  was  informed  of  this  crisis  of  affairs,  he 
hastened  to  Hellas  with  a  considerable  army,  within  two 
months  after  the  death  of  his  father ;  thus  giving  evidence 
of  his  wonderful  energy,  and  manifesting  by  deeds  how  much 
Demosthenes  erred  in  insulting  and  despising  him.  The 
Thessalians  received  him  kindly,  and  passed  a  decree  grant- 
ing to  Alexander  the  hegemony  of  Hellas  in  place  of  his 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  93 

father  Philip,  which  decree  was  soon  after  confirmed  by  the 
Amphiktyonic  Council.  Alexander  next  came  to  Thebes, 
and  thence  passed  over  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  into  the 
Peloponnesus,  with  no  opposition.  At  Corinth  he  assembled 
a  common  council  of  the'  Greeks,  which  gave  him,  as  it  had 
done  to  Philip  two  years  before,  the  hegemony  of  the  expe- 
dition against  Asia.  The  Lacedaemonians  alone  stood  aloof, 
refusing  all  concurrence.  Alexander  certainly  could  easily 
have  forced  them  to  succumb,  but  did  not  deem  it  expedient 
to  use  violence  against  that  single  city,  while  all  the  rest 
willingly  acknowledged  his  supremacy. 

Affairs  being  thus  arranged  in  Hellas,  Alexander  in  the 
beginning  of  335  B.  c.  returned  to  Macedonia,  to  complete 
the  preparations  for  his  expedition.  Before  crossing  into 
Asia,  however,  he  deemed  it  wise  to  secure  his  dominion 
against  the  Illyrians,  Thracians,  and  Paeonians,  who,  al- 
though subject  to  Philip,  were  unwilling  to  yield  allegiance 
to  his  successor  until  they  should  see  actual  evidence  of  his 
strength.  In  the  spring  of  335  he  forced  the  passage  of 
Mount  Haemus  (Balkan),  routed  the  strong  tribe  of  the  Tri- 
balli,  reached  in  three  days'  journey  the  shores  of  the  great 
river  Ister  (Danube),  crossed  it,  and  put  to  flight  the  tribes 
of  the  Getae  (chiefly  horsemen  armed  with  bows,  analogous 
to  the  Thracians  in  habits  and  language),  living  on  the  op- 
posite shore.  He  then  recrossed  the  river,  since  his  intention 
was  not  to  extend  his  conquests  in  that  direction,  but  simply 
to  secure  his  dominion  over  Thrace.  So  great  terror  did  his 
achievements  inspire  in  the  neighboring  tribes,  that  many 
hastened  to  send  presents  and  ambassadors  to  Alexander 
in  order  to  secure  his  favor.  After  concluding  peace  with 
such  a  nation,  he  would  again  dash  with  incredible  swiftness 
north,  south,  east,  or  west,  finally  bringing  into  complete 
subjection  every  people  that  appeared  indisposed  to  obey  him. 


94  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

Destruction  of  Tfiebes. 

He  had  hardly  accomplished  these  successes  when,  in 
August,  335,  he  received  news  from  Hellas  that  the  Thebans 
had  revolted,  and  were  besieging  his  garrison  in  the  Kadmeia. 
Nations  lose  their  power  much  more  readily  than  their  cus- 
toms and  rights.  The  Hellenic  communities  still  clung  to 
their  ancient  independence,  and  availed  themselves  of  every 
project  that  might  tend  to  its  restoration.  The  absence  of 
Alexander  lit  up  anew  the  hope  of  independence.  Men  in 
such  circumstances  are  ever  ready  to  believe  that  which  is 
propitious  to  their  wishes,  and  the  report  prevailed  that 
Alexander  had  been  defeated  and  killed.  The  Thebans 
therefore  at  once  revolted,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  the  other 
Hellenic  states,  seeking  assistance  to  overthrow  the  Mace- 
donian dynasty.  But  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  confined  them- 
selves to  promises,-  excepting  the  Arkadians,  who  sent  auxil- 
iaries, who,  however,  did  not  advance  farther  than  the  isth- 
mus. Thus  the  Thebans  were  left  to  their  own  resources, 
and  alone  besieged  the  Macedonian  garrison  in  the  Kadmeia, 
when  suddenly  the  report  fell  upon  their  camp  like  a  thunder- 
bolt that  Alexander  with  his  victorious  army  had  arrived  at 
Onchestus  in  Bceotia.  This  seemed  so  incredible  that  at  first 
the  leaders  of  the  revolution  maintained  that  this  Alexander 
was  another  person  altogether,  and  not  the  son  of  Philip. 

Unfortunately  for  the  Thebans,  the  enemy  now  marching 
against  them  was  that  same  Alexander,  who  three  months 
before  had  defeated  the  barbarians  at  the  river  Ister,  and  who 
within  fifteen  days  had  shattered  near  Lake  Lychnitis  the 
armies  of  Kleitus  and  Glaukias.  The  amazing  rapidity  with 
which,  like  a  mighty  flood,  the  army  had  poured  into  Hellas, 
evinced  the  completeness  of  the  military  organization  of 
Macedonia  and  the  unequaled  energy  of  the  general. 

Alexander  did  not  wish  the  destruction  of  the  Thebans. 
He  declared  a  general  amnesty,  and  promised  to  keep  the 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  95 

agreement  sworn  in  the  preceding  autumn,  on  condition  that 
they  would  surrender  to  him  Phoenix  and  Prochytes,  the 
leaders  of  the  anti-Macedonian  party.  But  the  Thebans  had 
made  up  their  minds  "to  perish  with  the  freedom  of  their 
city."  Compromise  became  impossible,  and  a  fierce  combat 
ensued,  for  the  Thebans  fought  with  desperation  ;  but  the 
city  was  finally  captured.  The  Macedonians,  who  were 
wellnigh  infuriated  over  the  loss  of  five  hundred  of  their  fel- 
low soldiers,  spared  neither  old  men,  women,  nor  children, 
and  six  thousand  were  slaughtered.  .  The  Plataeans,  Phoki- 
ans,  and  the  other  Greeks  who  had  aided  Alexander  in  re- 
ducing the  city,  clamored  now  for  the  complete  extermina- 
tion of  Thebes.  Their  request  was  granted.  Thirty  thou- 
sand captives  were  collected,  all  of  whom  are  said  to  have 
been  sold  into  slavery ;  and  the  city  was  leveled  to  the 
ground,  with  the  exception  of  the  house  of  Pindar  and  the 
Kadmeia,  in  which  a  garrison  was  left. 

Visit  to  Corinth  and  Delphi. 

The  Athenians  were  horrified  at  the  calamity  of  the 
wretched  city.  They  hastened,  however,  to  send  ambassa- 
dors to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  king,  who,  already  repent- 
ing his  severe  punishment  of  the  Thebans,  granted  their  re- 
quest. He  asked  of  them  only  the  banishment  of  Charide- 
mus  and  Ephialtes,  the  two  anti-Macedonian  military  leaders, 
who  passed  into  Asia,  where  they  took  service  under  Darius. 

Affairs  having  been  thus  settled  with  the  Athenians,  that 
city  continued  under  Macedonian  rule.  Without  visiting 
Attica,  Alexander  marched  to  the  isthmus,  where  he  received 
the  representatives  of  the  various  cities,  heard  their  assurances 
of  submission,  and  specified  the  force  that  each  should  send 
during  the  coming  spring  for  his  expedition  to  Asia. 

Then  also  occurred  the  famous  interview  with  Diogenes 
of  Sinope,  who  resided  at  Corinth.  While  so  many  politi- 
cians and  scholarly  men  flocked  thither  to  salute  the  king, 


96  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

that  Cynic  philosopher  alone  took  no  interest  whatever  in  the 
greatness  of  the  man,  and  did  not  even  wish  to  see  him. 
Alexander  therefore  went  to  Diogenes,  who  happened  to  be 
lying  in  the  sun.  Seeing  so  many  men  crowded  about  him, 
he  raised  himself  a  little,  when  Alexander  asked  him  if  he 
needed  anything.  "Only  stand  aside  from  my  sunshine," 
replied  Diogenes.  Those  about  Alexander  laughed  on  hear- 
ing the  answer,  but  the  independent  character  of  the  man  so 
impressed  the  king  that  he  said,  "  If  I  were  not  Alexander, 
I  should  wish  to  be  Diogenes."  * 

He  next  visited  the  temple  at  Delphi,  and,  receiving  a 
propitious  oracle  in  regard  to  his  intended  expedition,  he 
departed  from  Hellas,  which  he  was  never  again  destined  to 
see.  In  the  autumn  of  335  he  returned  to  Pella,  and  oc- 
cupied himself  throughout  the  following  spring  with  his 
preparations.  He  also  instituted  magnificent  sacrifices  to 
the  gods,  and  scenic  contests  in  honor  of  Zeus  and  the  Muses. 

Entry  into  Asia. 

The  Persian  empire,  which  had  been  nearly  paralyzed, 
had  now  recovered,  and  seemed  capable  of  offering  a  stub- 
born resistance.  Artaxerxes  II,  surnamed  Mnemon,  who 
had  killed  his  brother  Cyrus  at  Kunaxa,  died  in  359  B.  c.,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Artaxerxes,  surnamed  Ochus.  The 
latter  was  poisoned  (338  B.  c.)  by  a  satrap  of  high  rank 
named  Bagpas,  who  placed  upon  the  throne  Arses,  one  of  the 
king's  sons,  killing  all  the  rest.  Two  years  later  this  same 
Bagoas  put  to  death  Arses,  together  with  all  his  children, 
and  proclaimed  as  king  Darius  Codomannus,  descended  from 
one  of  the  brothers  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon.  Darius  showed 
himself  in  many  respects  a  man  of  energy  and  action.  His 
rule  was  recognized  throughout  the  empire,  which  was  now 
united  and  could  make  common  cause  against  an  enemy. 

*  Plutarch,  "Alexander." 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  97 

In  the  beginning  of  334  Alexander,  having  completed  his 
preparations,  was  ready  to  pass  into  Asia.  He  appointed 
Antipater,  one  of  the  oldest  and  ablest  officers  of  Philip,  to 
act  as  viceroy  of  Macedonia.  An  army  of  twelve  thousand 
infantry  and  fifteen  hundred  cavalry  was  left  with  him,  to 
quell  disturbances  and  oppose  any  attack  of  the  Persian  fleet. 

Alexander  led  the  army  intended  for  Asia  from  Pella  into 
Amphipolis,  crossed  the  river  Strymon,  and  continued  his 
march  through  Thrace  until  he  reached  Sestos.  Here  he 
found  his  fleet,  which  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  sixty 
triremes,  many  transport-vessels,  and  other  ships,  sent  by  the 
various  Hellenic  cities,  and  especially  by  Athens.  The  pas- 
sage from  Sestos  in  Europe  to  Abydos  in  Asia  was  accom- 
plished without  accident,  and  was  under  the  surveillance  of 
Parmenio,  as  Alexander  had  gone  to  the  landing-place  near 
Ilium  called  the  harbor  of  the  Achseans,  in  order  to  make 
sacrifice  to  the  prominent  heroes  of  the  Trojan  war.  He 
visited  the  tomb  of  Achilles,  and  is  said  to  have  exclaimed, 
"  O  fortunate  hero,  who  while  living  didst  obtain  so  faithful 
a  friend,  and  who  in  death  hast  found  so  grand  a  herald  of 
thy  achievements  ! "  As  a  lasting  memorial  of  his  passage, 
Alexander  erected  somewhere  on  the  point  of  Europe  which 
his  army  had  quitted,  and  on  that  of  Asia  where  it  landed, 
altars  in  honor  of  Zeus,  Athene,  and  Herakles. 


CHAPTER  V. 

BATTLES    OF   GEANIKUS  AND  ISSUS. 

The  Opposing  Armies. 

THE  Macedonian  army  was  composed  of  30,000  infantry 
and  4,500  cavalry.  The  phalanx  and  hypaspists  consisted  of 
12,000  men,  the  allied  infantry  of  7,000,  and  the  mercenaries 


98  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

of  5,000,  all  under  command  of  Parmenio.  In  addition  there 
were  6,000  light-armed  barbarians.  Next  came  the  heavy 
Macedonian  and  Thessalian  cavalry  (the  former  under  com- 
mand of  Philotas,  son  of  Parmenio,  and  the  latter  under 
Kallas,  son  of  Harpalus),  each  numbering  1,500,  and  the 
light-armed  Hellenic,  under  Erigyius,  to  the  number  of  600, 
as  well  as  900  light  Thracian  and  Pseonian  horse,  under  Kas- 
sander.  This  is  nearly  the  exact  force  of  Alexander ;  for, 
although  other  numbers  are  mentioned,  even  the  highest 
statements  do  not  give  more  than  43,000  infantry  and  5,500 
cavalry.  The  king  had  with  him  also  an  effective  train  of 
projectile  machines  and  engines  for  battles  and  sieges. 

From  the  outset  Alexander's  resources  both  in  men  and 
money  seemed  ill  adapted  for  the  undertaking.  His  treasury 
was  nearly  empty,  containing  not  more  than  seventy  talents, 
while  some  affirm  that  he  had  no  more  than  would  maintain 
his  forces  one  month.  He  succeeded  in  completing  his  prep- 
arations only  by  borrowing  eight  hundred  talents,  which 
added  to  the  five  hundred  that  Philip  had  previously  bor- 
rowed swelled  the  public  debt  of  Macedonia  to  eight  mil- 
lions of  ancient  drachmte,  or  fifty  millions  of  modern.  Thus 
the  means  with  which  Alexander  sought  the  conquest  of  Asia 
appear  insignificant  when  we  bear  in  mind  the  army  which 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  Xerxes  led  against  Hel- 
las. But  poverty  was  perhaps  the  mainspring  of  victory,  as 
Alexander  himself  had  shown.  It  is  said  that  when  about  to 
sail  from  Europe  he  distributed  to  his  friends  almost  all  the 
estates  of  the  crown.  Perdikkas,  one  of  his  most  prominent 
generals,  asked  him,  "  What  do  you  leave  for  yourself,  O 
king  ?  "  to  which  he  replied,  "  Hope." 

But  the  greatest  source  of  power  to  the  Hellenic  army 
was  the  military  genius  of  its  commander.  Many  deny  to 
him  the  ability  of  a  statesman,  while  acknowledging  that  as 
a  warrior  he  never  had  an  equal.  His  daring  was  such  that 
many  called  it  rashness  ;  his  indefatigable  energy  and  his 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  99 

endurance  of  toil  and  hardship  seemed  to  surpass  the  mea- 
sure of  human  strength.  Such  virtues  in  a  king,  since  they 
act  powerfully  on  the  multitude  about  him,  are  often  in  them- 
selves sufficient  to  accomplish  the  most  glorious  achievements. 
But  Alexander  was  not  only  a  born  soldier,  he  was  also  a 
most  accomplished  general.  His  military  plans,  his  surpass- 
ing skill  in  using  his  heterogeneous  forces  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  projects,  his  constant  foresight,  his  broad 
military  conceptions,  that  superhuman  power  with  which  he 
ever  mastered  incessant  difficulties,  the  quickness  of  his 
movements  in  every  country  and  on  every  occasion,  pro- 
claim him  the  greatest  not  only  of  ancient  generals,  but  the 
greatest  of  all  commanders.  Such  a  hegemon  was  certainly 
equal  to  many  armies.  Such  was  his  greatness  that  it  has 
never  found  a  historian  equal  to  the  task  of  representing  it. 
Not  only  his  contemporaries,  but  even  modern  authorities 
and  whole  nations,  have  deemed  Alexander  the  possessor  of  a 
superhuman  nature,  whose  achievements  really  overstep  the 
limits  of  speech  and  art.  This  is  the  reason  why  he  has 
never  been  delineated  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  deeds.  Nor 
is  it  difficult  to  understand  how  the  Macedonian  army,  though 
small,  was  persuaded  that  it  could  accomplish  all  things. 
In  fact,  it  dared  and  performed  actions  such  as  were  never 
before  achieved. 

The  first  and  fatal  mistake  of  the  Persians  was  in  not 
opposing  the  passage  of  Alexander  into  Asia.  Had  their 
fleet,  which  was  more  powerful  than  the  Hellenic,  been  con- 
centrated in  the  Hellespont,  they  perhaps  would  have  averted 
the  threatened  danger.  But  another  and  equally  unpardon- 
able blunder  was  committed.  When  Alexander  landed  in 
Asia,  a  large  Persian  force  was  assembled  near  Zeleia  in 
Hellespontine  Phrygia,  commanded  by  distinguished  Persian 
officers,  and  composed,  as  reported  by  Arrian,  of  20,000 
horse  and  20,000  infantry,  among  which  latter  were  many 
Greek  mercenaries.  Diodorus  estimates  the  Persian  force 


100  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

at  10,000  cavalry  and  100,000  infantry,  while  Justin  places 
it  as  high  as  600,000.  The  numbers  of  Arrian  are,  as  Grote 
remarks,  the  more  credible  ;  in  those  of  Diodorus  the  total 
of  infantry  is  certainly  much  above  the  truth — that  of  cav- 
alry probably  below  it.  Memnon  the  Rhodian  was  with  this 
army,  and  he  endeavored  to  persuade  the  Persians  not  to  risk 
an  open  battle,  but  to  retreat  into  the  interior,  laying  waste 
the  land,  and  if  necessary  destroying  even  the  towns  them- 
selves, thus  raising  difficulties  for  the  invader ;  and  at  the 
same  time  to  transfer  the  war  into  Europe,  by  landing  there 
a  large  Persian  force  to  attack  Alexander  in  his  own  coun- 
try, and  to  encourage  active  hostility  against  him  on  the 
part  of  the  Greeks  and  other  neighbors.  The  ignorance, 
haughtiness,  and  selfishness  of  the  Persian  officers  rendered 
this  plan  futile.  Rejecting  Memnon's  advice,  they  decided 
to  await  Alexander  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Granikus. 

The  Battle  at  the  Granikus, 

This  rivulet,  which  is  mentioned  in  the  Iliad  and  immor- 
talized by  the  battle  fought  on  its  banks,  takes  its  rise  from 
one  of  the  heights  of  Mount  Ida  near  Skepsis,  and  flows 
northward  into  the  Propontis.*  It  is  not  deep,  and  was  ford- 
able  at  many  points  where  the  Persians  were  encamped.  But 
its  right  shore,  upon  which  the  Greeks  wished  to  debouch, 
was  high  and  craggy ;  hence  the  crossing  was  not  easy. 
The  Persians  occupied  the  eastern  side  of  the  Granikus,  near 
Adrasteia,  a  Hellenic  city,  situated  between  Priapus  and  Pa- 
rium,  also  Greek  cities. 

Alexander,  starting  from  Arisbe,  where  for  the  last  time 
he  had  reviewed  his  army,  came  on  the  fourth  day  to  the 
Granikus,  in  careful  order,  with  his  main  phalanx  in  double 
file,  his  cavalry  on  each  wing,  and  the  baggage  in  the  rear. 
Reaching  the  river,  he  at  once  drew  up  his  army  in  battle 
array.  Pannenio  had  advised  that  the  battle  should  be  post- 

*  Strabo. 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  101 

poned  until  the  next  day  ;  but  the  king,  knowing,  like  Mem- 
non,  that  he  had  all  the  chances  in  a  pitched  battle  in  his 
favor,  resolved  not  to  give  the  Persians  an  opportunity  of 
retreating  during  the  night. 

Alexander  stationed  in  the  midst  of  his  array  six  taxeis 
or  divisions  of  his  phalanx,  which  were  commanded  (reck- 
oning from  right  to  left)  by  Perdikkas,  Koenus,  Amyntas, 
Philippus,  Meleager,  and  Kraterus.  Immediately  on  the 
right  of  the  phalanx  were  stationed  the  hypaspists,  under 
Nikanor,  son  of  Parmenio  ;  then  the  sarissophori  (the 
light-horse  or  lancers),  the  Pseonians,  and  the  Apolloniate 
squadron  of  Companion-cavalry,  commanded  by  the  Ilarch 
Sokrates,  all  under  Amyntas,  son  of  Arrhibaeus  ;  lastly,  the 
body  of  the  Hetaeri  or  Companion-cavalry,  the  bowmen, 
and  the  Agrianian  darters,  all  under  Philotas,  son  of  Parme- 
nio, his  division  forming  the  extreme  right.  The  left  of  the 
phalanx  was  also  strengthened  by  three  divisions  of  cavalry  : 
first,  the  Thracians,  under  Agathon  ;  next,  the  cavalry  of  the 
allies,  under  Philippus,  son  of  Menelaus ;  lastly,  the  Thes- 
salian  cavalry,  under  Kallas,  whose  division  formed  the  ex- 
treme left.  Alexander  himself  assumed  the  command  of  the 
right  wing,  and  committed  that  of  the  left  to  Parmenio. 

On  the  opposite  shore  of  the  Granikus  was  drawn  up  the 
Persian  cavalry  :  the  Medes  and  Baktrians  on  the  right,  un- 
der Rheomithres  ;  the  Paphlagonians  and  Hyrkanians  in  the 
center,  under  Arsites  and  Spithridates  ;  while  on  the  left 
were  Memnon  and  Arsamenes  with  their  divisions.  The  in- 
fantry, both  Persian  and  Hellenic,  was  stationed  a  short  dis- 
tance in  the  rear  as  a  reserve  guard,  since  the  enemy  wished 
to  oppose  their  horse  to  the  passage  of  Alexander. 

Drawn  up  in  this  way,  the  two  armies  stood  in  silence 
facing  each  other.  Since  at  that  day  neither  fire  nor  smoke 
disturbed  or  darkened  the  objects  between  the  opponents, 
each  from  his  respective  position  could  see  distinctly  the 
movements  taking  place  in  the  opposite  line.  The  Persians, 


102  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

accordingly,  easily  distinguished  Alexander  on  the  right  of 
the  Macedonian  army,  both  by  the  splendor  of  his  equipment 
and  the  respect  shown  to  him  by  all.  Hence  the  most  emi- 
nent of  the  Persian  generals  hastened  to  their  own  left,  which 
they  strengthened  by  the  best  of  their  cavalry,  in  order  to 
oppose  him  personally.  Alexander,  having  encouraged  his 
army  with  a  few  words,  ordered  them  to  advance.  First 
came  the  squadron  of  Companion-cavalry,  commanded  on  this 
day  by  Ptolemy,  son  of  Philippus,  closely  followed  by  the 
light-horse  or  lancers,  the  Pseonian  darters  (infantry),  and  one 
division  of  regularly  armed  infantry,  seemingly  hypaspists. 
Next  Alexander  himself  led  the  right  wing  into  the  river, 
and  immediately  Parmenio  hurried  on  with  the  left.  The 
foremost  body,  under  Ptolemy  and  Amyntas,  had  already 
met  with  a  strong  resistance.  The  Macedonians  fought  with 
all  the  might  of  desperation  to  cut  a  passage  through  the 
Persian  cavalry,  but  without  success.  Fighting  from  below, 
upon  unfavorable  ground,  against  the  best  of  the  Persian 
cavalry,  the  van  was  repulsed  with  loss,  and  wheeled  toward 
the  main  body  led  by  Alexander.  On  the  king's  approach 
to  the  shore  the  contest  was  renewed  with  greater  fierceness. 
Alexander  dashed  forward  in  the  face  of  the  enemy's  arrows, 
in  spite  of  the  steep  banks  lined  with  cavalry,  and  of  the 
rapidity  of  the  river,  which  often  bore  him  down  or  covered 
him  with  its  waves.  The  battle,  though  a  conflict  on  horse- 
back, resembled  rather  an  infantry  combat,  because  the  men 
fought  horse  to  horse  and  face  to  face,  the  Macedonians 
striving  to  drive  the  Persians  back  into  the  plain,  and  the 
Persians  straining  every  nerve  to  prevent  their  landing. 
Finally  Alexander  reached  the  bank,  owing  his  success  prin- 
cipally to  the  long  Macedonian  spear,  which  was  much  more 
effective  than  the  short  Persian  palton  or  missile  javelin. 

The  combat  was  now  transferred  from  the  river  to  the 
adjacent  plain.  Here  Alexander  placed  himself  among  the 
foremost.  His  pike  was  shattered,  and  turning  to  Aretis, 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  103 

one  of  his  mounted  body-guard,  he  asked  for  another.  The 
latter  held  up  his  half-broken  weapon,  but  at  this  instant 
the  Corinthian  Demaratus,  one  of  the  Companion-cavalry 
close  at  hand,  handed  to  the  king  his  own.  Thus  armed 
anew,  Alexander  dashed  again  toward  Mithridates,  son-in- 
law  of  Darius,  who  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  cavalry 
was  coming  directly  against  him.  Laying  Mithridates  dead 
at  his  feet,  he  turned  at  once  upon  another  Persian  leader, 
who  had  struck  him  a  slight  blow  on  the  helmet,  and  pierced 
him  to  the  heart.  But  at  that  very  moment  a  Persian  officer, 
Spithridates,  approaching  in  the  rear,  had  already  raised  his 
arm  and  sword  to  kill  him,  when  Kleitus,  son  of  Dropides — 
one  of  the  old  officers  of  Philip,  high  in  the  Macedonian  ser- 
vice— rushed  forth  and  struck  the  raised  arm,  severing  it  en- 
tirely from  the  body,  and  saving  the  life  of  the  king.  The 
death  of  Spithridates  infuriated  the  Persians  still  further, 
and  all  assailed  Alexander,  who  received  many  blows  upon 
his  armor.  His  friends  at  the  greatest  hazard  rescued  the 
king.  The  ranks  of  the  Persian  cavalry  were  broken,  and 
their  flight  became  general.  Alexander  and  his  officers  did 
not  allow  a  long  pursuit,  because  the  Persian  infantry,  sta- 
tioned behind  the  cavalry,  still  remained  intact,  looking  with- 
out movement,  because  without  orders,  on  the  engagement 
which  had  just  terminated. 

The  king  next  directed  the  phalanx  and  hypaspists  to  at- 
tack the  infantry  in  front,  and  the  cavalry  to  surround  it  on 
all  sides.  The  issue  of  this  latter  engagement  was  not  doubt- 
ful ;  and  although  the  infantry,  composed  to  a  great  extent 
of  Greek  mercenaries,  fought  bravely,  it  was  quickly  over- 
thrown and  mercilessly  butchered.  If  the  statement  of  Arrian 
is  to  be  credited,  out  of  the  twenty  thousand  men  composing 
this  force,  only  two  thousand  escaped  death.  The  loss  of  the 
cavalry  was  relatively  small,  only  one  thousand  having  fallen  ; 
but  many  prominent  Persians  were  slain  while  daringly  ex- 
posing their  lives. 


104  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

This  great  victory  of  Alexander  was  attended  with  but 
slight  loss.  Twenty-five  fell  in  the  first  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  pass  the  river.  In  addition  sixty  of  the  other  cav- 
alry were  slain,  and  thirty  of  the  infantry.  The  number 
of  wounded  is  not  mentioned  ;  but  if  we  suppose  them  ten 
times  as  numerous  as  the  dead,  the  Macedonian  army  lost 
in  all  less  than  thirteen  hundred,  while  of  the  enemy  about 
twenty  thousand  fell. 

Alexander  took  care  of  the  wounded,  visiting  them  in 
person,  consoling  and  praising  them.  On  the  day  following 
he  interred  the  dead  with  great  military  pomp,  and  ordered 
the  burial  of  the  Persian  leaders  and  the  mercenary  Greeks 
who  had  died  fighting  in  behalf  of  the  enemy.  After  this 
-he  provided  for  the  rewards  and  punishments.  Lysippus, 
the  famous  statuary,  then  flourished  in  Hellas,  and  to  him 
alone  would  Alexander  accord  the  honor  of  constructing  his 
statue.  Alexander  ordered  him  to  prepare  twenty-five  brazen 
statues  of  those  who  first  died  in  this  battle,  and  commanded 
that  they  should  be  placed  at  Dium  in  Macedonia.  To  their 
parents  and  children  he  gave  immunity  from  every  tax,  and 
freedom  from  every  personal  service.  He  thought  that  he 
could  not  honor  himself  and  his  victorious  army  more  than 
by  sending  to  Athens  three  hundred  Persian  panoplies,  to 
be  dedicated  to  Athene  in  the  Acropolis,  with  this  inscrip- 
tion :  "  Alexander,  son  of  Philip,  and  the  Hellenes  except 
the  Lacedaemonians,  out  of  the  spoils  of  the  barbarians  in- 
habiting Asia."  He  sent  the  two  thousand  captive  Greeks 
in  chains  to  Macedonia,  to  work  as  slaves,  "  in  accordance 
with  the  decision  of  the  Hellenes,  because  they,  being 
Greeks,  fought  against  Hellas  in  behalf  of  the  barbarians." 
Thus  he  did  not  cease  to  declare  his  work  to  be  purely  Hel- 
lenic. 

Such  were  the  the  rewards  and  punishments  decreed  by 
Alexander  after  this  decisive  victory.  But  the  greatest  rec- 
ompense which  the  army  received  was  that  it  became  master 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  105 

of  nearly  all  Asia  Minor.  No  other  force  was  sufficiently 
strong  to  oppose  it.  Darius  had,  as  it  seems,  espoused  the 
opinion  of  Memnon,  and  hoped  that,  should  the  war  be  pro- 
longed, Alexander  would  be  obliged  to  retreat.  Hence  he 
did  not  prepare  another  army,  nor  did  he  make  haste  to  con- 
centrate his  military  resources  in  the  neighboring  countries 
of  Syria  and  Mesopotamia.  And  yet  the  news  of  the  terrible 
disaster  soon  reached  him  :  the  news  that  most  of  his  rela- 
tives and  many  prominent  Persians  had  fallen  in  battle ; 
the  news  that  many  of  them  were  struck  down  by  Alexan- 
der's own  hand,  and  that  that  hero,  endangering  himself 
everywhere,  appeared  invested  with  some  unconquerable 
power.  If  to-day,  after  the  lapse  of  so  many  centuries,  we 
still  admire  his  superhuman  courage  and  daring,  it  is  evident 
that  the  impression  which  it  made  upon  the  imagination  of 
his  contemporaries  was  much  more  astounding,  and  that  the 
court  of  Darius,  which  had  to  mourn  the  loss  of  so  many 
friends  and  relatives,  sank  at  first  into  extreme  despondency. 

Conquests  in  Asia  Minor. 

Alexander  hastened  with  wonderful  energy  to  avail  him- 
self of  the  fear  his  achievement  had  caused.  The  com- 
mandant of  the  citadel  at  Sardis  surrendered  to  him  at 
once  that  important  fortification.  Alexander  then  hastened 
against  Ephesus,  which  he  also  occupied  without  battle,  be- 
cause the  Persian  garrison  escaped  by  sea  on  hearing  of  his 
advance.  He  restored  to  all  the  Hellenic  cities  taken  by 
him  their  democratic  governments  and  their  ancient  laws. 
Having  captured  Miletus  after  a  vain  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  Persian  fleet,  he  proceeded  to  the  south  against  Hali- 
karnassus.  The  siege  of  that  city  was  much  longer  and  more 
laborious  ;  not  only  because  the  garrison,  composed  of  Asi- 
atics and  Athenians,  fought  bravely,  not  only  because  the 
fortifications  were  very  strong,  but  also  because  the  defend- 
ers received  succor  from  the  powerful  Persian  naval  force 


106  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

under  Memnon,  now  proclaimed  by  Darius  the  hegemon  of 
lower  Asia  and  of  all  the  fleet.  The  siege  of  Halikarnas- 
BUS  was  in  fact  the  most  arduous  enterprise  which  Alexander 
had  yet  undertaken.  His  repeated  assaults  were  repelled, 
many  of  his  machines  were  burned,  and  the  Macedonian  loss 
was  heavy.  But  again  the  king  succeeded  by  his  persever- 
ance, art,  and  courage,  and  victoriously  entered  the  city. 

Alexander,  deeming  it  unprofitable  to  waste  time  here, 
left  Ptolemy  with  a  force  of  three  thousand  men  to  guard 
the  place,  while  he  himself  pressed  forward.  After  sending 
his  artillery  to  Tralles,  which  Parmenio  had  already  seized, 
he  ordered  this  general  to  proceed,  with  a  large  portion  of 
the  cavalry,  the  allied  infantry,  and  the  baggage-wagons,  to 
Sardis,  and  thence  to  Phrygia.  Alexander  occupied  himself 
during  the  last  winter  months  in  the  conquest  of  Lykia, 
Pamphylia,  and  Pisidia.  After  accomplishing  this  difficult 
work,  he  turned  to  the  north,  and  came  to  Gordium  on  the 
river  Sangarius,  where  Parmenio  was  directed  to  meet  him, 
and  where  his  winter  campaign  was  concluded. 

The  Gordian  Knot. 

Alexander  reached  Gordium  about  February  or  March, 
333  B.  c.,  and  remained  there  for  some  time  to  rest  that 
division  of  the  army  which  had  endured  such  severe  toil  in 
Pisidia.  While  at  Gordium  he  performed  the  celebrated 
act  of  cutting  the  Gordian  knot.  There  was  in  that  city, 
under  careful  guard,  an  ancient  wagon  of  rude  construction, 
which  according  to  tradition  had  once  belonged  to  the 
farmer  Gordius  and  his  son  Midas,  the  primitive  rustic  kings 
of  Phrygia.  The  cord  serving  to  unite  the  loop  of  the  yoke 
with  the  pole,  made  of  fibers  from  the  bark  of  the  cornel- 
tree,  was  so  complex  that  neither  end  nor  beginning  could 
be  distinguished,  and  to  untie  it  was  deemed  impossible. 
An  ancient  oracle  declared  that  whoever  should  undo  the 
knot  would  become  the  conqueror  of  Asia.  When  Alexander 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  107 

visited  this  sacred  remnant  of  antiquity,  all  the  Phrygians 
and  Macedonians  about  him  anxiously  waited  to  see  if  the 
conqueror  of  the  Granikus  and  Halikarnassus  would  over- 
come this  new  difficulty.  At  first  Alexander  was  much  per- 
plexed, but  finally,  with  his  natural  impetuosity,  he  cut  the 
knot  in  two  with  his  sword — an  act  which  all  declared  to  be 
a  solution  of  the  problem  which  secured  his  right  to  the  su- 
premacy of  Asia. 

Death  of  Memnon. 

Fortune,  however,  was  preparing  for  him  a  much  more 
positive  advantage.  After  the  capture  of  Miletus,  Alexander 
had  sent  away  his  fleet,  keeping  only  a  small  portion  for  the 
transportation  of  provisions  and  of  his  army.  He  did  this 
because  he  saw  that  on  the  sea  he  could  not  contend  with 
his  powerful  enemy,  and  because  he  believed  that  for  occu- 
pying Asia  he  would  have  no  need  of  naval  forces,  and  that 
by  taking  the  sea-coast  towns  he  would  necessarily  cause  the 
destruction  of  the  Persian  fleet.  But  in  the  beginning  of 
333  B.  c.  he  ran  the  risk  of  losing  all  that  he  had  possessed  in 
anticipation. 

After  the  capture  of  Halikarnassus,  Memnon  attempted, 
by  the  aid  of  his  powerful  fleet,  to  rule  over  the  islands  in 
the  j3Sgean,  and  to  transfer  the  war  to  Hellas  and  Mace- 
donia. He  had  already  become  master  of  Chios  and  Les- 
bos, and  had  had  friendly  communications  with  many  other 
islands,  when  suddenly  he  became  sick  and  died.  Thus  an 
attempt  was  frustrated  which  might  have  materially  inter- 
fered with  the  expedition.  There  were  certainly  many  other 
brave  men,  both  Greeks  and  Persians ;  but  no  one  of  the 
Persians  had  the  naval  and  political  experience  of  Memnon, 
and  perhaps  no  one  of  the  Greeks  could  have  obtained  the 
confidence  of  Darius  so  fully  as  this  Rhodian  had  done  by 
many  faithful  services.  The  king  of  the  Persians,  having 
no  longer  that  counselor  in  whom  he  had  every  confidence, 


108  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

decided  to  abandon  the  defensive  system  of  war,  which  by 
his  advice  he  had  thus  far  maintained,  and  prepared  to  con- 
tend in  open  field  with  the  Macedonians. 

JSattle  of  Issus. 

The  force  which  Darius  had  collected  on  the  plains  of 
Mesopotamia  was  suited  by  its  immense  numbers  to  encour- 
age all  the  Asiatics.  Although  the  contingents  from  Sog- 
diana,  Baktria,  and  India  had  not  yet  arrived,  this  army  was 
composed  already,  according  to  some,  of  400,000  infantry 
and  100,000  cavalry,  and  according  to  others  of  600,000 
men,  among  whom  were  between  20,000  and  30,000  Grecian 
mercenaries.  Every  one  prognosticated  a  certain  victory, 
and  Darius  himself  was  confident  of  a  favorable  issue.  But 
an  experienced  soldier  could  easily  detect  the  weakness  of 
this  multitude.  Such  a  one  was  found,  and  he  courageously 
expressed  his  opinion.  This  man  was  Charidemus,  an  Athe- 
nian fugitive,  who,  being  asked  by  the  great  king  what  he 
thought  of  his  numberless  army,  unhesitatingly  replied  that 
he  advised  Darius  not  to  hope  much  from  this  Asiatic  multi- 
tude, but  to  use  his  treasures  rather  for  the  mustering  of  a 
larger  Hellenic  force.  Darius,  drunk  with  empty  hopes  of 
victory  and  glory,  and  supported  in  his  baseless  opinion  by 
the  blind  and  haughty  generals  about  him,  deemed  the 
answer  insolent  and  treacherous,  and  at  once  ordered  the 
unfortunate  Greek  to  be  put  to  death.  The  latter  on  his 
way  to  execution  prophetically  cried,  "  The  king  will  soon 
repent  of  this,  and  will  speedily  receive  his  deserts,  when  he 
beholds  the  downfall  of  his  kingdom." 

Darius,  therefore,  decided  to  fight  with  Alexander  in  the 
open  field.  While  hitherto  fortune  had  continued  to  smile 
on  the  leader  of  the  Greeks,  at  Tarsus  it  suddenly  abandoned 
him,  either  because  of  the  incessant  dangers  to  which  he  had 
exposed  himself,  or  because  while  in  a  perspiration  he  threw 
himself  into  the  river  Kydnus,  and  thus  contracted  a  danger- 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  109 

ous  fever.  Worst  of  all,  in  the  midst  of  the  sorrow  and 
uneasiness  which  was  spread  throughout  the  army  by  this 
event,  the  physicians  hesitated  to  undertake  the  respon- 
sibility of  curing  him.  But  Philippus  the  Akarnanian,  an 
old  friend  of  Alexander's  and  much  esteemed  by  him  for  his 
knowledge,  promised  to  save  the  king  by  a  powerful  purga- 
tive draught,  and  Alexander  commanded  the  medicine  to  be 
prepared.  Just  before  taking  it  he  received  a  letter  from 
Parmenio,  in  which  he  was  advised  to  guard  himself  against 
Philippus,  because  it  was  said  that  the  latter,  bribed  by  the 
money  of  Darius,  was  plotting  to  kill  him.  The  king  read 
the  letter  and  placed  it  under  his  pillow,  showing  it  to  no 
one.  Presently  Philippus  entered,  holding  the  medicine. 
Alexander  took  it,  swallowed  it  without  remark,  and  at  the 
same  time  gave  the  letter  to  Philippus  and  scrutinized  the 
expression  of  his  countenance.  The  eyes,  the  words,  the 
appearance,  the  gestures  of  the  physician — everything  be- 
spoke his  innocence ;  and  as  he  indignantly  denied  the  ac- 
cusation, Alexander  repeated  again  his  complete  belief  in  the 
salutary  results  of  the  medicine.  At  first,  owing  to  the 
strength  of  the  remedy,  the  king's  condition  grew  worse  ; 
but  finally  the  fever  ceased,  and  joy  pervaded  the  whole 
army  on  hearing  that  he  was  out  of  danger.  A  few  days 
were  sufficienj  for  his  vigorous  frame  to  regain  its  former 
health  and  strength. 

His  first  proceeding  after  recovery  was  to  dispatch  Par- 
menio, at  the  head  of  the  Greeks,  Thessalians,  and  Thracians, 
to  secure  the  pass  called  the  Gates  of  Kilikia  and  Syria.  At 
the  same  time  Alexander  occupied  himself  in  mastering  some 
mountainous  tribes  of  Kilikia.  Next  he  pushed  on  to  Mallus, 
a  city  which  he  freed  from  all  tribute,  as  being  a  colony  of 
the  Argeians.  It  was  here  that  he  received  the  first  reports 
concerning  the  immense  army  of  Darius,  who  was  said  to 
be  waiting  at  Sochi  in  Syria,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Mount 
Amanus,  about  two  days'  march  from  the  mountain-pass  now 


110  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

called  Beylan.  Accordingly,  Alexander  hastened  against 
him,  and  passed  through  Issus,  where  he  left  some  sick  and 
wounded  with  a  moderate  guard.  Next  he  crossed  through 
the  Gates  of  Kilikia  and  Syria,  and  thence,  after  two  days' 
march,  reached  the  seaport  Myriandrus,  the  first  town  of 
Syria  or  Phoenicia. 

Here  he  received  accounts  utterly  at  variance  with  the 
former,  and  was  compelled  to  make  an  entire  change  in  his 
plans.  The  Persian  army  had  marched  away  from  Sochi, 
and  was  already  in  Kilikia,  in  the  rear  of  the  Macedonians, 
near  Issus.  How  could  Darius,  who,  having  arrayed  his 
numerous  army  on  the  plains  of  Syria,  had  decided  to  fight 
in  the  open  field,  suddenly  change  his  mind  and  march  into 
the  narrow  defiles  which  he  had  permitted  Alexander  but 
recently  to  leave  ?  Darius,  with  his  sixty  myriads  of  men, 
regarded  himself  as  unconquerable.  Having  heard  that 
Alexander  was  detained  at  Tarsus  by  sickness,  and  was  also 
waiting  there  to  subdue  the  mountainous  tribes  of  Kilikia, 
he  imagined  these  delays  to  be  evidences  of  hesitation  and 
cowardice.  Thus  blinded,  he  paid  no  heed  to  the  advice  of 
the  Greek  officers  in  his  service,  and  decided  not  to  await  his 
opponent,  but  to  meet  him  in  the  narrow  passes  of  Kilikia. 
To  this  end  he  crossed  Mount  Amanus,  but  not  by  the  same 
passage  as  the  Macedonians.  Two  narrow  rpads  lead  over 
the  mountain,  one  on  the  south  and  the  other  on  the  north. 
While  the  Macedonians  were  crossing  by  the  southern  pas- 
sage in  order  to  attack  Darius  on  the  plain,  the  latter  pushed 
through  the  northern  passage  into  Kilikia  to  meet  the  Mace- 
donians there.  The  Persian  king  had  with  him  his  mother, 
wife,  and  household,  and  a  large  amount  of  treasure,  although 
much  of  the  latter  had  been  sent  to  Damascus  in  Syria.  On 
reaching  Issus  he  put  to  death  the  sick  and  wounded  of  the 
Macedonians,  and  encamped  near  the  river  Pinarus.  Darius 
did  nothing  for  the  present,  except  to  complete  the  tale  of  . 
his  many  military  mistakes.  Having  left  the  Gates  of  Kill- 


BATTLES  OF  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  Hi 

kia  and  Syria  unguarded,  he  suddenly  abandoned  his  former 
resolution  of  contending  on  the  plains  of  Syria,  where  he 
could  use  his  immense  army  and  excellent  cavalry  to  advan- 
tage, and  determined  to  fight  Alexander  in  the  narrow  passes 
of  Kilikia,  where  his  immense  force  would  be  nearly  useless; 
thus  practically  obliterating  the  numerical  disparity  of  the 
two  armies,  while  in  quality  the  Macedonian  soldiers  were 
by  far  the  better  of  the  two. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Alexander,  on  hearing  of  this 
movement  of  Darius,  did  not  at  first  credit  it,  until  he  was 
assured  by  his  own  scouts.  Then  the  king,  calling  his 
generals,  announced  to  them  the  coming  contest,  explained 
the  mistakes  of  Darius,  and  reminded  the  Greeks  that  they 
were  to  contend  again  for  the  common  interests  of  Hellas, 
while  their  countrymen  assisting  Darius  fought  merely  for 
pay.  He  recalled  to  their  memory  the  achievement  of  the 
ten  thousand  under  Xenophon,  who  were  without  cavalry, 
and  assured  them  of  certain  victory.  All  applauded,  and 
begged  to  be  led  at  once  against  the  enemy. 

Alexander  was  about  eighteen  miles  distant  from  the 
Persians.  Departing  on  the  same  evening,  he  reached  at 
midnight  the  gates  through  which  he  had  passed  two  days 
before.  Once  more  becoming  master  of  this  stronghold,  he 
halted  his  army  for  the  remainder  of  the  night,  to  allow 
them  the  needful  repose,  and  about  daybreak  moved  forward 
against  Darius. 

As  he  approached  the  river  Pinarus,  which  flowed  across 
the  pass,  he  drew  up  his  army  in  battle  array.  On  the  ex- 
treme right  were  stationed  the  hypaspists  ;  next,  reckoning 
from  right  to  left,  five  taxeis  or  divisions  of  the  phalanx, 
under  Koenus,  Perdikkas,  Meleager,  Ptolemy,  and  Amyntas. 
Kraterus  had  the  command  of  these  last  three  divisions  on 
the  left,  and  was  himself  subject  to  the  orders  of  Pannenio, 
who  held  the  supreme  command  of  the  entire  left.  The 
breadth  of  the  plain  between  the  mountain  on  the  right  and 


112  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

the  sea  on  the  left  was  only  about  fourteen  stadia,  or  some- 
what more  than  an  English  mile  and  a  half.  Alexander, 
however,  fearing  lest  he  should  be  surrounded  by  the  vast 
hordes  of  his  opponents,  ordered  Parmenio  not  to  withdraw 
from  the  neighborhood  of  the  sea,  and  at  the  same  time 
stationed  the  Companions,  together  with  the  Thessalian  cav- 
alry and  the  larger  portion  of  the  light-armed  infantry,  on 
the  right,  while  he  sent  to  Parmenio  on  the  left  all  the  light 
cavalry  and  the  Thracian  and  Kretan  light  infantry. 

Darius  decided  to  fight  where  he  was  encamped,  behind 
the  river  Pinarus,  the  shores  of  which  were  more  or  less  pre- 
cipitous. He  transported  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  a 
force  of  thirty  thousand  cavalry  and  twenty  thousand  in- 
fantry. Next  he  filled  the  breadth  between  the  mountains 
and  the  sea  with  ninety  thousand  hoplites,  thirty  thousand 
of  whom  were  Greeks  holding  the  center,  flanked  on  each 
side  by  thirty  thousand  Asiatics,  called  Kardakes,  armed  as 
hoplites.  On  the  heights  to  the  left  were  stationed  twenty 
thousand  infantry,  to  attack  the  right  and  rear  of  Alexander. 
The  main  body  of  the  army,  owing  to  the  narrowness  of 
the  road,  was  rendered  useless,  their  divisions  being  heaped 
together  in  a  disorderly  mass  in  the  rear  of  the  Greeks.  But 
when  the  line  was  formed,  Darius  again  ordered  the  thirty 
thousand  horse  and  twenty  thousand  infantry  which  he  had 
sent  across  the  Pinarus  to  recross  the  river ;  they  were 
finally  stationed  on  the  right  wing,  where  was  accordingly 
assembled  the  best  Persian  cavahy.  Darius  himself  stood 
on  a  chariot  in  the  center  of  the  line,  behind  the  Greek 
hoplites. 

Alexander  succeeded  in  distinguishing  the  exact  position 
of  the  enemy  only  after  the  retreat  of  the  Persian  covering 
detachment,  which  for  some  time  obscured  his  view.  Then 
he  deemed  it  best  to  make  certain  changes,  and,  above  all, 
to  establish  an  equality  between  his  front  and  that  of  the 
Persians. 


BATTLES  OP  GRANIKUS  AND  ISSUS.  113 

The  position  of  Alexander  was  certainly  superior  to  that 
of  Darius ;  but  as  there  was  clustered  near  the  river  a  Per- 
sian force  three  times  as  large,  and  much  of  this  consisted 
of  Grecian  hoplites,  the  strife  bade  fair  to  be  bloody.  Ow- 
ing, however,  to  the  cowardice  of  Darius,  the  Persian  army 
was  destined  to  meet  with  a  speedy  overthrow.  Alexander, 
after  a  short  rest,  advanced  at  a  slow  pace,  supposing  that 
the  enemy  would  be  the  first  to  cross  the  river  and  attack. 
Seeing  them  motionless  on  the  other  side,  he  continued  to 
advance,  and  when  within  a  bowshot,  taking  the  cavalry, 
hypaspists,  and  divisions  of  the  phalanx  on  the  right,  he 
quickened  his  step,  crossed  the  river,  and  dashed  like  a 
thunderbolt  against  the  Kardakes  on  the  Persian  left.  They 
were  soon  put  to  flight,  and  Darius,  supposing  that  he  was 
in  extreme  danger,  was  seized  with  a  panic,  and  immediate- 
ly followed  in  the  track  of  the  foremost  fugitives.  The 
battle  had  hardly  commenced.  Most  of  the  army  was  still 
stationary,  including  sixty  thousand  hoplites,  one  hundred 
thousand  cavalry,  and  many  myriads  of  infantry  ;  all  their 
opponents  did  not  number  more  than  thirty  thousand,  and 
the  pursuers  were  less  than  half  that  number.  But  Darius 
was  seized  with  uncontrollable  fear.  Meeting  with  narrow 
passes,  he  jumped  from  his  chariot,  and  continued  his  flight 
on  his  horse,  casting  away  his  bow,  shield,  and  royal  mantle. 

The  result  of  this  base  cowardice  it  is  almost  superfluous 
to  describe.  The  center  and  the  right  of  the  Persians,  where 
stood  the  Greek  mercenaries  and  the  best  of  the  Persian 
horse,  held  their  ground  courageously  as  long  as  they  sup- 
posed Darius  to  be  present.  The  Greek  mercenaries  espe- 
cially fought  so  desperately  that  the  general  of  the  attacking 
division,  Ptolemy,  son  of  Seleukus,  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  the  front-rank  men  or  choice  phalangites,  remained 
upon  the  field.  But  as  soon  as  Alexander  had  completed  the 
defeat  of  the  left  wing,  he  fell  upon  the  flank  of  the  Greek 
mercenaries,  at  the  same  time  that  the  report  spread  through- 
26 


114  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

out  the  host  that  Darius  had  disappeared  from  the  field  of 
battle.  Then  both  the  center  and  the  right  wing  of  the  Per- 
sians were  put  to  flight.  The  defeat  was  complete  and  de- 
structive, since  Darius  had  taken  no  care  to  give  orders  in 
case  of  retreat,  and  no  one  dared  to  assume  the  chief  com- 
mand ;  nor,  indeed,  would  any  one  have  been  obeyed,  or  so 
much  as  listened  to,  if  he  had  presumed  to  issue  orders  to  the 
deserted  army. 

The  pursuit  was  not  of  long  duration,  since  the  battle 
was  fought  in  the  month  of  November,  and  commenced  in 
all  probability  late  in  the  afternoon,  so  that  the  gathering 
darkness  compelled  Alexander  to  return  to  the  camp.  Never- 
theless, the  booty  and  the  destruction  were  great.  The  camp 
of  Darius,  his  mother,  his  wife,  his  sister,  his  infant  son,  and 
two  daughters,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victor.  The  booty 
included  his  chariot,  his  shield  and  his  bow,  and  a  sum  of 
three  thousand  talents  in  gold,  together  with  much  furni- 
ture. A  hundred  thousand  of  the  Persians  are  said  to  have 
perished,  besides  ten  thousand  horses,  and  a  large  number  of 
Persian  grandees.  Out  of  that  immense  army  that  had 
crossed  the  Euphrates  with  Darius,  only  four  thousand  Per- 
sians and  eight  thousand  Greek  mercenaries  kept  their  ranks, 
and  these,  partly  by  land  and  partly  by  sea,  succeeded  in 
escaping  to  Egypt.  All  the  remaining  multitude  disap- 
peared like  a  scudding  rack  before  the  fury  of  a  violent 
wind.  The  Hellenic  army  lost  only  three  hundred  foot  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  horse. 

Such  was  the  battle  of  Issus,  and  such  were  the  results  of 
the  repeated  mistakes  of  Darius — most  of  all  of  that  ignoble 
cowardice,  which  seemed  the  more  strange,  since  the  Per- 
sian commanders  were  usually  noted  for  their  bravery,  and 
Darius  himself,  before  he  attained  the  sovereignty,  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  daring.  But  the  touch  of  the  scepter,  as 

often  happens  with  weak  souls,  had  enfeebled  and  degraded 

\ 
the  man. 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OP  ALEXANDER.  H5 

CHAPTER  VI. 

FURTHER     VICTORIES      OF     ALEXANDER. 

9 

Darius  submits  Propositions  of  Peace. 

ALEXANDER,  who  proved  himself  a  great  general  in  this 
battle,  afterward  showed  himself  equally  remarkable  for  the 
philanthropy  and  virtue  with  which  he  behaved  toward  the 
mother,  wife,  and  children  of  his  opponent.  Returning  in 
the  night  from  the  pursuit,  he  found  the  tent  of  the  great 
king  prepared  to  receive  him.  But  before  supping  he  heard 
in  an  inner  compartment  the  weeping  and  wailing  of  women ; 
and  on  learning  that  the  wife  and  mother  of  Darius  were 
lamenting  for  him  whom  they  supposed  dead,  he  hastened 
to  send  one  of  his  friends  to  assure  them  that  Darius  lived, 
and  to  add  that  the  desire  of  Alexander  was  that  they  should 
retain  their  royal  escort  and  the  title  of  queens.  Another 
part  of  his  behavior  to  them,  says  Plutarch,  was  still  more 
noble  and  princely.  Though  they  were  now  captives,  he  con- 
sidered that  they  were  ladies,  not  only  of  high  rank,  but  of 
great  modesty  and  virtue,  and  took  care  that  they  should  not 
hear  an  insulting  word,  nor  have  the  least  cause  to  suspect 
any  danger  to  themselves.  Nay,  as  if  they  had  been  in  a 
holy  temple,  or  an  asylum  of  virgins,  rather  than  in  an  ene- 
my's camp,  they  lived  unseen  and  unapproached,  in  the  most 
sacred  privacy. 

At  that  time  Alexander  was  at  his  greatest  moral  height; 
and  since  he  was  also  at  the  very  acme  of  that  manly  beauty 
with  which  nature  had  lavishly  adorned  him,  this  union  of 
beauty,  strength,  and  virtue  invested  him  with  that  air  of 
majesty  which  the  nations  conquered  by  him  so  eagerly 
adored,  confounding  it  with  all  that  is  venerable  in  deity. 

On  the  day  following  the  battle,  although  he  was  himself 


116  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

wounded,  he  nevertheless  visited  the  wounded  soldiers  ac- 
cording to  his  custom,  and  ordered  the  dead  to  be  buried 
with  great  military  honors.  Next  he  marched  through 
Kcele-Syria  to  the  Phoenician  coast,  and  dispatched  Parme- 
nio  to  Damascus,  which  he  easily  occupied,  seizing  there 
much  treasure  and  not  a  few  captives.  Alexander  also  oc- 
cupied without  resistance  the  first  Phoenician  towns.  In  one 
of  these,  Marathus,  he  received  ambassadors  and  a  letter 
from  Darius,  asking  for  the  return  of  his  mother,  wife,  and 
children,  offering  friendship  and  alliance,  as  from  one  king  to 
another,  and  asserting  that  Philip  had  commenced  hostilities 
against  the  Persians,  that  Alexander  had  continued  them,  and 
that  Darius  fought  only  in  self-defense.  Alexander  hastened 
to  give  to  this  letter  this  most  characteristic  reply  : 

"Your  ancestors  invaded  Macedonia  and  the  rest  of 
Hellas,  and  inflicted  injuries  on  us,  without  provocation  on 
our  part.  I,  the  hegemon  of  the  Hellenes,  wishing  to  punish 
the  Persians  for  their  unjust  dealings,  crossed  into  Asia. 
Again,  you  have .  assisted  our  enemies  the  Perinthians,  and 
made  war  against  the  Thracians,  whom  we  control.  You 
have  compassed  the  death  of  my  father  (as  you  in  your  let- 
ters have  boasted),  and  have  killed  Arses  and  Bagoas.  Hav- 
ing also  unlawfully  seized  the  sovereignty,  you  have  unjustly 
treated  the  Persians,  and  sent  hostile  letters  to  the  Hellenes 
concerning  me,  instigating  them  to  revolt,  and  forwarded 
for  the  accomplishment  of  this  purpose  money  to  the  Lace- 
daemonians and  to  all  the  other  Greeks.  Again,  your  am- 
bassadors bribed  my  friends  and  attempted  to  violate  the 
peace  which  I  concluded  with  the  Hellenes.  I  have  there- 
fore marched  against  you,  since  you  began  hostilities.  But 
now  that  I  have  conquered  you,  and  as  many  as  were  arrayed 
with  you  in  battle,  and  hold  your  country  with  the  aid  of 
the  gods,  and  am  master  of  all  Asia,  come  without  fear  to 
me.  But  if  you  are  afraid  lest  you  may  suffer  anything 
from  me,  send  some  one  of  your  friends  to  receive  pledges 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER.  H7 

from  me.  When  you  come  to  me,  ask  me  and  you  shall  re- 
ceive back  your  mother  and  wife  and  anything  else  which 
you  please.  When  next  you  write  to  me,  however,  address 
me  not  as  an  equal,  but  as  lord  of  Asia  and  of  all  that  be- 
longs to  you  ;  otherwise  I  shall  act  toward  you  as  if  you 
were  a  wrong-doer.  If  you  intend  to  contest  the  kingdom, 
with  me,  stand  and  fight  for  it,  and  do  not  flee  ;  for  wher- 
ever you  may  be,  there  I  shall  march  against  you." 

This  letter  is  for  many  reasons  worthy  of  note.  Alexan- 
der, in  order  to  justify  the  war  against  Darius,  had  to  recall 
the  many  disputes  between  Persia  and  Macedonia ;  but  he 
mentioned,  as  the  first  and  principal  cause  of  this  expedition, 
the  great  invasions  of  Hellas  by  the  Persians,  enumerating 
the  other  reasons  for  war  as  of  secondary  importance.  Final- 
ly, he  calls  himself  already  master  of  all  Asia.  He  had  yet 
occupied  only  Asia  Minor  and  a  small  part  of  Syria.  Darius 
was  still  ruler  not  only  of  Egypt,  but  also  of  all  the  vast 
territory  on  the  east  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor  as  far  as  India; 
he  had  yet  the  countless  treasures  of  Persepolis  and  Susa ; 
he  could  muster  armies  of  one  and  two  hundred  myriads. 
Yet  Alexander  declared  him  already  fallen  from  the  king- 
dom, and  himself  possessed  of  his  dominions  :  such  was  the 
confidence  he  had  in  his  ultimate  success.  He  had  received 
repeated  proofs  of  the  weakness  of  the  Persian  empire  in  the 
battles  already  fought,  and  now  easily  took  possession  of 
most  of  the  Phoenician  cities,  including  the  prosperous  Sidon. 

;   ,..   Tyre  and  G-aza. 

Tyre  itself,  the  most  powerful,  richest,  and  most  com- 
mercial of  all  those  cities,  sent  to  him  magnificent  presents 
and  a  golden  crown,  together  with  assurances  of  submission, 
so  that  Alexander  could  pass  by  Phoenicia  without  battle  ; 
but  suddenly  there  broke  out  an  unexpected  strife  by  which 
he  exposed  himself  to  more  arduous  struggles  than  he  had 
ever  before  undertaken.  The  Tyrians  were  willing  to  sub- 


118  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

mit  to  the  supremacy  of  Alexander,  on  condition  that  the 
Macedonians  should  not  enter  their  city — a  privilege  they 
had  not  allowed  to  their  former  masters,  the  Persians. 

Alexander,  enraged  at  this  claim  of  immunity,  decided 
to  occupy  the  city  by  force,  and  began  in  February,  332 
B.  c.,  the  famous  siege,  which  lasted  seven  months,  and  is 
certainly,  by  reason  of  the  persistency,  art,  and  courage 
shown  on  both  sides,  the  most  remarkable  in  ancient  history. 
Not  only  did  the  almost  impregnable  position  of  the  city 
secure  great  advantages  to  the  Tyrians,  but  their  excellent 
navy  was  of  much  assistance.  At  length  Alexander  received 
reinforcements,  and  became  master  both  on  sea  and  land. 
The  Tyrians,  however,  exhibited  such  marvelous  daring, 
courage,  and  persistency,  that  they  would  have  really  suc- 
ceeded in  rendering  fruitless  the  attempts  of  Alexander  had 
Darius  come  to  their  assistance,  and  shown  himself  worthy 
in  some  degree  of  the  empire  which  he  ruled.  But,  instead 
of  making  the  best  of  his  opportunities,  he  contented  himself 
with  petitioning  Alexander  for  peace  ;  and  toward  the  end 
of  the  siege  of  Tyre,  instead  of  marching  thither  with  an 
army,  he  sent  a  new  embassy,  offering  ten  thousand  talents, 
with  the  cession  of  all  the  territory  west  of  the  Euphrates, 
as  ransom  for  his  mother  and  wife,  and  proposing  that  the 
Macedonian  king  should  become  his  son-in-law,  as  well  as 
his  ally.  Alexander  submitted  these  proposals  to  an  assem- 
bly of  his  generals,  and  Parmenio  is  said  to  have  exclaimed, 
"  If  I  were  Alexander,  I  would  accept  them."  "  So  would 
I,  by  Zeus,"  said  Alexander,  "  if  I  were  Parmenio."  *  He 
wrote  in  reply  that  he  had  no  need  whatever  of  money, 
neither  would  he  consent  to  receive  a  part  in  place  of  the 
whole.  He  invited  Darius  to  come  to  him,  promising  a 
cordial  reception  ;  otherwise  he  himself  would  march  against 
him. 

*  Plutarch,  "Alexander." 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER.  HQ 

Alexander's  Visit  to  Egypt. 

Soon  after  Alexander  became  master  of  Tyre,  and  was 
then  obliged  to  attempt  the  siege  of  Gaza,  the  last  city  be- 
fore entering  on  the  desert  tract  between  Syria  and  Egypt. 
That  place  was  reduced  in  two  months,  and  now  the  way  lay 
open  for  the  unconquerable  king  of  Macedonia  to  advance 
against  Egypt.  After  seven  days'  march  from  Gaza,  Alex- 
ander entered  Pelusium  without  resistance.  This  was  the 
frontier  fortress  of  Egypt,  commanding  the  eastern  branch 
of  the  Nile,  whither  his  fleet,  under  the  command  of  He- 
phsestion,  had  also  gone.  He  sent  the  fleet  up  the  river  to 
Memphis,  and  marched  himself  to  the  same  place  by  land. 
The  satrap  of  that  city  surrendered  himself,  with  all  the  royal 
treasure,  eight  hundred  talents,  and  much  other  costly  ma- 
terial. Alexander  rested  here,  and  celebrated  a  splendid 
sacrifice  to  all  the  gods,  and  especially  to  the  Egyptian  Apis. 
He  also  instituted  festivals,  and  invited  the  most  expert 
artists  of  Hellas  to  participate  in  them. 

From  Memphis  he  embarked  on  the  westernmost  branch 
of  the  Nile  for  Kanopus,  whence  he  sailed  westerly  along  the 
shore,  to  view  the  famous  Homeric  island  of  Pharos  and  Lake 
Mareia  or  Mareotis.  There  he  decided  to  erect  on  the  land  by 
Pharos,  between  the  sea  and  the  lake,  a  new  city,  to  be  called 
Alexandria  after  his  own  name,  and  to  make  it,  instead  of 
Memphis,  the  citadel  of  the  country.  The  site  chosen  for 
this  purpose  was  airy  and  healthful,  and  at  the  same  time 
advantageous  for  commerce.  Here,  then,  the  seemingly  om- 
nipotent hand  of  Alexander,  which  at  the  same  .  time  fought 
and  led,  destroyed  and  created,  placed  the  corner-stone  of 
that  Alexandria  which  not  long  after  was  destined  to  become 
the  most  splendid  and  populous  city  of  the  East,  and  which 
was  for  many  centuries  the  center  of  the  world's  commerce, 
and  the  cradle  of  a  splendid  Hellenism.  Even  after  its  fall 
from  this  great  eminence  it  never  ceased  to  prosper,  and  to 


120  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

this  day  it  is  one  of  the  greatest  commercial  ports  of  the 
Mediterranean. 

Alexander  next  proceeded  through  the  desert  to  the  tem- 
ple of  Zeus  Ammon,  situated  in  Libya.  On  entering  the 
temple,  the  prophet  cried,  "  Hail,  O  eon  ! "  as  if  he  had  been 
intrusted  by  Zeus  with  this  greeting.  This  event,  and  the 
fact  that  he  was  then  assured  of  obtaining  supremacy  over 
the  world,  caused  some  to  blame  him  for  wishing,  like  another 
Herakles  or  Perseus,  to  trace  his  birth  to  Zeus.  But  that  he 
himself  so  believed,  or  went  so  far  as  to  demand  that  the 
Greeks  themselves  should  call  him  son  of  Zeus,  is  highly  im- 
probable. At  any  rate,  both  Arrian  and  Plutarch  assert  that 
he  only  traced  his  birth  to  Zeus  to  astound  the  barbarians, 
but  that  he  never  seriously  spoke  about  it  to  the  Greeks,  and 
occasionally  even  jested  with  them  on  the  subject ;  because  it 
is  said  that  later,  when  wounded,  he  exclaimed,  "  My  friends, 
this  is  blood,  and  not  the  ichor  which  blest  immortals  shed."  * 

Alexander  spent  more  than  four  months  in  Egypt.  In 
the  spring  of  331  B.  c.,  having  been  reenforced  by  a  new  de- 
tachment of  Greeks  and  Thracians,  he  departed  from  Mem- 
phis, where  he  had  passed  the  last  month  of  his  stay  in 
Egypt,  to  Phoenicia,  in  order  to  extend  his  conquests  farther 
into  Asia.  Never  forgetting  his  Hellenic  life,  he  not  only 
offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods  in  Phoenicia,  but  also  instituted 
splendid  processions  and  representations  of  tragedies,  in 
which  the  most  noted  actors  contested  for  the  prize.  After 
this,  Alexander  hastened  toward  the  interior,  crossing  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  without  opposition,  except  such  as 
was  offered  by  the  depth  of  the  water,  the  rapidity  of  the 
current,  and  the  slippery  footing. 

*  Plutarch, "Alexander": 

Tovro,  2>  <pl\oi,  rb  ptov,  oT/ta,  KO!  ov\ 
oTej  trip  re  pftt  fuucdptffffi  Gtotffiv. 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER.  121 

Battle  of  Gaugamela  or  Arbela. 

Darius,  however,  was  not  far  off,  at  the  head  of  a  much 
more  numerous  army  than  he  had  commanded  at  Issus.  But 
his  military  incapacity  was  incorrigible  ;  and  while  he  might 
have  been  able,  with  little  exertion,  to  prevent  Alexander 
from  crossing  this  river,  he  made  no  more  effort  than  at  the 
passage  of  Mount  Amanus  and  at  the  sieges  of  Tyre  and  Gaza. 
Persuaded  that  his  opponent  would  accept  no  conditions  of 
peace,  he  had  decided  again  to  try  the  fortune  of  arms,  and 
to  this  end  had  collected  an  immense  army  near  Arbela,  on 
the  plains  eastward  of  the  Tigris,  "  about  the  latitude  of  the 
modern  town  of  Mosul."  The  multitude  assembled  there 
amounted,  according  to  Arrian,  to  one  million  infantry  and 
forty  thousand  cavalry.  If  Darius  had  again  erred  in  not 
defending  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  he  at  least  chose  a  more 
suitable  spot  for  the  marshaling  of  his  vast  force  than  he  had 
at  Issus.  Besides,  he  effected  an  improvement  in  his  arms 
by  making  them  much  longer  than  formerly,  and  constructed 
two  hundred  war  or  scythed  chariots,*  capable  of  terrific 
execution  because  they  could  literally  mow  down  an  army. 
Darius  had  also  at  Arbela.  fifteen  elephants  ;  and  this  is  the 
first  mention  in  history  of  the  employment  of  elephants  as 
auxiliaries  in  battle. 

As  soon  as  Darius  was  informed  that  Alexander  had 
crossed  the  Tigris,  leaving  at  Arbela  the  baggage  and  the 
treasure,  he  departed  with  his  army  to  the  country  near  Gau- 
gamela, thirty  miles  to  the  west  of  Arbela,  which,  by  reason 
of  its  level  ground,  was  better  suited  to  military  operations. 
Alexander  marched  four  whole  days  after  crossing  the  Tigris, 

*  Each  chariot  had  a  pole  projecting  before  the  horses  and  terminating  in 
a  sharp  point,  together  with  three  sword-blades  stretching  from  the  yoke  on 
each  side,  and  scythes  also  laterally  from  the  naves  of  the  wheels.  (Curtius, 
iv,  9,  3 ;  Diodorus,  xvii,  53.  See  also  note  of  Miitzell  upon  this  passage  of 
Curtius,  and  Grote,  vol.  xi,  part  ii,  chap,  xciii.) 


122  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

and  had  arrived  within  seven  miles  of  the  Persian  army, 
when  he  first  learned  from  prisoners  how  near  he  was  to  the 
enemy.  He  immediately  halted,  and,  fortifying  his  camp  by 
a  ditch  and  stockade,  remained  there  four  days,  for  the  sol- 
diers to  recover  from  the  fatigue  of  the  march.  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  fourth  day  he  moved  forward,  leaving  in  the 
camp  under  guard  the  baggage,  the  captives,  and  the  disabled. 
At  first  he  marched  across  the  hills  which  separated  him  from 
the  enemy,  whom  he  hoped  to  attack  about  daybreak.  He 
did  not  advance  as  rapidly  as  he  had  expected,  so  that  toward 
morning,  on  reaching  the  heights,  he  saw  that  he  was  yet 
about  three  miles  distant  from  the  Persians.  Keeping  his 
phalanx  in  battle  array,  he  held  a  council,  composed  of  his 
principal  officers,  as  to  whether  he  should  advance  and  com- 
mence the  attack  immediately.  The  greater  part  were  in- 
clined to  this  opinion,  but  Parmenio  maintained  that  it  would 
be  unwise  to  do  so,  since  they  neither  knew  the  physical  con- 
figuration of  the  ground  nor  the  disposition  of  the  enemy's 
line,  and  he  thought  that  both  these  should  be  ascertained 
before  venturing  battle. 

Alexander,  who  had  not  heeded  the  advice  of  Parmenio 
either  at  the  Granikus  or  at  Tyre,  now  adopted  this  course, 
although  many  favored  an  immediate  attack.  This  incident 
may  show  how  much  he  respected  the  opinion  of  that  vet- 
eran officer,  and  how  well  he  was  able,  when  necessary,  to 
restrain  his  own  fiery  impulses.  He  ordered  the  army  to 
remain  there  that  day,  yet  still  retained  his  battle  array,  and 
constructed  a  new  intrenched  camp,  to  which  he  transported 
the  baggage  and  the  captives  from  the  former  encampment. 
In  the  mean  time,  taking  his  light  troops  and  the  best  of  his 
cavalry,  he  spent  the  day  in  reconnoitering  the  position  of 
the  enemy,  who  made  no  attempt  to  molest  him.  Parmenio 
and  others  advised  Alexander  to  make  an  attack  by  night  ; 
which,  as  Grote  well  remarks,  promised  some  advantages, 
since  Persian  armies  were  notoriously  unmanageable  in  the 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER.  123 

dark,*  and  since  their  camp  had  no  defense.  But  Alexan- 
der rejected  the  proposition,  declaring  that  it  was  disgrace- 
ful to  steal  victory,  and  that  he  both  could  and  would  con- 
quer Darius  fairly  and  in  open  daylight.  Then,  addressing 
a  few  encouraging  words  to  his  officers,  which  met  with  an 
enthusiastic  response,  he  dismissed  them  to  their  evening 
meal  and  repose. 

On  the  next  morning — it  was  October  of  331  B.  c. — he 
drew  up  his  army,  composed  of  forty  thousand  foot  and 
seven  thousand  horse,  in  two  lines.  As  in  the  two  preced- 
ing battles,  Alexander  assumed  the  command  of  the  right 
wing,  confiding  the  left  to  Parmenio. 

Having  been  informed  by  a  deserter  that  there  were 
planted  in  various  parts  of  the  ground  long  iron  spikes  to 
damage  the  Macedonian  horse,  Alexander  diligently  avoided 
these  obstacles,  and,  leading  the  royal  squadron  on  the  ex- 
treme right,  marched  somewhat  obliquely  in  that  direction, 
keeping  his  right  slightly  in  advance.  As  he  approached 
the  enemy,  he  saw  that  he  was  directly  opposite  Darius  him- 
self with  the  Persian  left  center,  composed  of  the  Persian 
guards,  Indians,  Albanians,  and  Karians.  Alexander  contin- 
ued steadily  advancing  to  the  right,  while  Darius  stretched 
his  own  front  toward  the  left  to  oppose  -this  movement.  The 
Persian  myriads  were  able  to  outflank  the  Macedonians  on 
the  left ;  but  as  Alexander  in  his  course  toward  the  right 
had  advanced  beyond  the  ground  leveled  by  Darius  for  the 
operations  of  his  chariots  in  front,  the  latter  deemed  it 
necessary  to  check  any  farther  movement  in  that  direction, 
and  accordingly  ordered  one  thousand  Baktrian  horse  and 
the  Scythians  in  front  of  the  Persian  left  to  make  a  circuit 
and  attack  the  Macedonian  right  flank.  Alexander  sent 
against  them  his  regiment  of  cavalry  under  Menidas,  and 
the  battle  was  now  fairly  begun.  The  Baktrian  horse,  seeing 

*  Xcnophon,  "  Anabasis,"  iii,  4,  35 :  THovtipbv  yhp  vvKr6s  tffri  ffrpdrfvpa 

TlfpfflK^V. 


124  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

the  Macedonians  advancing,  ceased  their  circuitous  move- 
ment, and  dashed  against  them  with  such  terrific  impetu- 
osity as  to  compel  them  at  first  to  retreat.  Other  detach- 
ments of  Paeonians  and  Grecian  cavalry  speedily  coming  to 
the  rescue,  the  Baktrians  were  driven  back  ;  but  the  latter 
were  in  turn  supported  by  the  satrap  Bessus  with  the  main 
body  of  Baktrians  and  Scythians  on  Darius's  left  wing. 
Here  the  contest  waxed  hot,  and  not  a  few  Greeks  were 
slain  ;  but  finally  the  latter  succeeded  by  a  more  compact 
arrangement  in  driving  back  the  less  orderly  enemy,  and 
thus  making  an  opening  in  their  lines.  While  the  contest 
was  yet  at  its  height,  Darius  had  ordered  his  scythed  chariots 
to  charge,  and  his  main  line  to  follow  them,  hoping  that  the 
chariots  would  throw  the  phalanx  into  confusion,  and  that, 
if  attacked  while  in  disorder  by  the  main  army,  it  would  be. 
completely  destroyed.  But  the  chariots  soon  became  of  little 
service.  The  horses  were  frightened,  stopped  or  wounded 
by  the  Macedonian  archers  and  darters  in  front,  some  of 
whom,  seizing  the  reins,  pullefl  down  the  charioteers  and 
killed  the  horses.  Of  the  hundred  chariots  in  Darius's  front, 
many  remained  motionless  or  altogether  useless,  while  others 
turned  squarely  round,  "  terrified  by  the  projected  pikes,  or 
being  scared  by  the  noise  of  pike  and  shield  struck  together  ; 
some,  which  reached  the  Macedonian  line,  were  let  through 
without  doing  mischief  by  the  soldiers'  opening  their  ranks  ; 
a  few  only  inflicted  wounds  or  damage."  * 

Thus  freed  from  apprehension  of  the  chariots,  Alexander 
ordered  those  divisions  of  his  line  which  had  as  yet  taken  no 
part  in  the  conflict  to  rush  against  the  main  force  of  the  Per- 
sians, at  the  same  time  raising  their  war-song.  Alexander 
himself,  at  the  head  of  all  the  Companion-cavalry,  charged 
at  full  speed  against  the  Persian  front,  and  the  barbarians  at 
once  gave  way.  Then  he  pressed  forward  toward  Darius 
himself,  around  whom  a  fierce  cavalry  battle  now  ensued. 

*  Arrian,  iii,  13,  11. 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OP  ALEXANDER.  125 

The  Persians  were  thrown  into  much  disorder  by  this  impet- 
uous charge.  At  the  same  time  the  Macedonian  phalanx, 
forming  a  compact  body,  severely  harassed  the  enemy  byits 
long  extended  pikes.  Nevertheless,  for  some  time  the  con- 
test was  close  and  obstinate,  and  neither  party  seemed  dis- 
posed to  give  way,  since  the  best  troops  of  Darius's  .army — 
Greeks,  Karians,  Persian  guards,  royal  kinsmen,  etc. — were 
posted  here.  But  the  dastardly  cowardice  of  Darius  was 
destined  again  to  render  useless  the  courage  of  his  army. 
From  the  moment  he  saw  his  opponent  on  the  heights  of 
Gaugamela,  he  was  seized  with  consternation ;  his  terror 
increased  when  he  beheld  the  uselessness  of  his  chariots. 
But  when,  finally,  the  Macedonians,  after  a  deep  silence, 
suddenly  raising  their  war-cry,  rushed  on  like  a  torrent,  and 
began  a  severe  hand-to-hand  encounter,  threatening  the  very 
chariot  of  the  Persian  monarch,  the  latter,  seeing  the  un- 
conquerable Alexander  fighting  his  way  toward  him,  was  be- 
yond himself  with  fright  and  ordered  his  charioteer  to  turn 
back,  thus  giving  to  his  whole  army  the  signal  for  flight. 

Although  the  battle  had  but  just  commenced,  the  Persians 
were  conquered.  The  flight  of  the  king  naturally  caused  the 
rout  of  the  troops  stationed  about  him.  A  few  of  the  best 
and  bravest,  indeed,  met  their  death  before  the  king's  chariot, 
and,  falling  in  heaps  one  upon  another,  strove  to  stop  the 
pursuit ;  for  in  the  very  pangs  of  death  they  clung  to  the 
Macedonians,  and  caught  hold  of  their  horses'  legs  as  they 
lay  upon  the  ground.*  Not  only  were  these  the  finest  troops, 
but,  as  they  composed  the  Persian  center,  their  flight  caused 
the  army  to  be  divided  into  two  separate  parts,  both  of  which 
were  thrown  into  great  disorder  and  confusion.  Their  right 
wing  was  at  the  same  time  driven  from  the  field  by  Aretas, 
so  that  nothing  now  prevented  Alexander  from  pursuing 
most  energetically  the  routed  main  division.  Owvag,  how- 
ever, to  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  this  pursuit  inevitably 

*  Plutarch,  "Alexander." 


126  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

created  by  so  vast  a  multitude,  and  the  clouds  of  dust  raised 
by  the  swarms  of  men,  horses,  and  chariots  in  rapid  motion, 
the  Macedonians  could  not  distinguish  in  what  direction  the 
king  had  fled,  and  thus  he  escaped. 

While  Alexander  was  achieving  so  brilliant  and  com- 
plete a  victory  with  his  right  and  center,  his  left  wing,  com- 
manded by  Parmenio,  was  engaged  in  a  terrific  encounter 
with  the  right  of  the  Persians  under  Mazseus.  Even  after 
the  flight  of  Darius,  Parmenio  was  so  severely  pressed  that 
he  sent  some  horsemen  to  desire  Alexander  to  come  to  his 
assistance.  Alexander,  though  angry  at  being  obliged  to 
abandon  the  pursuit,  pressed  forward  to  succor  his  left,  by 
the  shortest  course  across  the  field  of  battle.  The  various 
divisions  of  the  phalanx  had  already  stopped  short  in  the 
pursuit  and  hastened  toward  the  same  point.  This  irreg- 
ular movement  toward  the  left  caused  a  gap  between  the 
divisions,  into  which  a  brigade  of  Indian  and  Persian  cav- 
alry darted,  galloping  through  the  Macedonian  line  to  pene- 
trate to  the  rear  and  attack  the  baggage.*  At  first  the 
movement  was  successful,  and  it  almost  resulted,  not  only 
in  despoiling  the  entire  camp,  but  also  in  freeing  the  family 
of  Darius.  But,  while  engaged  in  plundering  the  baggage, 
the  enemy  were  suddenly  attacked  by  the  Macedonian  guard, 
and  the  entire  body  was  either  cut  to  pieces  or  put  to  flight. 

Mazoeus  for  some  time  continued  the  contest  bravely ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  complete  annihilation  of  the  left  wing, 
he  understood  that  it  would  be  impossible  alone  to  maintain 
a  useless  combat,  and  turned  to  retreat  before  even  the  suc- 
cors from  Alexander  had  come  to  the  assistance  of  Parme- 
nio. While  Alexander  was  hurrying  forward  he  came  face 
to  face  with  some  of  the  bravest  Persian  and  Parthian  cav- 
alry, who  were  among  the  last  to  retreat  from  the  center. 
A  murderous  encounter  ensued,  in  which  sixty  Macedonian 
horsemen  were  killed  and  many  more  wounded.  Alexander 
*  Arrian,  iii,  14,  7 ;  Grote,  vol.  ix,  part  5i,  chap,  xciii. 


FURTHER  VICTORIES  OF  ALEXANDER.  137 

himself  ran  extreme  personal  danger.  He  finally  conquered, 
though  many  of  his  brave  opponents  succeeded  in  escaping 
through  the  Macedonian  lines.  Having  reached  his  left, 
and  finding  it  not  only  freed  from  danger  but  absolutely 
victorious,  Alexander  resumed  the  pursuit,  in  which  Parme- 
nio  now  took  part. 

During  this  pursuit  many  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and 
not  a  few  captured.  The  wheels  of  the  chariots  were  entan- 
gled among  the  dead  bodies,  and  the  horses,  plunging  among 
the  heaps  of  the  slain,  bounded  up  and  down,  and  no  longer 
obeyed  the  hands  of  the  charioteers.  It  was  amid  the  dark- 
ness, the  noises,  the  cries,  and  the  dust  that  Darius  escaped. 
Alexander  pushed  forward  in  all  haste,  and  reached  Arbela 
the  next  day,  where  he  hoped  to  overtake  Darius.  In  this 
he  was  disappointed,  for  the  latter  had  not  stopped  one 
moment  in  that  city,  but  continued  his  flight,  leaving  his 
chariot,  shield,  bow,  and  a  rich  booty  in  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  Parmenio  had  in  the  mean  time  occupied  the 
camp  of  the  barbarians  near  the  field  of  battle,  capturing  the 
baggage,  the  elephants,  and  the  camels. 

It  is  impossible  to  state  accurately  the  number  of  the 
killed  or  captured  in  this  battle.  Arrian  mentions  three 
hundred  thousand  barbarians  killed  and  many  more  taken 
prisoners.  Diodorus  puts  the  slain  at  ninety  thousand,  and 
Curtius  at  forty  thousand.  On  the  part  of  the  Greeks,  Arrian 
mentions  not  more  than  one  hundred  killed,  Curtius  three 
hundred  ;  and  Diodorus  estimates  the  slain  at  five  hundred, 
besides  a  great  number  of  wounded.  The  immense  army  of 
the  Persians  was  either  cut  to  pieces,  captured,  or  dispersed, 
and  no  subsequent  attempt  was  made  to  gather  together  a 
large  regular  force. 

The  defeat  at  Arbela  was  a  death-blow  to  the  Persian 
empire.  It  converted  Alexander  into  the  Great  King,  and 
Darius  into  a  miserable  fugitive,  despised  by  his  own  sub- 
jects, and  especially  by  those  brave  Persians  who  were  per- 


128  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

suaded  that  they  had  been  defeated  by  the  incapacity  of 
their  king,  against  whom  they  now  formed  a  conspiracy,  of 
which  the  direction  was  committed  to  the  Baktrian  satrap 
Bessus.  What  a  contrast  between  the  cowardice  of  Darius 
and  the  daring  and  genius  of  Alexander  !  No  general  per- 
haps ever  conquered  by  the  aid  of  such  art  and  science  as 
Alexander  manifested  in  this  battle.  The  marvelous  com- 
bination of  the  various  troops,  and  the  wonderful  foresight 
with  which  every  squadron,  every  division,  and  in  fact  every 
individual  was  apprised  beforehand  of  what  each  was  ex- 
pected to  do,  multiplied  the  forces  of  that  small  army  and 
rendered  victory  unquestionable. 

The  critical  character  of  the  victory  was  made  manifest 
by  the  capture  of  the  two  great  capitals  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire, Babylon  and  Susa.  Both  surrendered  without  a  strug- 
gle. The  treasure  seized  at  Babylon  was  enormous,  and 
Alexander  rewarded  the  bravery  of  his  troops  by  donating 
to  each  Macedonian  horseman  six  hundred  drachmae,  to  each 
foreign  horseman  five  hundred,  to  each  Macedonian  soldier 
(infantry)  two  hundred,  and  to  the  foreign  infantry  a  pro- 
portionate sum.  Still  greater  was  the  treasure  found  at  Susa. 
According  to  Arrian,  it  amounted  to  fifty  thousand  silver 
talents  (equal  to  about  $57,500,000) — a  sum  which  would 
seem  incredible,  if  we  did  not  find  it  (says  Grote)  greatly 
exceeded  by  what  is  subsequently  reported  about  the  trea- 
sures in  Persepolis. 

Alexander  rested  his  army  for  more  than  thirty  days  at 
Babylon.  Having  nominated  the  various  governors  in  the 
satrapies  of  Babylon,  Armenia,  Syria,  and  Phoenicia,  he 
marched  to  Susa,  where  he  was  joined  by  a  reinforcement 
of  about,  fifteen  thousand  men,  consisting  of  Macedonians, 
Greeks,  and  Thracians,  sent  by  Antipater  from  Macedonia. 
The  king  effected  some  changes  in  the  organization  of  his 
different  divisions,  and,  having  crossed  the  river  Eulaeus  or 
Pasitigris,  marched  against  Persia  proper,  captured  the  Susian 


ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA.  139 

or  Persian  gates,  and  finally  became  master  of  Persepolis,  "  in 
•which  the  Persian  kings  had  accumulated  their  national  edi- 
fices, their  royal  sepulchres,  the  inscriptions  consecrated  by 
religious  or  legendary  sentiment,  with  many  trophies  and 
acquisitions  arising  out  of  their  conquests."  Both  Diodorus 
and  Curtius  assert  that  the  royal  treasure  seized  by  Alex- 
ander in  Persepolis  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  talents  in  gold  and  silver  (equal  to  $138,000,000). 

As  it  was  now  winter  or  very  early  spring  (330-331  B.  c.), 
the  king  allowed  the  major  part  of  his  army  a  period  of  re- 
pose in  the  vicinity  of  Persepolis,  while  he  himself,  with  one 
division,  pushed  rapidly  into  the  interior  of  Persis,  and  sub- 
dued its  various  satrapies.  Then,  leaving  a  guard  of  three 
thousand  Macedonians  at  Persepolis,  he  set  out  with  his 
whole  army  to  follow  Darius  into  Media. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA. 

Revolution  of  King  Agis. 

SUCH  were  the  results  of  the  first  four  great  campaigns 
of  Alexander  in  Asia  (from  March,  334,  to  March,  330  B.  c.). 
Hellenism,  which  ten  years  previously  was  mostly  comprised 
between  Thermopylae  and  Cape  Teenarus,  now,  spreading 
beyond  its  narrow  limits,  carried  its  victorious  standards 
throughout  Asia  Minor,  Phoenicia,  Egypt,  Syria,  Mesopota- 
mia, Assyria,  Babylonia,  Susiana,  and  Persis.  The  Hellenes 
who,  ten  years  before,  were  engaged  in  the  ignoble  strug- 
gles at  Delphi,  now  fought  at  Gaugamela  and  in  the  in- 
terior of  Asia,  for  the  supremacy  of  the  world  and  for  the 
famed  treasures  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.  And  yet 


130  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

there  are  those  who  maintain  that  the  enterprise  of  Alex- 
ander was  not  purely  Hellenic  ;  that  Philip  and  Alexander 
subverted  Hellenism,  and  did  not  open  for  it  a  new  career 
of  energy  and  glory  ;  that  Hellas,  against  her  own  will,  was 
forced  to  follow  their  standards.  We  do  not  deny  that  there 
was  a  party  in  Hellas  protesting  against  Macedonian  su- 
premacy, and  striving  by  all  possible  means  to  bring  about 
its  destruction,  even  at  the  expense  of  an  alliance  with 
Persia. 

Sparta  was  during  these  years  the  center  of  this  oppo- 
sition ;  and  King  Agis,  having  collected  an  army  estimated 
at  twenty-two  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse,  at- 
tempted about  the  middle  of  330  B.  c.  to  attack  Megalopo- 
lis, which  city,  now  as  previously,  was  the  stronghold  of 
Macedonian  influence  in  the  peninsula,  and  was  probably 
occupied  by  a  Macedonian  garrison.  Antipater  hastened 
into  Hellas  with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  foot,  and  in 
one  decisive  battle  completely  defeated  the  Lacedaemonians. 
Five  thousand  Spartans  were  slain,  including  Agis  himself, 
"  who,  though  covered  with  wounds,  disdained  to  leave  the 
field,  and  fell,  resisting  to  the  last."  The  loss  of  the  victors 
is  variously  estimated  at  from  one  thousand  to  thirty-five 
hundred  men  slain,  together  with  a  great  many  wounded. 
Grote  truly  remarks  that  this  was  a  greater  loss  than  Alex- 
ander had  sustained  either  at  Issus  or  at  Arbela  ;  a  plain 
proof  that  Agis  and  his  companions,  however  unfortunate 
in  the  result,  had  manifested  courage  worthy  of  the  best 
days  of  Sparta. 

The  movement  of  Agis,  however,  did  not  represent  the 
disposition  of  all  Hellas.  It  only  evinced  the  sentiment  of  na- 
tional autonomy  existing  among  the  few — a  sentiment  which 
on  former  occasions  had  risen  in  much  greater  strength 
against  the  Athenian,  Spartan,  and  Theban  hegemonies.  It 
only  showed  that  there  still  existed  a  natural  devotion  to 
the  old  state  of  affairs — a  feeling  which  we  find  everywhere 


ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA.  131 

and  always  springing  up  in  great  political  and  social  revolu- 
tions. But  this  sentiment  was  far  from  common  to  all  the 
Hellenes.  Demosthenes  himself  did  not  deem  it  wise  for 
the  present  to  rise  against  the  Macedonian  supremacy.  He 
awaited  more  propitious  circumstances,  and  occupied  himself 
in  the  mean  time  (especially  during  337-336  B.  c.)  in  that 
famous  contest  with  ^Eschines,  the  results  of  which  were 
the  two  most  splendid  productions  of  these  famous  orators — 
the  memorable  accusation  of  JEschines  against  Ktesiphon 
for  having  proposed  a  crown  to  Demosthenes,  and  the  reply 
of  Demosthenes,  known  by  way  of  eminence  as  the  oration 
"On  the  Crown."  Both  these  orations  are  equally  famous 
for  the  strength  and  beauty  of  their  style  ;  and  if  we  com- 
pare them  with  the  contemporaneous  encyclopaedical  mas- 
terpieces of  Aristotle,  and  the  no  less  imperishable  achieve- 
ments which  the  same  generation  was  witnessing  in  Asia, 
we  may  form  a  picture  of  the  marvelous  intellectual  and 
practical  power  which  then  prevailed  in  the  Hellenic  nation. 

New  Victories  and  Projects  of  Alexander. 

It  has  been  said  that  Alexander  quitted  Persia  proper  in 
March,  330  B.  c.,  in  order  to  hasten  to  Ekbatana,  the  chief 
city  of  Media,  in  quest  of  Darius.  But  the  latter  was  assas- 
sinated during  his  flight  by  a  few  eminent  Persians,  under 
command  of  Bessus,  satrap  of  Baktria.  Alexander  caused 
the  dead  body  of  Darius  to  be  buried  with  great  pomp  and 
ceremonial,  in  the  royal  sepulchres  of  Persis.  During  the 
same  year  he  became  master  of  Media,  Parthia,  Drangiana, 
Arachosia,  Gedrosia,  and  the  Paropamisadae  (the  modern 
Seistan,  and  the  western  part  of  Afghanistan  lying  between 
Ghuzni  on  the  north,  Candahar  or  Kelat  on  the  south,  and 
Zurrah  on  the  west).  He  founded  three  great  cities  in  these 
countries,  which  he  named  after  himself :  Alexandria  in 
Asia,  the  modern  Herat,  the  inhabitants  of  which  to  this 
day  preserve  the  memory  of  the  founder ;  Alexandria  in 


132  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

Arachosia,  the  modern  Candahar  or  Kelat ;  and  Alexandria 
ad  Caucasum,  apparently  northeast  of  the  town  of  Cabul. 
The  first  inhabitants  of  these  cities  were  detachments,  more 
or  less  numerous,  of  his  own  army,  which  he  left  there  both 
as  garrisons  and  colonies,  and  were  organized  on  the  basis 
of  the  Hellenic  laws.  Afterward,  both  Persians  and  other 
Asiatics  were  drawn  to  them  by  their  prosperity,  and  the 
two  elements,  Greek  and  Persian,  became  intermingled. 

Thus  began  the  great  work  of  unifying  these  two  ele- 
ments— a  work  which  Alexander  continued  by  the  appoint- 
ment both  of  Greeks  and  Persians  to  the  higher  offices  of 
the  empire  ;  by  the  introduction  of  Persian  costumes  into 
the  court ;  by  the  union  of  Persian  and  Hellenic  festivities, 
which  he  never  omitted  to  celebrate  even  in  the  distant  lands 
of  Asia ;  and,  above  all,  by  the  introduction  of  Persian  war- 
riors into  his  army,  who,  side  by  side  with  the  Hellenes,  aided 
in  his  great  project  of  Hellenizing  Asia.  But  the  mixture 
of  these  two  elements  naturally  caused  much  change  in  the 
austere  and  republican  habits  of  Hellenic  life.  Thus,  while 
these  innovations  were  approved  by  some  of  his  most  de- 
voted generals,  Hephsestion,  Kraterus,  and  Koenus,  they  were 
bitterly  opposed  by  others,  especially  by  Philotas,  son  of 
Parmenio.  This  discord  gave  rise  to  many  ruinous  results, 
and  first  of  all  to  the  tragic  death  of  Philotas  and  of  Par- 
menio, which  occurred  in  330  B.  c. 

Death  of  Philotas  and  Parmenio. 

Parmenio  was  already  about  seventy  years  of  age,  and 
could  no  longer  be  exposed  to  the  repeated  hardships  of  the 
war.  He  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  Ekbatana,  in 
which  city  Alexander  had  laid  up  his  treasures,  having  con- 
stituted it  a  sort  of  headquarters  for  his  new  expeditions  in 
the  East.  Parmenio,  because  of  his  military  experience  and 
the  great  faith  which  Philip  had  reposed  in  him,  was,  next  to 
Alexander,  the  most  respected  and  most  influential  officer  in 


ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA.  133 

the  Macedonian  army.  He  had  three  sons,  the  youngest  of 
whom,  Hector,  was  drowned  while  bathing  in  the  Nile  ;  the 
second,  Nikanor,  who  commanded  the  hypaspists,  had  re- 
cently died  of  disease ;  while  the  eldest,  Philotas,  the  chief 
of  the  Companions,  was  in  constant  communication  with  the 
king,  from  whom  alone  he  received  his  orders.  Philotas 
was  apprised  that  a  certain  soldier  had  formed  a  conspiracy 
against  Alexander  ;  but,  not  crediting  the  report,  as  it  seems, 
he  said  nothing  to  Alexander.  The  matter,  however,  was 
made  known  to  the  king,  who  at  once  ordered  the  arrest 
of  the  soldier  ;  but  the  latter  ran  himself  through  with  his 
sword,  and  expired  without  making  any  declaration.  Alex- 
ander with  much  astonishment  asked  Philotas  why  he  had 
omitted  to  mention  the  conspiracy  to  him.  Philotas  replied 
that  "  the  source  from  which  it  came  was  too  contemptible 
to  deserve  any  notice."  Alexander,  we  are  told,  received  or 
affected  to  receive  the  explanation,  gave  his  hand  to  Philo- 
tas, invited  him  to  supper,  and  talked  to  him  with  his  usual 
familiarity.* 

Philotas,  unfortunately,  had  often  boastingly  attributed 
all  the  great  actions  of  the  war  to  himself  and  to  his  father. 
As  for  Alexander,  he  called  him  a  boy,  who  by  their  means 
enjoyed  the  title  of  a  conqueror,  and  at  whose  pretended  divine 
paternity  he  had  often  sneered.  We  are  also  told  that  he 
affected  a  display  of  wealth,  and"  a  magnificence  in  his  dress 
and  table,  unsuited  to  the  condition  of  a  subject.  On  ac- 
count of  this  haughty  demeanor,  he  had  made  many  enemies, 
who  had  represented  him  in  an  invidious  light  to  the  king.f 
Kraterus  and  the  other  enemies  of  Philotas,  availing  them- 
selves of  all  these  circumstances,  and  especially  of  his  un- 
guarded language,  reported  to  Alexander  that  the  chief  of 
the  Companions,  'whom  he  so  much  esteemed,  was  the  prin- 
cipal instigator  of  the  plot  against  him.  Alexander,  who 
was  of  a  most  excitable  temperament,  and  on  the  present 
*  Curtius.  f  Plutarch,  "  Alexander." 


134  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

occasion  anxious  to  continue  his  march,  had  no  time  to  ex- 
amine calmly  into  these  reports,  and,  above  all,  considered 
that  he  ought  by  all  means  to  eradicate  the  cause  of  hate 
and  jealousy  in  his  army.  He  therefore  hastily  commanded 
the  arrest,  trial,  and  execution  of  Philotas.  Not  satisfied 
with  this,  he  at  the  same  time  ordered  the  death  of  the  brave 
old  Parmenio — a  man,  says  Plutarch,  who  had  a  share  in 
most  of  Philip's  conquests,  and  who  was  the  principal  if  not 
the  only  one  of  the  old  counselors  who  favored  Alexander's 
expedition  into  Asia. 

This  cruel  conduct  of  Alexander  has  been  justly  con- 
demned by  history.  It  is  true  that  the  tortures  inflicted 
upon  Philotas  wrung  from  him  at  last  a  confession  implicat- 
ing his  father.*  But  this  confession,  even  if  it  were  true, 
can  in  no  way  justify  the  ferocious  rancor  of  Alexander  ;  and 
in  fact  no  other  proof  exists  against  these  two  generals.  If 
we  take  into  consideration  the  eminent  services  which  they 
had  for  so  m.iny  years  rendered  to  their  country  and  their 
king,  how  is  it  possible  not  to  condemn  Alexander  for  not 
at  least  having  instituted  an  accurate  examination  into  these 
charges  ? 

Death  ofJ^leitus. 

It  was  during  329-328  B.  c.  that  Alexander  conquered 
Baktria  and  Sogdiana,  which  provinces  marked  the  utmost 
limits  of  his  dominion  on  the  north.  He  was,  however,  often 
obliged  to  return  to  these  countries  on  account  of  widespread 
revolts  among  the  inhabitants.  In  fact,  these  far-distant  ex- 
peditions of  Alexander,  while  no  regular  battle  was  fought, 
proved  extremely  laborious,  both  by  reason  of  the  steep  and 
rugged  nature  of  the  country  and  the  difficulty  of  subduing 
the  inhabitants,  who,  avoiding  close  combat,  fought  only  with 
missiles.  Nothing,  however,  could  stop  the  conqueror's  ad- 
vance. Here,  on  the  river  Jaxartes,  he  founded  a  new  city, 

*  Curtius. 


ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA.  135 

Alexandria  ad  Tanaidem,  since  the  ancients  knew  the  Jax- 
artes  also  by  the  name  of  Tanais.  Here  he  captured  Bessus, 
and  tried  and  condemned  him  to  death,  because,  after  having 
slain  his  king  and  benefactor  Darius,  he  assumed  the  ostenta- 
tious magnificence  of  a  Persian  monarch,  and  dared  to  con- 
tend with  the  victor  of  Gaugamela.  But  here  again  burst 
forth  more  strongly  than  ever  the  difficulties  of  assimilating 
and  blending  the  Hellenic  and  Asiatic  modes  of  life,  resulting 
in  the  perpetration  of  many  violent  deeds. 

While  at  Marakanda,  the  chief  city  of  Sogdiana,  Alex- 
ander offered  a  splendid  sacrifice  in  honor  of  the  Dioskuri ; 
and  during  the  banquet  which  followed,  when  wine,  accord- 
ing to  the  Macedonian  habit,  had  been  abundantly  drunk, 
certain  intoxicated  flatterers  claimed  that  the  deeds  of  Alex- 
ander were  greater  than  those  of  Kastor  and  Pollux,  and 
more  renowned  than  the  labors  of  Herakles  ;  that  "he  had 
earned  an  apotheosis  like  that  legendary  hero,  which  nothing 
but  envy  could  withhold  from  him  " ;  and,  in  fine,  that  hjs 
recent  victories  cast  into  the  shade  the  achievements  of  his 
father  Philip.  Kleitus,  who  had  saved  Alexander's  life  at  the 
battle  of  the  Granikus,  and  whose  sister  Lanike  had  been  the 
nurse  of  Alexander  in  his  childhood,  could  not  bear  the  be- 
havior of  these  parasites.  He  rebuked  their  insolent  flattery 
"for  making  jest  of  the  deeds  of  heroes";  but  the  wine 
seemed  to  have  overpowered  altogether  the  reserve  of  Klei- 
tus, for  he  declared  that  "  the  exploits  of  Alexander,  splendid 
as  they  were,  had  been  accomplished  not  by  himself  alone, 
but  by  that  unconquerable  Macedonian  force  which  he  had 
found  ready  made  to  his  hands,  created  and  organized  by 
Philip." 

Remarks  such  as  these,  poured  forth  "  in  the  coarse  lan- 
guage of  a  half -intoxicated  Macedonian  veteran,  provoked 
loud  contradiction  from  many,  and  gave  poignant  offense  to 
Alexander."  The  king,  rising  to  his  feet  and  looking  black 
as  night,  exclaimed  :  "  It  is  in  this  villainous  manner,  coward. 


136  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

thou  talkest  of  me  in  all  companies,  and  stirrest  the  Mace- 
donians to  mutiny ! "  Kleitus,  stung  to  the  quick  at  this 
reproach,  rejoined  :  "  Yet  it  was  this  cowardice  that  saved 
you,  son  of  Jupiter,  when  you  were  turning  your  back  to  the 
sword  of  Spithridates.  It  is  by  the  blood  of  the  Mace- 
donians and  their  wounds  that  you  are  grown  so  great  that 
you  disdain  to  acknowledge  Philip  for  your  father,  and 
will  needs  pass  yourself  for  the  son  of  Jupiter  Ammon," 
Kleitus  became  still  more  insolent  in  his  remarks.  "Are 
these  the  rewards  of  our  toils  ?  "  said  he  ;  "  do  we  not  envy 
those  who  did  not  live  to  see  Macedonians  bleed  under 
Median  rods,  or  sue  to  Persians  for  access  to  their  king?" 
Alexander,  beyond  himself  with  rage,  quick  as  thought 
snatched  a  pike  from  one  of  the  soldiers,  rushed  upon  Klei- 
tus, and  ran  him  through  the  body,  exclaiming,  "  Go  now 
to  Philip  and  Parmenio  ! " 

His  repentance  was  no  less  speedy.  Seeing  his  ancient 
comrade,  the  preserver  of  his  life  and  the  brother  of  his 
own  nurse,  dead  by  his  hand,  remorse  seized  upon  him  ;  he 
cried  out,  called  himself  unworthy  of  life,  and,  hastily  draw- 
ing the  spear  out  of  the  dead  body,  was  applying  it  to  his 
own  throat,  when  the  guards  seized  his  hands,  and  carried 
him  by  force  into  his  chamber.  He  passed  that  night  and 
the  next  day  in  anguish  inexpressible  ;  and  when  he  had 
wasted  himself  with  tears  and  lamentations,  he  lay  in  speech- 
less grief,  uttering  only  now  and  then  a  groan.*  Finally, 
his  friends  prevailed  upon  him  to  take  food  and  return  to 
activity. 

Conquests  on  the  Indus. 

It  was  at  Baktra  that  Alexander  celebrated  his  marriage 
with  the  beautiful  captive  Roxana,  daughter  of  the  Baktrian 
chief  Oxyartes.  The  nuptial  festivities  were  conducted  with 
Asiatic  splendor,  and  Alexander  now  demanded  that  both 

*  Plutarch,  "Alexander." 


ALEXANDER'S  PROGRESS  TO  INDIA.  137 

Hellenes  and  Persians  should  prostrate  themselves  before 
him  and  worship  him  as  the  Great  King.  This  gave  rise  to 
bitter  dissensions.  This  method  of  salutation  was  misunder- 
stood ;  for  while  among  the  Asiatics  it  was  simply  an  honor 
paid  to  a  king,  among  the  Greeks  it  was  considered  an  act 
of  respect  due  to  a  god  alone.  Most  of  the  Hellenes  sat 
unmoved,  and  refused  to  bow  before  "a  mortal."  Few  de- 
clared their  repugnance  more  openly  than  Kallisthenes, 
nephew  of  Aristotle.  Alexander  did  not  dare  at  first  to  pun- 
ish Kallisthenes ;  but  when  an  opportunity  presented  itself 
he  caused  his  death  on  the  ground  of  treacherous  designs. 

These  successive  revolts,  plots,  and  murders  did  not  hinder 
Alexander  from  carrying  out  his  great  project. of  reforming 
Asia.  It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that,  while  he  never  ceased 
to  delight  himself  with  reading  the  Iliad,  which  he  had 
always  with  him,  he  often  wrote  to  Hellas  for  the  works 
of  Philistus,  the  tragedies  of  Euripides,  Sophokles,  and  ^Es- 
chylus,  as  well  as  the  dithyrambs  of  Telestes  and  Philoxe- 
nus.  In  the  midst  of  so  many  terrific  combats  he  seemed 
always  to  feel  the  necessity  of  refreshing  himself  from  the 
springs  of  Hellenic  poetry  and  history. 

Early  in  327  B.  c.  Alexander  began  his  march  from  Bak- 
tra  for  the  conquest  of  the  lands  bordering  on  the  Indus. 
In  the  spring  of  326  he  crossed  that  river,  and  then  the  Hy- 
daspes  (Jelum),  on  the  other  side  of  which  he  routed  and 
captured  the  Indian  prince  Porus.  Pie  also  f  ounded  in  this 
vicinity  two  new  cities — Niksea,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Hydaspes,  and  Bukephalia,  on  the  western,  the  latter  so 
named  in  commemoration  of  his  favorite  horse  Bukephalus, 
who  died  here  of  age  and  fatigue.  Next  he  conducted  his 
army  onward  in  an  easterly  direction,  crossed  the  river  Ake- 
sines  (Chenaub),  then  the  Hydraotes  (Ravee),  after  which 
he  marched  toward  the  Hyphasis  (Sutlej),  the  last  of  the 
rivers  in  the  Punjaub,  seemingly  at  a  point  below  its  conflu- 
ence with  the  Beas.  But  while  he  was  preparing  to  cross 
27 


138  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

this  stream,  and  had  already  given  the  necessary  instructions, 
for  the  first  time  his  army,  officers  as  well  as  soldiers,  mani- 
fested symptoms  of  displeasure  and  weariness  on  account  of 
the  endless  marches  of  the  king.  Alexander  strove  to  revive 
in  them  that  spirit  and  promptitude  which  he  had  hitherto 
found  not  disproportionate  to  his  own  ;  but  in  this  he  was 
unsuccessful.  However,  he  persisted  in  his  determination, 
and  we  are  told  that  he  offered  the  sacrifice  customary  at  the 
passage  of  a  river.  The  victims  were  inauspicious ;  "  he 
bowed  to  the  will  of  the  gods,  and  gave*  orders  for  return, 
to  the  unanimous  and  unbounded  delight  of  his  army." 

First,  however,  he  ordered  the  army  to  erect  twelve 
altars  of  extraordinary  height  and  dimensions  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Hyphasis,  to  mark  the  farthest  boundary  of  his 
expeditions  in  the  East.  He  offered  to  the  gods  sacrifices 
of  thanks  and  instituted  games.  Then,  about  the  end  of 
August,  326  B.  c.,  he  retreated  from  the  Hyphasis,  and  re- 
turned first  to  Niksea,  where  he  employed  himself  in  ascer- 
taining the  lower  course  of  the  Indus.  In  the  early  part  of 
November  he  sailed  slowly  down  the  river,  to  the  confluence 
of  the  Hydaspes  with  the  Akesines,  with  the  Hydraotes,  and 
with  the  Hyphasis — all  pouring  in  one  united  stream  into 
the  Indus.  It  was  at  the  junction  of  the  Akesines  (Punjnud) 
with  the  Indus  that  Alexander  founded  a  new  Hellenic  city, 
named  after  him,  which  he  hoped  would  become  great  and 
prosperous,  and  would  eventually  command  the  navigation 
of  that  great  river  system.  It  was  about  February,  325  B.  c., 
that  he  marched  out  of  Alexandria  ad  Indum  toward  Susa. 
He  appointed  Pytho  satrap  of  the  entire  land  about  the  loAver 
Indus,  and  gave  him  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men.  Alex- 
ander was  continually  reenforced  by  new  detachments  from 
Europe,  and  thus  he  could  well  afford  to  leave  so  large  a 
force  with  Pytho.  At  the  end  of  July  he  reached  Pattala, 
where  the  delta  of  the  Indus  divided.  He  ordered  Hephaes- 
to  fortify  a  part  of  it,  and  erected  military  and  naval 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER.  139 

posts,  thus  giving  a  new  impetus  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
country.  Alexander  now  decided  to  conduct  the  army  by 
land,  and  directed  Nearchus  to  assume  command  of  the  fleet, 
and  to  explore  the  passage  of  the  ocean  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Indus  to  that  of  the  Euphrates,  thus  hoping  to  render 
possible  the  execution  of  his  great  projects  concerning  the 
commercial  union  of  India  with  the  West. 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

LAST  DATS   OF  ALEXANDER. 

TJie  Return  from  India. 

IN  August,  325,  the  king  began  his  journey  westward 
through  the  territories  of  the  Arabitae  and  the  Oritse.  Next 
he  invaded  the  country  of  the  Ichthyophagi  or  fish-eaters  ; 
and  then  advancing  toward  the  interior,  he  encountered  a 
sandy  and  trackless  desert,  "with  short  supplies  of  food, 
and  still  shorter  supplies  of  water,  under  a  burning  sun."  It 
was  amid  these  terrible  privations  that  the  army  wandered 
out  of  its  way  and  suffered  heavy  losses  in  men,  horses,  and 
baggage-cattle.  At  last,  in  the  beginning  of  December,  the 
troops  approached  Karmania,  where  Nearchus  had  also  ar- 
rived in  safety,  having  brought  the  fleet  around  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Indus  to  the  harbor  called  Harmozeia  (Ormuz), 
not  far  from  the  entrance  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  fleet 
was  commanded  to  continue  its  voyage  by  the  gulf  until  it 
should  reach  the  Pasitigris,  and  then  sail  through  this  river 
to  Susa.  Hephsestion  was  intrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the 
larger  portion  of  the  army  from  Karmania  into  Persis  ; 
while  the  king  went  by  the  shortest  road  to  Persepolis,  and 
thence  to  Susa,  where  he  arrived  in  February,  324  B.  c. 


140  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

Alexander  spent  some  months  in  Susa  and  Susiana.  It 
was  the  first  time  since  his  accession  to  the  throne  that  he 
had  been  so  long  free  from  every  warlike  movement.  But 
cares  no  less  laborious  and  oppressive  occupied  him  in  the 
government  of  this  vast  kingdom,  and  the  complete  amalga- 
mation of  the  Hellenic  and  Asiatic  modes  of  life.  During 
the  long  interval  (more  than  five  years)  which  had  elapsed 
since  he  marched  from  Hyrkania,  the  satraps  whom  he  had 
appointed  in  the  various  provinces  of  his  empire  had  been 
left  much  to  themselves.  Hence  it  may  easily  be  understood 
what  anarchy  and  recklessness  of  management  prevailed 
throughout  middle  and  western  Asia.  These  satraps  prac- 
ticed every  kind  of  oppression  and  abuse,  plundered  the  tem- 
ples, robbed  citizens  of  their  possessions,  and  many  of  them, 
deeming  themselves  entirely  independent,  levied  their  own 
mercenary  forces.  The  sudden  presence  of  Alexander  dis- 
solved these  dreams  like  the  fall  of  a  thunderbolt.  Some 
succeeded  in  escaping,  while  others  were  captured  and  put 
to  death. 

Alexander's  Innovations — Height  of  his  Power. 

Alexander  now  deemed  it  most  expeditious  for  the  reali- 
zation of  his  great  projects  to  unite  the  Hellenes  in  marriage 
with  Persian  maidens.  Accordingly,  he  instituted  a  sort  of 
national  Grseco-Asiatic  marriage  at  Susa.  He  had  already 
married  the  captive  Roxana  in  Baktria,  but  now  he  took  two 
additional  wives — Statira,  daughter  of  Darius,  and  Parysatis, 
daughter  of  the  preceding  king  Artaxerxes  Ochus.  At  the 
same  time,  by  advice  and  presents,  he  persuaded  eighty  of 
his  principal  friends  and  officers  "to  marry,  according  to 
Persian  rites,  wives  selected  from  the  noblest  Persian  fami- 
lies, providing  dowries  for  all  of  them."  He  also  generously 
rewarded  all  the  Macedonians  who  followed  their  example. 
These  marriages  were  celebrated  with  splendid  feasts,  dur- 
ing which  the  Hellenic  and  Asiatic  customs  were  somewhat 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER.  141 

strangely  blended.  The  aversion  of  the  army,  however,  for 
these  Asiatic  marriages  and  for  this  change  in  their  ancestral 
traditions,  could  not  easily  be  overcome.  Alexander  strove 
by  all  possible  means  to  soften  this  aversion,  and  to  this  end 
he  paid  the  debts  of  his  soldiers,  amounting,  according  to 
some,  to  ten  thousand  talents — according  to  Arrian,  to  not 
less  than  twenty  thousand. 

In  the  mean  time  Alexander  did  not  cease  following  up 
the  realization  of  his  great  plan.  He  mustered  a  new  force 
of  thirty  thousand  young  Asiatics  from  the  remotest  prov- 
inces of  his  empire,  and,  having  armed  and  drilled  them 
after  the  Macedonian  fashion,  had  them  placed  in  his  army. 
We  are  also  told  that  he  incorporated  many  native  Persians, 
both  officers  and  soldiers,  into  the  Companion-cavalry,  the 
most  honorable  service  in  the  army. 

These  innovations  grieved  the  Macedonians,  who  supposed 
that  Alexander  was  giving  the  preference  to  barbarians,  and 
was,  moreover,  despising  them  and  their  customs.  But 
their  grief  broke  out  into  open  discontent  when  the  king, 
either  trusting  to  his  admirably  organized  new  force,  or  wish- 
ing to  retire  those  who  were  unfit  for  service  from  age  or 
wounds,  announced  that  he  intended  to  send  them  home, 
after  having  abundantly  rewarded  them  for  their  many 
and  splendid  services.  A  general  dissatisfaction  was  mani- 
fested throughout  the  army,  and  they  asked  that  all  the 
veterans  be  dismissed — advising  the  king  by  way  of  taunt 
to  make  his  future  conquests  along  with  his  father  Ammon 
and  his  beautiful  foreign  youths.  Alexander,  by  boldly 
punishing  some,  blaming  others,  and  rewarding  a  few  of  the 
officers,  reduced  the  army  again  to  obedience.  When  the 
soldiers  came  to  themselves,  they  rushed  to  the  gates  of  the 
palace,  threw  down  their  arms,  and  begged  with  tears  and 
groans  for  Alexander's  pardon.  The  king  was  moved  to 
tears,  and,  having  announced  a  full  reconciliation,  celebrated 
a  costly  sacrifice,  coupled  with  a  multitudinous  banquet  of 


142  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

mixed  Macedonians  and  Persians.  After  this  he  selected 
ten  thousand  of  the  oldest  and  most  infirm  among  the  sol- 
diers, and,  having  generously  rewarded  them,  sent  them 
under  command  of  Kraterus  back  to  Macedonia. 

In  August,  324  B.  c.,  Alexander  paid  a  visit  to  Ekbatana, 
where  he  again  instituted  magnificent  festivities  and  games, 
while  maturing  his  plans  for  new  expeditions.  But  here  he 
suffered  a  severe  loss.  Hephsestion,  the  general  whom  above 
all,  like  another  Patroklus,  this  young  Achilles  loved,  falling 
sick  on  account  of  the  many  excesses  in  which  all  had  of 
late  indulged,  died  at  Ekbatana.  The  grief  the  king  felt  at 
his  loss  was  beyond  description,  and  it  wounded  him  the 
more  severely,  since  he  himself  had  of  late  years  left  the 
path  of  virtue  and  rectitude,  and  had  given  himself  up  to 
pleasures  which,  combined  with  his  intense  application  to 
schemes  of  war  and  conquest,  could  not  but  entail  disas- 
trous consequences,  however  vigorous  his  system.  Thus  op- 
pressed both  in  mind  and  body,  he  went  in  the  midst  of 
winter  to  Babylon,  which  he  intended  to  make  the  capital 
of  his  empire,  at  the  same  time  beginning  to  make  prepara- 
tions for  entering  Arabia.  On  his  way  he  received  conclu- 
sive evidence  of  the  awe  which  his  name  inspired  through- 
out the  world.  There  came  to  him  envoys  from  the  most 
distant  regions — from  Libya,  from  Carthage,  from  Sicily  and 
Sardinia,  from  the  Illyrians  and  Thracians,  from  the  Luca- 
nians,  Bruttians,  and  Tuscans  in  Italy — nay,  even  (some 
affirm)  from  the  Romans,  as  yet  a  people  of  moderate  power.* 
But  there  were  "  other  names  yet  more  surprising  "  :  JEthio- 
pians  from  the  extreme  south,  beyond  Egypt ;  Scythians 
from  the  north,  beyond  the  Danube  ;  Iberians  and  Gauls 
from  the  far  west,  beyond  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Legates 
also  came  from  Hellas,  partly  "to  tender  congratulations 
upon  his  matchless  successes,"  partly  to  consult  with  him 
concerning  the  internal  affairs  of  various  Hellenic  cities. 

*  See  note  in  Grote,  vol.  xii,  part  ii,  chap.  iciv. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER.  143 

These  legates  approached  him  with  wreaths  on  their  heads, 
"  tendering  golden  crowns  to  him,  as  if  they  were  coming 
into  the  presence  of  a  god."  *  Alexander  at  once  ordered 
that  all  the  statues  which  Xerxes  had  carried  away  from 
Hellas,  and  which  were  set  up  in  Babylon,  Susa,  and  other 
Asiatic  cities,  should  be  returned  to  the  legates.  The  proofs, 
says  Grote,  which  Alexander  received,  even  from  distant 
tribes  with  names  and  costumes  unknown  to  him,  of  fear  for 
his  enmity  and  anxiety  for  his  favor,  were  such  as  had  never 
been  shown  to  any  historical  person,  and  sufficient  entirely 
to  satisfy  his  superhuman  arrogance. 

Death  of  Alexander. 

But  while  on  this  pinnacle  of  glory  and  power,  suddenly 
dark  omens  and  prophecies,  declared  by  many  wise  men  to 
be  coming  from  sacrifices  and  the  stars,  crowded  upon  Alex- 
ander as  he  approached  Babylon.  The  Chaldaean  priests 
especially  exhorted  him  not  to  go  into  that  city,  but  to  re- 
main outside  of  the  gates.  Disregarding  these  omens,  he 
entered  the  capital,  and  began  energetically  the  completion 
of  his  great  military  preparations.  'But  his  final  hour  was 
fast  approaching.  The  unlimited  indulgence  of  his  passions 
had  assumed  in  him  the  colossal  expanse  of  the  conquests  he 
had  achieved,  and  the  wise  men  of  Babylon  had  no  need  to 
consult  their  astronomical  and  magic  science  in  order  to 
understand  that  no  human  body  could  remain  proof  against 
such  abuses.  His  sentiments  and  passions  were  naturally 
noble,  but  by  reason  of  their  intensity  were  often  terrific. 
Who  would  condemn  his  love  for  Hephaestion  ?  But  is  it 
possible  that  we  should  not  be  astonished  at  the  sight  of  the 
stupendous  grief  which  seized  upon  Alexander  at  the  death 
of  that  general,  when  he  found  his  best  consolation,  to  use 
an  expression  of  Plutarch,  in  fighting  and  man-fighting,  and 

*  Arrian,  vii,  19, 1  ;  vii,  23,  3. 


144  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

when  he  finally  sacrificed  the  male  population  of  a  whole 
tribe,  the  Kossaoi  (dwelling  between  Media  and  Persis),  to 
what  he  termed  the  manes  of  Hephsestion  ?  The  very  obse- 
quies of  his  friend  were  monstrous.  He  refused  all  ease,  and 
even  food,  for  two  days  ;  he  cut  his  hair  close,  and  ordered 
that  all  the  horses  and  mules  should  be  shorn,  that  they 
might  have  their  share  in  the  mourning,  and  with  the  same 
view  struck  off  the  battlements  of  the  walls  belonging  to  the 
neighboring  cities.  He  ordered  that  a  vast  funeral  pile 
should  be  erected  at  Babylon,  at  a  cost  reported  as  sixty 
million  drachmae,  heaped  upon  it  images  and  other  orna- 
ments of  gold  and  ivory,  and  sacrificed  to  Hephaestion  as  to 
a  god. 

Such  was  the  moral  insanity,  as  it  were,  which  had  taken 
possession  of  Alexander  ;  for  it  appears  that  man  never  steps 
beyond  certain  limits  of  greatness  and  glory  without  sub- 
sequent retribution.  If  we  also  take  into  consideration  the 
excessive  labors  which  he  had  undergone  during  the  last  ten 
years  of  his  life,  the  unmeasured  indulgence  of  his  passions, 
and  the  mental  strain  of  brooding  over  the  government  of 
his  boundless  empire,  we  may  easily  understand  that  he  was 
prepared,  both  morally  and  physically,  for  some  terrible 
crisis.  Indeed,  as  soon  as  he  had  celebrated  the  obsequies 
of  Hephaastion,  he  again  sank  into  a  deep  and  boisterous 
revelry,  which  terminated  in  an  attack  of  fever.  The  dis- 
ease from  the  first  was  pronounced  incurable.  But  his  co- 
lossal intemperance  aggravated  it ;  for  as  soon  as  the  fever, 
during  its  early  stages,  showed  any  signs  of  abatement,  he 
sought  wine  wherewith  to  satisfy  his  unquenchable  thirst, 
so  that  every  hope  of  saving  him  was  soon  abandoned.  The 
army  now  yearned  to  see  him  for  the  last  time.  The  gates 
of  the  palace  were  thrown  open,  and  the  various  divisions 
passed  in  military  order  before  the  man  who  had  so  often 
led  them  to  victory.  The  king  was  silent,  though  he  knew 
perfectly  well  what  was  passing,  and  strove  to  welcome  his 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER.  145 

soldiers,  both  by  moving  his  head  and  by  the  expression  of 
his  eyes,  which  still  depicted  the  sentiments  of  his  inner  na- 
ture. The  last  words  which  he  spoke  before  expiring  are 
said  to  have  been,  on  being  asked  to  whom  he  bequeathed 
his  kingdom,  "  To  the  strongest "  ;  and,  taking  the  signet- 
ring  from  his  finger,  he  handed  it  to  Perdikkas.  He  died  in 
the  afternoon — June,  323  B.  c. — after  a  life  of  thirty-two 
years  and  eight  months,  and  a  reign  of  twelve  years  and 
eight  months. 

The  death  of  Alexander  in  the  very  acme  of  his  youth  and 
greatness  caused  a  deep  impression  throughout  the  known 
world — so  deep,  indeed,  that  at  first  the  event  was  not  cred- 
ited. When  the  first  report  of  it  was  brought  to  Athens,  the 
orator  Demades  exclaimed,  "  It  can  not  be  true  :  if  Alexander 
were  dead,  the  whole  habitable  xworld  would  have  smelt  of 
his  carcass."  *  The  whole  empire  was  indeed  shaken,  and  the 
fate  of  the  greatest  political  edifice  yet  constructed  now  re- 
mained uncertain  and  perilous.  Alexander  had  subdued  the 
great  king,  who  even  to  the  time  when  the  former  crossed 
the  Hellespont  was,  and  had  long  been,  the  type  of  worldly 
power  and  felicity  ;  he  had  become  master  of  his  countless 
treasures  and  vast  territories,  and  had  ruled  over  the  great 
,peninsula  lying  between  the  Ister  and  Cape  Malea,  and  over 
all  the  islands  between  Hellas  and  Asia.  He  had  accom- 
plished all  this  within  twelve  years,  when  but  thirty-two 
years  old,  at  an  age  when  the  Athenian  citizen  was  hardly 
deemed  worthy  of  the  office  of  strategos,  and  the  Roman  not 
sufficiently  mature  for  the  office  of  consul ;  at  an  age  when 
Julius  Caesar  was  yet  unknown,  and  Napoleon  was  but  be- 
ginning his  military  career.  Again,  the  world,  which  did 
not  realize  the  attacks  his  vigorous  frame  had  suffered,  and 
that  no  one  performs  great  exploits  in  early  manhood  unless 
by  sacrificing  and  impairing  his  subsequent  life — the  world, 

*  Ou  TeQvTiKfv  'A.\f^avSpos,  5  &vtyes  'AflTjralbJ,  Sfe  yap  &v  TJ 
vtitpov,    Plutarch,  "  Phokion." 


146  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

which  saw  Alexander  achieve  such  unprecedented  glory 
within  twelve  years,  having  at  his  disposal  both  the  splen- 
did civilization  of  Hellas  and  the  countless  treasures  of 
Asia  while  still  in  the  plenitude  of  health,  vigor,  and  aspi- 
rations— believed  that  Alexander  would  have  been  satisfied 
with  nothing  less  than  the  conquest  of  the  whole  known 
earth.  Three  centuries  later  the  famous  Roman  historian 
Livy  examined  with  much  accuracy  the  results  of  the  con- 
test which  Alexander,  had  he  lived,  would  have  undertaken 
against  the  Romans.  Plutarch  also,  in  his  treatise  concern- 
ing the  fortune  of  the  Romans,  enumerates  as  a  piece  of 
good  luck  for  them  the  fact  that  the  early  death  of  Alex- 
ander had  prevented  him  from  attacking  them.  But  to 
this  day  the  most  prominent  historians  assert  that,  had  he 
lived,  he  would  have  wielded  his  scepter  over  the  entire  hu- 
man race  as  then  known. 

Some  have  wished  to  compare  him  with  Caesar  or  Napo- 
leon. But  Napoleon  was  banished  from  his  country  after  he 
was  put  down  by  his  enemies.  He  did  not  even  rule  over 
the  whole  of  Europe,  and  toward  the  end  of  his  career  he 
saw  others  divide  his  empire  piecemeal.  Caesar  not  only  con- 
quered very  few  countries  in  comparison  with  Alexander,  but 
his  death  also  made  little  impression  on  the  fortunes  of  the 
Roman  empire,  because  men  were  at  once  found  capable  of 
continuing  and  completing  his  work.  But  the  empire  of 
Alexander  was  so  vast,  and  so  closely  linked  with  his  own 
incomparable  genius,  that  his  loss  was  irreparable.  The  na- 
tions that  were  not  as  yet  subdued  deemed  themselves  freed 
from  the  greatest  of  dangers,  while  those  that  had  been  con- 
quered saw  their  fetters  suddenly  broken  ;  yet  for  many  cen- 
turies they  underwent  constant  changes — unions  and  divi- 
sions of  empire,  languages,  tribes,  religions — all  of  which  had 
their  beginning  and  cause  in  the  first  and  great  undertaking 
of  Alexander. 

As  a  conqueror,  accordingly,  both  by  reason  of  the  ex- 


LAST  DAYS  OP  ALEXANDER.  147 

tent  of  his  conquests  and  the  influence  which  they  had  on 
the  fortunes  both  of  his  contemporaries  and  successors,  Alex- 
ander has  not  his  equal  in  the  history  of  humanity.  As  a 
warrior,  as  well  by  his  daring  and  organizing  mind  as  his 
strategical  genius,  he  is  said  to  have  united  all  the  advan- 
tages which  Homer  attributes  to  the  impetuous  Ares  and  to 
the  wise  Athene,  and  again  is  declared  to  have  been  without 
a  parallel  in  the  history  of  antiquity. 

Conclusion. 

Through  Alexander  and  his  successors,  Hellenic  art  and 
learning,  which  began  gradually  to  fade  in  Hellas,  continued 
to  prosper  and  to  bloom  in  Pergamus,  Ephesus,  Antiochia, 
Sidon,  Gaza,  Tarsus,  Alexandria — in  fact,  throughout  Asia 
Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt.  Certainly,  those  lands  brought 
forth  no  masterpieces  of  poetry,  history,  and  philosophy  equal 
to  those  of  pure  Hellenism  ;  yet  many  precious  works  were 
produced  for  the  preservation,  explanation,  and  development 
of  these  masterpieces.  Again,  Hellenic  art  created  here 
works  not  inferior  to  those  of  the  former,  while  the  positive 
sciences,  mathematics,  astronomy,  and  physics,  received  here 
an  impetus  incomparably  greater  than  in  the  first  Hellenism. 

Hellenism,  therefore,  was  not  only  spread,  but  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  materially  improved.  Incredible  as  it  may  seem, 
yet  it  is  true  that  the  Hellenic  language  prevailed  in  many 
of  these  far-distant  Asiatic  countries.  On  the  south  of  Egypt, 
in  ^Ethiopia  itself,  the  Hellenic  tongue  thereafter  became  the 
recognized  language  of  the  empire.  This  language  was  im- 
printed on  the  coins  of  Baktriana  ;  Hellenic  artists  gorgeously 
decorated  the  courts  of  the  kings  of  Armenia  and  Parthia  ; 
Artavasdes,  king  of  the  Armenians,  composed  tragedies  and 
wrote  in  the  Hellenic  tongue  ;  and,  in  fine,  the  .children  of 
the  Persians,  Susians,  and  Gedrosians  sang  the  tragedies  of 
Euripides  and  Sophokles.  By  the  incessant  energies  of  the 
Hellenic  cities  founded  by  Alexander  and  his  successors,  the 


148  MACEDONIAN  HELLENISM. 

Hellenic  tongue  became  the  language  of  the  government,  of 
letters,  of  commerce — in  a  word,  the  organ  of  all  higher  and 
nobler  relations.  The  Hellenic  religion  also  was  spread  in 
the  East,  and  a  certain  identification  of  the  Hellenic  with  the 
ancestral  gods  of  Egypt  and  Asia  took  place.  It  was  by  this 
union  that  the  particular,  the  local  individualities  of  these 
divinities  disappeared,  and  the  mind  of  the  people  gradually 
became  prepared  for  a  more  general  conception  of  one  divin- 
ity. Hence,  when,  three  centuries  later,  the  word  of  God 
was  first  preached  in  Asia,  it  found  those  nations  ready  to 
accept  the  idea  of  one  only  true  God  ;  and  since  they  spoke 
one  language,  the  spread  of  the  gospel  was  wonderfully 
facilitated.  The  fact,  too,  that  this  language  was  the  most 
artistic  and  most  finished  of  all,  rendered  it  especially  adapted 
to  explain  and  develop  the  lofty  truths  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion. 

We  have  thus  briefly  sketched  the  career  of  Alexander. 
Certainly  he  was  not  faultless,  particularly  toward  the  end 
of  his  life,  when  the  indulgence  of  his  fervent  passions  ex- 
ceeded all  human  bounds.  Nevertheless,  he  proved  himself 
not  only*  the  greatest  of  conquerors,  but  the  most  admired 
and  beloved  of  commanders.  The  Hellenization  of  Asia, 
which  he  inaugurated,  will  always  be  regarded  as  the  noblest 
achievement  of  his  short  but  glorious  career. 


PART  NINTH. 
THE    SUC  GESSOES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

REGENCY    OF    PEEDIKKAS. 

Settlement  of  the  Empire. 

ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  died  in  Babylon  in  June,  323  B.  c. 
His  death,  which  soon  after  moved  far-distant  lands,  above 
all  astounded  the  great  city  in  which  it  had  occurred.  Ter- 
rible confusion  prevailed  throughout  that  eventful  night. 
The  army  and  the  people  rushed  frantic  with  grief  into  the 
palace,  in  order  to  assure  themselves  of  the  truth.  Fear  of 
the  future  soon  succeeded  to  their  sorrow  ;  no  one  knew 
what  would  occur,  now  that  the  mighty  hand  which  held  that 
wonderful  structure  had  disappeared.  The  soldiers  mis- 
trusted the  natives,  the  natives  the  soldiers,  and  the  gen- 
erals one  another.  All  passed  the  night  in  arms,  apprehen- 
sive of  revolt,  murder,  or  plunder. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  highest  commanders — seven  in 
number — held  a  council  to  determine  what  was  to  be  done. 
It  was  forthwith  decided  to  invite  to  the  conference  the 
other  generals  and  captains  of  the  army,  that  the  whole 
affair  might  be  discussed  in  common  with  them.  The  arms, 
crown,  and  royal  tunic  of  the  deceased  were  placed  on  the 
empty  throne.  Perdikkas  first  of  all  arose,  and,  after  laying 


150  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

there  also  the  signet-ring  which  the  king  had  given  him, 
reminded  the  convention  of  the  danger  of  the  empire,  and 
the  necessity  of  choosing  a  successor.  He  maintained  that 
the  Macedonian  order  of  succession  should  be  strictly  fol- 
lowed, and  that  in  case  Queen  Roxana,  who  was  soon  to 
become  a  mother,  should  give  birth  to  a  son,  to  him  the 
crown  must  be  surrendered  ;  but  in  the  mean  time  it  was  im- 
perative to  appoint  a  regent,  and  to  this  election  he  earnest- 
ly called  the  attention  of  the  assembly. 

Much  animated  discussion  followed  the  address  of  Perdik- 
kas.  Koxana,  they  said,  was  a  barbarian — a  captive  ;  the 
crown  ought  not  to  be  surrendered  to  a  foreigner.  Neither 
Roxana  nor  Barsine,  by  whom  Alexander  had  already  a  son 
named  Herakles,  had  any  right  to  Macedonian  rule.  The 
mere  mention  of  a  foreign  name  would  create  a  disturbance  ; 
the  Macedonians  would  shout,  hiss,  and  strike  their  spears 
on  their  shields,  and  the  authority  of  the  generals  would  be 
disregarded. 

In  the  mean  time  the  army,  independently  of  the  proceed- 
ings in  the  palace,  chose  by  acclamation  Arridaeus,  an  illegit- 
imate brother  of  Alexander,  to  the  throne,  having  surnamed 
him  Philip,  a  name  ever  dear  to  all  Macedonians.  The  sol- 
diers with  fixed  arms  broke  into  the  assembly,  declaring  that 
a  king  had  been  elected,  and  that  the  first  word  of  disap- 
proval would  be  followed  by  death.  Perdikkas  with  a  few 
of  the  generals  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  royal  chamber, 
where  lay  the  body  of  Alexander.  They  were  joined  by 
about  six  hundred  prominent  officers,  and  by  the  division  of 
the  young  Asiatic  troops  under  command  of  Ptolemy.  The 
Macedonian  phalanx,  however,  under  Meleagrus  (one  of  the 
seven  prominent  generals  of  the  army)  and  Arridaeus,  soon 
broke  in  upon  them.  Perdikkas  with  a  thundering  voice  cried 
out,  "  Stand  by  me,  those  ready  to  defend  the  dead  body  of 
the  king."  A  savage  struggle  ensued,  during  which  many 
were  killed  and  wounded,  until  finally  the  voice  of  authority 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  151 

was  again  heard,  and  both  parties  resolved  to  lay  aside  their 
arms  and  to  try  to  reach  an  honorable  solution. 

The  large  number  of  the  Macedonian  soldiers  who  stoutly 
claimed  that  Arridaeus  had  the  sole  right  to  the  throne,  caused 
Perdikkas  for  the  time  being  to  yield.  Hence  an  apparent 
reconciliation  was  agreed  upon  ;  but  it  was  only  apparent. 
The  haughty  Perdikkas  was  not  satisfied  with  this  state  of 
affairs  ;  the  phalanx  which  dared  to  raise  arms  against  the 
voice  of  authority  must  be  punished  ;  the  audacious  gen- 
erals, among  whom  Meleagrus  was  the  foremost,  must  be 
severely  dealt  with.  To  this  end,  Perdikkas  ordered  a  gen- 
eral purification  of  the  army,  on  account  of  the  civil  strife 
which  had  recently  taken  place.  The  purification,  according 
to  the  Macedonian  custom,  was  held  in  the  following  man- 
ner :  A  dog  was  cut  in  two  ;  its  divided  parts  were  placed 
on  an  open  field  at  a  considerable  distance  one  from  the 
other,  and  between  them  the  whole  army  marched  in  mili- 
tary order,  followed  by  a  sham  battle  between  the  infantry 
and  cavalry. 

When  the  two  bodies  faced  each  other — the  horsemen 
and  elephants  under  command  of  the  king  and  Perdikkas 
(who  had  in  the  mean  time  succeeded  in  gaining  the  entire 
confidence  of  Arridaeus),  and  the  infantry  under  command 
of  Meleagrus — suddenly  a  report  spread  throughout  the  pha- 
lanx that  something  unusual  was  going  to  take  place.  As 
the  horsemen  came  forth,  Perdikkas,  riding  in  advance  with 
a  chosen  few,  declared  to  the  army  that  the  purification  was 
not  complete,  unless  the  traitors  who  had  dared  to  raise  arms 
against  their  generals  were  forthwith  surrendered  to  justice. 
At  the  same  time  he  intimated  that  unless  this  was  done  he 
would  at  once  order  the  cavalry  to  charge,  which  would  have 
caused  the  destruction  of  the  entire  phalanx.  The  infantry 
were  thunderstruck  ;  but  no  delay  was  allowed.  Perdikkas 
was  not  only  ready  for  action,  but  no  infantry  could  offer 
effective  resistance  in  an  open  field  against  a  well -drilled 


152  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

cavalry  force.  Three  hundred  Macedonian  soldiers  were 
arrested,  and  at  once  cast  among  the  elephants,  by  which 
they  were  torn  to  pieces.  While  this  terrible  sacrifice  was 
going  on,  Meleagrus  durst  not  leave  his  rank  in  the  phalanx  ; 
but  when  the  army  returned  to  the  city,  knowing  that  his 
life  was  in  imminent  danger,  he  sought  refuge  in  a  temple. 
Both  the  king  and  Perdikkas  declared  that  by  this  precipi- 
tate flight  he  had  shown  how  guilty  he  was,  and  ordered 
that  he  should  be  executed  in  his  place  of  refuge. 

By  this  daring  act  Perdikkas  inaugurated  his  rule.  He 
understood,  however,  that  as  long  as  the  king  was  surrounded 
by  so  many  noble  and  veteran  generals,  several  of  whom  had 
as  good  claim  to  power  and  command  as  himself,  his  influ- 
ence would  not  be  so  predominant  as  he  wished.  He  there- 
fore persuaded  the  king  that  the  interests  of  the  empire 
demanded  that  the  affairs  of  the  various  satrapies  should  be 
diligently  examined,  and  new  governors — men  of  ability  anfl 
fidelity — be  appointed,  especially  in  the  distant  provinces. 
The  king  readily  assented  to  this  proposition,  and  those  of 
the  generals  whom  Perdikkas  had  reason  to  fear  or  to  mis- 
trust were  appointed  to  distant  satrapies. 

It  was  decided  that  Perdikkas  should  remain  by  the  king, 
as  the  general-in-chief  of  the  royal  army.  He  was  also  to 
carry  the  royal  signet,  and  transmit  to  all  the  officers  of  the 
empire,  both  civil  and  military,  the  king's  orders.  The 
former  office  of  Perdikkas,  that  of  chiliarch  or  commander  of 
the  Companions  or  royal  guards,  was  bestowed  upon  Seleu- 
kus,  son  of  Antiochus,  who  had  already  greatly  distinguished 
himself  for  bravery  and  wisdom  in  the  wars  of  Alexander, 
and  whom  we  shall  find  later  as  the  founder  of  the  great  and 
powerful  empire  of  the  Seleukidae.  Kassander,  son  of  Anti- 
pater,  succeeded  Seleukus  in  the  command  of  the  royal  na- 
tive troops.  It  is  not  known  whether  any  other  changes 
were  made  in  the  general  Macedonian  staff,  but  the  affairs 
of  the  satrapies  were  arranged  as  follows  : 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  153 

Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus,  one  of  the  bravest,  wisest,  and 
most  distinguished  generals  of  Alexander,  was  appointed 
satrap  of  Egypt,  among  the  best  provinces  of  the  empire, 
on  account  of  its  position,  general  prosperity,  and  the  won- 
derfully increased  resources  of  its  capital,  Alexandria. 
Ptolemy  possessed  in  many  respects  the  peculiar  nature  of 
Philip.  He  knew  how  to  avail  himself  especially  of  circum- 
stances, seeking  such  advantages  only  as  opportunities  would 
safely  allow.  This  moderation  does  not  certainly  bring  forth 
conquerors  like  Alexander,  yet  it  produces  founders  of  more 
lasting  institutions. 

Laomedon,  son  of  Larichus,  a  Mitylenasan,  was  appointed 
satrap  of  Syria,  lying  between  the  river  Euphrates  and  the 
sea-coast,  and  containing  the  Phoenician  cities.  This  was 
one  cf  the  richest  satrapies  in  the  empire,  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  granted  to  a  Greek  shows  the  complete  equality  which 
both  Philip  and  Alexander  had  established  among  Greeks 
and  Macedonians. 

Philotas,  a  taxiarch,*  was  made  satrap  of  Kilikia,  which, 
although  not  distinguished  either  by  its  extent  or  fertility,  yet 
in  a  military  point  of  view  was  of  considerable  importance, 
since  it  united  western  Asia  with  the  East. 

Nearchus,  the  famous  admiral,  received  the  satrapy  of 
Pamphylia  ;  but,  preferring  for  the  present  the  command 
of  the  Macedonian  fleet,  he  intrusted  the  rule  of  his  province 
during  his  absence  to  Antigonus,  son  of  Philip.  Antigonus 
was  eminently  a  man  of  action,  and  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished generals  of  his  time.  He  was  appointed  in  333  E.  c. 
satrap  of  Phrygia,  a  most  difficult  province  to  rule,  on  ac- 
count of  the  semi-independent,  mountainous,  and  buccaneer- 
ing tribes  which  surrounded  it.  Perdikkas,  knowing  the 
ambition  and  energy  of  this  young  satrap,  employed  him  in 
many  difficult  and  dangerous  projects  far  distant  from  the 
seat  of  government. 

*  A  term  used  of  all  officers  under  the  strategus. 


154  TEE  SUCCESSORS. 

Eumenes,  a  Kardian,  was  made  satrap  of  Paphlagonia 
and  of  Great  Kappadokia.  He  enjoyed  much  influence  in 
the  court,  and  was  distinguished  for  learning,  wisdom,  and 
bravery.  Perdikkas,  knowing  well  his  many  eminent  quali- 
ties, and  considering  him  a  dangerous  person  to  have  near 
the  king,  had  him  sent  to  these  distant  provinces,  where  he 
was  sure  he  would  soon  find  himself  at  war  with  the  sur- 
rounding nations. 

Similar  changes  were  made  in  the  satrapies  of  Karia, 
Lydia,  and  Phrygia,  as  well  as  in  some  of  the  European 
provinces.  Porus  and  Taxiles  continued,  as  heretofore,  to 
rule  their  provinces  beyond  the  Indus,  which  had  now  be- 
come almost  independent  of  Macedonian  sway. 

These  measures  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  great  realm 
of  Alexander  was  destined  to  continue  in  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors.  But  the  ferocious  passions  and  prejudices  which 
were  current  both  in  the  court  and  the  provinces  were  more 
powerful  than  the  influence  or  wisdom  of  the  man  who  under- 
took to  sustain  the  towering  edifice  of  Alexander.  About  that 
time  Queen  Roxana  bore  a  son,  whom  the  army  with  bound- 
less joy  greeted  as  their  king.  The  queen,  being  envious  of 
Statira,  whom  Alexander  had  married  at  Susa,  craftily  in- 
duced her  to  come  to  Babylon,  and  killed  both  her  and  her 
young  sister  Drypetes,  the  widow  of  Hephsestion,  and,  with 
the  connivance  of  Perdikkas,  had  their  bodies  cast  into  a 
well.  Thus  was  inaugurated  that  series  of  murders  which 
was  destined  later  to  wipe  out  the  entire  race  of  Alexander. 
Not  long  after  both  the  northeastern  and  southwestern  sec- 
tions of  the  empire  revolted  almost  at  the  same  time,  and 
thus  was  begun  that  succession  of  revolts  which  hastened  its 
disintegration.  It  was  only  during  the  celebration  of  the 
obsequies  of  Alexander  that  the  Macedonian  army,  for  the 
last  time,  kept  united  in  peace  ;  the  various  satraps  who  had 
now  departed  to  their  respective  provinces  were  no  longer  to 
meet  except  as  enemies  on  the  field  of  battle. 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  155 

Indeed,  as  soon  as  the  death  of  Alexander  became  known, 
the  military  colonies  of  the  northeastern  provinces  conspired 
against  Macedonian  rule.  The  Greeks  in  these  regions  re- 
solved to  return  home,  and  to  this  end  formed  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  infantry  and  three  thousand  horse  under 
Philo.  Python,  satrap  of  Media,  was  ordered  to  march  against 
them  ;  and  after  a  terrific  battle,  during  which  the  army  of 
Philo  was  nearly  annihilated,  the  movement  was  abandoned. 
But  almost  at  the  same  time  a  great  revolt  broke  out  at 
Athens. 

The  Lamian  War. 

When  the  first  report  of  the  death  of  Alexander  was  an- 
nounced in  the  assembly  of  the  people  at  Athens,  the  orator 
Demades,  rising,  uttered  the  famous  words,  already  men- 
tioned :  "  It  can  not  be  true  :  if  Alexander  were  dead,  the 
whole  habitable  world  would  have  smelt  of  his  carcass."  But 
other  orators,  ascending  the  bema,  declared  that  the  report 
was  authentic,  and  that  the  time  bad  at  last  come  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  of  tyranny.  Phokion,  now  advanced  in  years, 
strove  to  pacify  the  multitude,  representing  that  it  was  the 
part  of  wisdom  not  to  precipitate  the  movement,  but  to  wait 
until  confirmatory  reports  should  reach  the  assembly.  But 
the  alluring  name  of  liberty  and  recollections  of  former  glory 
and  supremacy  finally  overcame  the  wisdom  of  the  few. 

Demosthenes  was  not  then  at  Athens.  Falsely  accused 
of  receiving  bribes  from  Harpalus,  satrap  of  Babylonia  and 
Syria — who,  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  being  punished  by 
Alexander  for  his  ostentatious  prodigality,  had  fled  from 
Asia  into  Hellas — Demosthenes  was  condemned  to  pay  fifty 
talents  to  the  state.  Unable  to  discharge  this  large  fine,  he 
was  cast  into  prison  ;  but  after  some  days  he  found  means 
of  escape,  and  fled  to  Trrezen  in  the  Peloponnesus,  where  he 
passed  some  months  as  a  dispirited  and  sorrowing  exile,  until 
the  death  of  Alexander.*  Such  was  the  reward  which  Demos- 

*  Plutarch,  "  Demosthenes,"  26 ;  Grote,  vol.  xii,  part  ii,  chap.  xcv. 


156  TEE  SUCCESSORS. 

thenes,  unquestionably  the  greatest  orator  and  one  of  the 
most  eminent  citizens  in  Athenian  antiquity,  received,  when 
more  than  sixty  years  old,  in  return  for  his  many  brilliant 
services  in  behalf  of  his  country. 

Nine  months  after  the  verdict  of  the  dikastery  against 
Demosthenes,  Alexander  died.  Presently  the  Athenians  and 
other  Greeks  rose  against  the  Macedonian  dynasty  ;  and  the 
struggle  was  called  the  Lamian  war,  because  it  was  prin- 
cipally fought  around  Lamia.  Leosthenes  was  appointed 
general,  and  was  ordered  to  muster,  besides  the  forces  at  his 
command,  an  army  of  eight  thousand  mercenaries.  The 
^Etolians,  Akarnanians,  Achaeans,  Arkadians,  and  Corinthians 
eagerly  entered  into  the  league  with  Athens  for  expelling 
the  Macedonians  from  Hellas.  Leosthenes,  at  the  head  of  a 
much  greater  army  than  the  thirteen  thousand  infantry  and 
the  six  hundred  cavalry  which  Antipater  led  against  him, 
occupied  Thermopylae.  In  the  battle  which  ensued  the  Mace- 
donians were  completely  defeated,  and  Antipater  was  forced 
to  flee  to  the  fortified  town  of  Lamia,  near  the  river  Sper- 
cheius,  beyond  the  southern  border  of  Thessaly.  Leosthenes 
immediately  began  the  siege  of  Lamia  ;  but,  in  inspecting 
the  blockading  trenches,  he  was  wounded  on  the  head  by  a 
large  stone  projected  from  one  of  the  catapults  on  the  city 
walls,  and  expired  in  two  days.  A  funeral  oration  in  his 
honor,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  other  combatants  who  had 
fallen,  was  pronounced  at  Athens  by  Hyperides.* 

The  ^Etolians,  the  most  powerful  contingent  of  the  army, 
had  even  during  the  lifetime  of  Leosthenes  obtained  leave  to 
go  home,  "  from  some  domestic  urgency,  real  or  pretended." 
Others  soon  followed  their  example,  so  that  the  army  was 
considerably  diminished,  though  still  remaining  large  enough 

*  Diodorus,  xviii,  12,  13 ;  Grote,  vol.  xii,  part  ii,  chap.  xcv.  A  fine  frag- 
ment of  the  A<fyoj  'Ejnrityioj  by  Hyperides  ia  preserved  in  Stobteus,  tit.  124, 
vol.  iii,  p.  618.  A  large  additional  portion  of  thia  oration  haa  recently  been 
found  in  Egypt  on  papyrus. 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  157 

to  keep  back  the  Macedonian  forces.  The  death  of  Leosthe- 
nes  was  the  severest  loss  the  cause  of  Hellas  had  sustained. 
For  the  last  generation  Athens  had  produced  several  excel- 
lent orators,  but  during  all  that  time  none  of  her  citizens  be- 
fore Leosthenes  had  displayed  "  military  genius  and  ardor, 
along  with  Panhellenic  purposes."  It  is  generally  conceded 
that  his  death  alone  appears  to  have  saved  Antipater  from 
captivity  ;  for  it  is  certain  that  he  solicited  peace,  but  was 
required  by  the  besiegers  to  surrender  at  discretion — with 
which  condition  he  refused  to  comply. 

The  death  of  this  eminent  general  was  accordingly  a  hard 
blow  to  the  cause  of  Hellenic  liberty.  The  hope  with  which 
the  energy,  the  Panhellenic  patriotism,  and  above  all  the 
splendid  victory  of  Leosthenes,  had  animated  the  courage 
of  all  Athenians,  now  followed  their  general  to  his  grave. 
Phokion,  the  only  one  left  at  Athens  who  could  perhaps 
have  successfully  replaced  him,  declined  the  command  of 
the  army.  Anticipating  the  final  act  of  the  tragedy,  he 
refused  to  embark  in  so  hazardous  an  undertaking.  Anti- 
philus  was  accordingly  chosen  commander — "  a  man,"  says 
Diodorus,  "  distinguished  for  bravery  and  military  wisdom," 
yet  no  match  for  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  very 
existence  of  the  city. 

Antipater,  as  it  appears,  had  sought  aid  from  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  contest.  Kraterus,  however,  was  still  away  in 
the  distant  lands  of  Asia,  while  Lysimachus,  satrap  of  Thrace, 
was  engaged  in  severe  strife  with  the  king  of  the  Odrysians. 
Thus  the  cause  of  Panhellenic  liberty  seemed,  on  the  whole, 
prosperous.  But  presently  Leonnatus,  satrap  of  the  Asiatic 
territory  bordering  on  the  Hellespont,  came  to  the  aid  of 
Antipater  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  soldiers  and 
twenty -five  hundred  cavalry.  Antiphilus  at  once  raised  the 
siege  of  Lamia,  moved  off  by  rapid  marches,  attacked  Le- 
onnatus apart  from  Antipater,  and  gained  a  splendid  victory, 
in  which  Leonnatus  himself  was  slain.  This  important  sue- 


158  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

cess  was  achieved  especially  through  the  assistance  of  the 
Thessalian  cavalry,  which  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Hel- 
lenes. 

The  victory,  however,  did  not  greatly  help  the  Hellenic 
cause.  The  Macedonian  infantry  had  not  suffered  much  loss  ; 
and  Antipater  hastened  from  Lamia,  took  command  of  the  de- 
feated army,  withdrew  his  forces  to  high  ground  out  of  reach 
of  the  cavalry,  and  there  awaited  the  arrival  of  Kraterus. 

Meanwhile  the  Athenians  were  repeatedly  defeated  by  the 
Macedonians  on  the  sea.  A  descent  was  made  at  Rhamnus, 
on  the  eastern  side  of  Attica,  where  the  Athenians  were  de- 
feated and  the  land  plundered.  Fear  seized  upon  Athens, 
and  Phokion  hastened  to  arouse  the  citizens  against  the  inva- 
ders. But  these  men  no  longer  knew  what  was  a  soldier's 
duty,  and  all  claimed  the  supreme  command.  One  counseled 
him  to  secure  such  an  eminence,  another  to  send  his  cavalry 
to  such  a  post,  and  a  third  pointed  out  a  place  for  a  camp. 
"  By  Herakles  !  "  said  Phokion,  "  how  many  generals  we  have, 
and  how  few  soldiers." 

Plutarch  informs  us  that  when  Phokion  had  drawn  up 
his  army,  one  of  the  infantry  advanced  before  the  ranks  ; 
but  when  he  saw  an  enemy  stepping  out  to  meet  him  his 
heart  failed  him,  and  he  drew  back  to  his  post.  Wherefore 
Phokion  said,  "  Young  man,  are  not  you  ashamed  to  desert 
your  station  twice  in  one  day — that  in  which  I  had  placed 
you,  and  that  in  which  you  had  placed  yourself  ?  "  Finally, 
by  the  energy  and  incessant  struggles  of  that  wise  general, 
the  enemy  were  forced  to  retreat  from  Attic  soil. 

During  the  ensuing  summer  Kraterus  passed  over  from 
Asia  into  Macedonia  with  a  numerous  army,  and  Antipater 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  force — forty  thousand 
heavy  infantry,  five  thousand  cavalry,  and  three  thousand 
archers  and  slingers.  The  Hellenic  army  consisted  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  infantry  and  thirty-five  hundred  cavalry — the 
latter,  Thessalians  "  of  admirable  efficiency."  A  great  battle 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  159 

was  fought  near  Krannon  in  Thessaly,  in  which  the  bravery 
of  the  Greeks  had  to  yield  to  the  superior  number  of  the 
Macedonians.  The  combined  Hellenic  army  was  dispersed, 
the  Thessalian  towns  were  captured,  and  most  of  the  Grecian 
cities,  alarmed,  sent  envoys  to  entreat  peace  from  Antipater, 
who  granted  lenient  terms  to  each.  The  Athenians  and 
^Etolians  alone  continued  the  struggle,  knowing  well  that 
peace  would  be  refused  them.  Antipater  lost  no  time  in  fol- 
lowing up  the  retreating  Athenians  as  far  as  Boeotia,  where 
he  took  quarters  at  the  Macedonian  post  in  the  Kadmeia, 
"  once  the  Hellenic  Thebes,"  within  two  days'  march  of 
Athens.  When  this  news  reached  the  city  of  Athens,  the 
people  were  greatly  alarmed  and  dispirited.  Demosthenes, 
who  had  been  recently  recalled  to  Athens  amid  the  enthu- 
siastic plaudits  of  the  people,  fled  the  city,  together  with 
the  principal  anti-Macedonian  orators,  Hyperides,  Eukrates, 
Aristonikus,  and  Himeraeus.  The  Athenians,  greatly  terri- 
fied at  the  situation,  dispatched  Phokion — the  only  man, 
says  Plutarch,  they  could  trust — to  Antipater,  who  then  lay 
with  his  army  at  Thebes,  preparing  to  enter  Attica. 

The  first  requisition  which  Phokion  submitted  to  the  vic- 
torious Macedonian  was  that  the  army  should  not  invade 
Attica,  but  that  peace  might  be  concluded  at  once  in  Boaotia. 
Kraterus  said  it  was  an  unjust  demand  ;  but  Antipater,  tak- 
ing him  by  the  hand,  said,  "  Let  us  oblige  Phokion  so  far."  * 
He  could  not,  however,  prevail  upon  Antipater  to  acquiesce 
in  anything  short  of  "  the  surrender  of  Athens  at  discretion 
— the  same  terms  as  Leosthenes  had  required  from  Antipater 
himself  at  Lamia." 

When  Phokion  returned  to  Athens  with  this  answer,  the 
people,  having  no  alternative  except  to  yield  to  the  imperious 
demands  of  the  conqueror,  asked  Phokion,  together  with 
Xenokrates  the  philosopher,  to  return  to  Thebes  and  ascer- 
tain the  terms  of  peace.  The  virtue  and  reputation  of  Xeno- 
*  Plutarch,  "  Phokion." 


160  THE  SUCCESSORS! 

krates,  says  Plutarch,  were  so  great  and  illustrious  that  the 
Athenians  thought  there  could  be  nothing  in  human  nature 
so  indolent,  savage,  and  ferocious  as  not  to  feel  some  impres- 
sions of  respect  and  reverence  at  the  sight  of  him,  and  it  was 
supposed  that  he  might  thus  be  efficacious  in  mitigating  the 
wrath  of  the  conqueror.  It  happened  otherwise,  however ; 
for  he  was  harshly  received,  and  almost  put  to  silence,  by 
Antipater.  Plutarch  attributes  this  treatment  to  the  extreme 
brutality  of  the  victor  and  to  his  antipathy  to  virtue ;  but 
we  are  inclined  to  believe,  with  Grote,  that  one  reason  of  this 
may  be  the  fact  that  Xenokrates  had  been  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent the  rival  of  Aristotle,  the  personal  friend  of  Antipater. 
It  must  be  added,  however,  to  the  honor  of  the  Greek  philos- 
opher, that  he  maintained  a  higher  and  more  independent 
tone  than  either  of  the  other  envoys. 

Antipater  declared  that  he  was  ready  to  grant  the  Athe- 
nians peace  and  consider  them  as  his  friends,  on  condition 
that  they  should  deliver  to  him  Demosthenes,  Hyperides, 
and  at  least  two  other  anti-Macedonian  orators  ;  that  they 
should  abandon  their  democratical  constitution,  and  disfran- 
chise all  their  poorer  citizens ;  receive  a  Macedonian  garri- 
son in  Munychia ;  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war  ;  free  the 
islands  of  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and  Skyros  from  Athenian  do- 
minion ;  dispossess  the  Athenian  colonists  in  Samos,  and 
transfer  the  island  to  the  Samian  exiles  and  natives.  Plu- 
tarch informs  us  that  the  Athenian  deputies  heard  these 
terms  with  satisfaction,  as  lenient  and  reasonable.  Xeno- 
krates only  entered  against  them  "the  strongest  protest 
which  the  occasion  admitted."  "  Antipater,"  he  said,  "  deals 
favorably  with  us,  if  he  considers  us  as  his  slaves  ;  but 
harshly,  if  he  looks  upon  us  as  freemen." 

Thus  in  September,  322  B.  c.,  the  Athenians  were  obliged 
to  receive  a  Macedonian  garrison,  commanded  by  Menyllus, 
a  man  of  great  moderation,  and  the  friend  of  Phokion.  Nine 
thousand  "qualified  citizens"  only  were  found  at  Athens 


REGENCY  OF  PERDIKKAS.  161 

possessing  property  to  the  amount  of  two  thousand  drachmae. 
All  those  below  this  prescribed  qualification  were  deprived 
of  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  were  deported  out  of  Attica, 
some  to  Thrace,  some  to  the  Illyrian  or  Italian  coast,  some 
to  Libya  or  the  Kyrenaic  territory. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  distinguished  anti-Macedonian 
orators  had  already  fled — Demosthenes,  Hyperides,  Aris- 
tonikus,  and  Himeraeus.  The  three  last  having  taken  refuge 
in  JEgina,  and  Demosthenes  in  Kalauria,  all  of  them  were 
"out  of  the  reach  of  an  Athenian  sentence,  but  not  beyond 
that  of  the  Macedonian  sword."  Antipater  sent  a  company 
of  soldiers,  called  in  the  language  of  the  time  the  Exile-Hunt- 
ers, about  the  country  to  capture  them.  Hyperides,  Aris- 
tonikus,  and  Himerseus  were  seized  in  ^Egina,  and  marched 
off  to  Kleonse  in  Argolis,  where  Antipater  remained.  All 
were  put  to  death  by  his  order  ;  and  Hyperides  is  said  to 
have  first  had  his  tongue  cut  out. 

Death  of  Demosthenes. 

Demosthenes,  anticipating  his  arrest,  had  sought  refuge 
in  the  temple  of  Poseidon  in  Kalauria,  hoping  that  the  "  Ex- 
ile-Hunters "  would  abstain  from  laying  violent  hands  upon 
him  in  that  venerable  sanctuary.  Soon  after,  Archias,  the 
chief  of  the  band,  came  to  the  temple  and  endeavored  to 
persuade  the  great  orator  to  quit  the  sanctuary  and  go  with 
him  to  Antipater,  assuring  him  that  he  had  no  harsh  mea- 
sures to  expect.  Demosthenes,  however,  well  aware  of  the 
fate  which  awaited  him,  fixed  his  eyes  on  the  speaker,  and 
said,  without  rising  from  his  seat,  "  Neither  your  actions 
moved  me  formerly,  nor  do  your  promises  move  me  now."* 
Archias  began  then  to  threaten  ;  upon  which  Demosthenes 
said,  "  Before  you  acted  a  part ;  now  you  speak  as  from  the 
Macedonian  tripod.  Only  wait  a  while  till  I  have  sent  my 

*  Archias,  the  chief  of  the  Exile-Hunters,  is  said  to  have  been  once  a  tragic 
actor. 

28 


162  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

last  orders  to  my  family."  So  saying,  he  retired  into  the 
inner  part  of  the  temple ;  and,  taking  some  paper  as  if  he 
meant  to  write,  he  put  the  pen  to  his  mouth,  and  bit  it  for  a 
considerable  time,  as  he  was  wont  to  do  when  thoughtful 
about  his  composition  ;  after  which  he  covered  his  head  and 
let  it  sink  into  a  reclining  posture.  The  soldiers  who  stood 
at  the  door,  apprehending  that  he  took  this  method  to  put 
off  the  fatal  stroke,  laughed  at  him  and  called  him  a  coward. 
Archias,  then  approaching,  desired  him  to  rise,  and  began  to 
repeat  the  promises  of  making  his  peace  with  Antipater. 
Demosthenes,  who  by  this  time  felt  the  poison  beginning  to 
take  effect,  uncovered  his  face,  and,  looking  upon  Archias — 
"  Now,"  said  he,  "  you  may  act  the  part  of  Kreon  *  in  the 
play  as  soon  as  you  please,  and  cast  out  this  carcass  of  mine 
unburied.  For  my  part,  O  gracious  Poseidon  !  I  quit  thy 
temple  with  my  breath  within  me.  But  Antipater  and  the 
Macedonians  would  not  have  scrupled  to  profane  it  with  mur- 
der." By  this  time  he  could  scarcely  stand,  and  therefore 
desired  them  to  support  him.  But  in  attempting  to  walk 
out  he  fell  by  the  altar,  and  expired  with  a  groan. 

Thus  perished  Demosthenes,  an  incomparable  orator,  but 
unfortunately  an  advocate  of  erroneous  political  doctrines. 
His  orations  were  the  veritable  funeral  elegies  of  old  Athens. 
This  city,  which  produced  the  rarest  fruits  of  art  and  thought, 
has  justly  obtained  such  funeral  melody,  and  Demosthenes 
perhaps  became  so  great  an  orator  by  being  unfortunate  in 
his  political  career.  Eloquence  often  embellishes  both  vic- 
tories and  disasters  ;  but  eloquence  in  behalf  of  misfortunes 
will  always  be  more  efficacious  than  all  the  most  splendid 
panegyrics  of  glory  and  triumph. 

*  Alluding  to  that  passage  in  the  "Antigone  "  of  Sopbokles  where  Kreon 
forbids  the  body  of  Polynikes  to  be  buried. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY.  163 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOB  SUPREMACY. 

Proceedings  of  PerdikJcas. 

AKTIPATER  now  became  all-powerful  in  Europe,  and  to 
this  end  took  care  to  draw  to  himself  the  brave  and  good 
Kraterus,  a  most  distinguished  general,  whom  Alexander 
not  less  than  the  people  and  the  army  had  loved  and  honored. 
He  bestowed  upon  Kraterus  great  honors,  and  cemented  his 
alliance  with  him  by  giving  to  him  his  beautiful  and  accom- 
plished daughter  Phila  in  marriage. 

The  two  generals  resolved  (about  the  end  of  322  B.  c.) 
to  pass  across  the  Corinthian  Gulf  and  attack  the  JEto- 
lians,  the  only  Greeks  remaining  unsubdued.  Diodorus  in- 
forms us  that  it  was  the  purpose  of  Antipater  not  merely 
to  conquer  this  brave  and  warlike  people,  but  to  transport 
them  en  masse  into  Asia,  and  march  them  up  to  the  interior 
deserts  of  the  empire.  After  having  suffered  terrific  hard- 
ships and  undergone  untold  dangers,  the  Macedonians  were 
about  to  compel  the  sturdy  ^Etolians  to  surrender,  in  spite 
of  bravery  and  endurance,  when  suddenly  Antigonus,  satrap 
of  Greater  Phrygia,  came  to  the  Macedonian  camp  and 
communicated  such  news  to  Antipater  that  the  latter  at  once 
concluded  peace  with  the  ^Etolians — postponing  till  a  future 
period  his  design  of  deporting  that  people — and  hastened  to 
cross  into  Asia. 

Perdikkas,  as  has  been  said,  had  ordered  Antigonus  to 
assist  Eumenes  in  the  pacification  of  his  satrapy.  The  for- 
mer, however,  not  deeming  it  best  for  his  own  interests,  re- 
fused to  obey.  Perdikkas,  the  royal  intendant,  wishing  to 
secure  and  enlarge  the  rule  of  his  faithful  Eumenes,  hastened 
to  his  assistance  with  the  central  army  of  the  empire,  gained 


164  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

a  great  victory  over  his  enemy  Ariarathes,  and  delivered 
Kappadokia  to  his  friend.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered 
Antigonus  to  appear  before  him  and  explain  his  disobedience, 
threatening  to  invade  his  satrapy  in  case  he  should  dare  to 
offer  resistance.  But  Antigonus  was  not  the  man  to  obey 
such  peremptory  orders.  Accompanied  by  his  son  Demetrius 
and  the  most  faithful  of  his  friends,  he  fled  to  Antipater, 
whose  assistance  he  hoped  to  obtain  in  the  struggle  against 
his  powerful  opponent. 

Not  long  before,  Antipater,  desirous  of  entering  into 
close  alliance  with  Perdikkas,  had  sent  over  to  Asia  Niksea, 
another  of  his  daughters,  to  become  the  wife  of  the  royal 
intendant.  But  Queen  Olympias,  the  mother  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  hating  Antipater  as  she  alone  in  the  savageness  of 
her  soul  knew  how  to  hate,  sent  her  own  daughter  Kleopatra, 
the  widow  of  Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  to  become  the  wife 
of  Perdikkas.  This  last  offer  of  marriage  was  most  pleasing 
to  the  royal  intendant,  since  it  brought  him  into  close  union 
with  the  royal  family  of  Macedonia.  Deeming  it,  however, 
hazardous  to  provoke  openly  and  immediately  the  wrath  of 
Antipater,  especially  since  he  had  already  pledged  himself  to 
his  daughter,  he  resolved  to  accept  Niksea  for  the  moment, 
but  fully  determined,  as  soon  as  he  had  secured  his  hold  in 
Asia,  to  send  her  away,  take  Kleopatra,  and  overthrow  Anti- 
pater. Apprised  of  these  plots  and  dangers  in  time,  Anti- 
pater immediately  abandoned  the  JEtolian  war,  appointed 
Polysperchon,  one  of  Alexander's  veteran  officers,  to  be  chief 
administrator  in  Macedonia  during  his  absence,  and  hastened 
to  Asia,  in  the  spring  of  321  B.  c.,  with  Kraterus,  his  ablest 
friend  and  coadjutor. 

In  the  mean  time,  Kynane,  daughter  of  Philip  and  widow 
of  his  nephew  Amyntas,  a  daring  and  ambitious  woman, 
had  brought  into  Asia  her  daughter  Eurydike  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  her  the  wife  of  King  Philip  Arridoeus.  Being 
averse  to  the  marriage,  Perdikkas  contrived  means  to  put 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY.  165 

Kynane  to  death  ;  but,  presently  yielding  to  the  indignation 
excited  among  the  soldiers  by  this  deed,  he  was  forced  not 
only  to  spare  the  life  of  Eurydike,  but  even  to  permit  her 
marriage  with  King  Arridaeus.  This  union  was  calculated  to 
thwart  the  plans  and  check  the  aspirations  of  Perdikkas, 
because  Eurydike  was  not  less  ambitious  than  her  mother, 
and,  being  the  wife  of  the  king,  she  had  the  means  to  arouse 
his  suspicions.  At  the  same  time,  Ptolemy,  satrap  of  Egypt, 
broke  with  Perdikkas  and  joined  himself  with  Antipater  and 
Kraterus.  Ptolemy  was  a  dangerous  and  powerful  oppo- 
nent, not  only  on  account  of  his  personal  qualifications,  but 
also  because  he  ruled  over  a  rich  region,  which  at  this  time 
he  had  considerably  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  Kyrene,  a 
Hellenic  colony. 

Perdikkas,  thus  threatened  from  the  south  and  the  west, 
resolved  in  the  beginning  of  321  B.  c.  to  march  in  person 
against  Ptolemy  in  Egypt,  leaving  his  faithful  Eumenes 
with  a  powerful  army  to  maintain  his  cause  in  Kappadokia 
and  Asia  Minor. 

Combination  against  Eumenes. 

The  difficulties  which  Eumenes  had  to  encounter  were 
greater  than  his  newly  acquired  authority.  Being  a  Greek, 
he  was  continually  embarrassed  by  the  discontents  of  his 
own  Macedonian  soldiers,  and  menaced  in  every  way  by  the 
treacherous  jealousy  of  his  officers.  He  had  to  fight  against 
Antipater  and  Kraterus,  men  whom  the  entire  Macedonian 
army  loved  and  respected.  Indeed,  the  situation  was  so  pre- 
carious that  Alketas,  brother  of  Perdikkas,  abandoned  the 
cause  as  hopeless,  alleging  that  his  Macedonian  soldiers 
had  refused  to  wage  war  against  those  two  eminent  friends 
of  Philip  and  Alexander.  Again,  many  other  satraps  se- 
cretly favored  the  enemy.  Most  men  would  have  been 
utterly  discouraged  by  these  obstacles,  and  have  followed 
the  example  of  Alketas  ;  but  now  it  became  manifest  why 


1GG  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Alexander  BO  much  esteemed  Eumenes,  not  only  as  his  chief 
secretary,  but  also  as  a  general. 

Eumenes,  seeing  that  he  had  to  oppose  the  well-trained 
Macedonian  divisions  of  Antipater  and  Kraterus  with  Asiatic 
troops  only,  marched  off  to  his  faithful  Kappadokia,  prefer- 
ring to  risk  a  battle  there  rather  than  in  the  countries  border- 
ing on  the  Hellespont.  The  two  Macedonian  generals  had 
already  passed  into  Asia  and  approached  Greater  Phrygia, 
when  Eumenes,  becoming  aware  of  the  treacherous  plans  of 
Neoptolemus,  satrap  of  Armenia,  attacked  him  without  delay, 
utterly  defeated  him,  and  compelled  even  the  Macedonian 
phalanx  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  swear  allegiance  to 
Perdikkas. 

A  little  before  this  battle,  both  Antipater  and  Kraterus 
had  sent  ambassadors  to  Eumenes  with  favorable  propositions 
of  peace  on  condition  that  he  should  abandon  the  royal  in- 
tendant.  But  the  faithful  Kardian,  though  an  old  friend  of 
Kraterus,  refused  to  betray  Perdikkas,  declaring  that  he 
should  support  his  injured  friend  while  he  had  an  hour  to 
live,  and  would  rather  sacrifice  life  itself  than  his  honor. 
Meanwhile  Neoptolemus  arrrived,  gave  an  account  of  the 
battle  he  had  lost,  and  requested  assistance  of  both,  but 
particularly  of  Kraterus.  He  assured  them  that,  if  they 
would  attack  Eumenes  without  delay,  they  would  gain  an 
easy  victory  ;  for  the  Macedonians,  he  said,  had  so  extraor- 
dinary an  attachment  for  Kraterus,  that  if  they  saw  but 
the  crest  of  his  helmet,  or  heard  one  accent  of  his  tongue, 
they  would  immediately  run  to  him  with  their  swords  in 
their  hands.*  The  two  generals  were  prevailed  upon  not 

*  Plutarch  informs  us  that  the  reputation  of  Kraterus  was  very  great 
among  the  Macedonians,  and,  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  most  of  them 
wished  to  be  under  his  command.  They  remembered  the  risks  he  had  run 
of  embroiling  himself  with  Alexander  for  their  sakes ;  how  he  had  combated 
the  inclination  for  Persian  fashions  which  insensibly  grew  upon  the  kingj 
and  supported  the  customs  of  his  country  against  the  insults  of  barbaric 
pomp  and  luxury. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY.  167 

less  by  the  arguments  of  Neoptolemus  than  by  the  fact  that 
they  deemed  it  unwise  to  march  forward  while  Eumenes 
threatened  their  rear.  It  was  therefore  decided  that  An- 
tipater  with  a  small  part  of  the  army  should  continue  his 
march  to  Kilikia,  while  Kraterus  with  a  force  consisting  of 
two  thousand  infantry  and  two  thousand  horse — all  Mace- 
donians— should  hasten,  with  Neoptolemus,  against  Eumenes. 

Eumenes  was  not  unprepared  for  action.  He  was  fully 
aware  of  the  expedition,  and  knew  well  that  the  name  alone 
of  Kraterus  was  sufficient  to  cause  his  utter  ruin.  Accord- 
ingly, he  propagated  the  report  that  Neoptolemus  and  Pigris, 
both  of  whom  had  been  recently  defeated,  were  advancing 
again  with  some  Kappadokian  and  Paphlagonian  horse.  Thus, 
when  the  two  armies  came  in  view,  not  one  of  the  soldiers  of 
Eumenes,  nor  even  his  principal  officers  and  captains,  knew 
with  what  adversary  they  had  to  contend. 

In  the  morning  of  the  battle,  Kraterus,  calling  an  assem- 
bly of  his  soldiers,  exhorted  them  to  behave  like  brave  men  ; 
promising  at  the  same  time  an  easy  victory,  because  the 
Macedonians,  he  said,  now  in  the  ranks  of  that  traitor  yon- 
der, would  not  continue  in  strife  against  their  compatriots 
and  ancient  leader.  But  the  words  were  hardly  finished 
when  the  cavalry  of  Eumenes  was  seen  dashing  across  the 
plain,  singing  a  psean  of  victory.  Kraterus  was  surprised, 
and  expressed  his  resentment  in  strong  terms  against  Neop- 
tolemus, who,  he  thought,  had  deceived  him  with  a  pretense 
that  the  Macedonians  would  change  sides.  However,  he  ex- 
horted his  officers  to  meet  the  foe  without  fear,  and  rushed 
forward  to  the  encounter.  The  battle  was  desperate  from 
the  beginning  ;  the  spears  were  soon  broken,  and  a  bloody 
contest  with  the  sword  ensued.  The  behavior  of  Kraterus 
did  no  dishonor  to  Alexander.  He  was  in  the  thickest 
of  the  battle,  and  many  fell  under  his  well-directed  blows  ; 
but  finally  he  received  a  side-thrust  from  a  Thracian,  which 
brought  him  to  the  ground.  His  horsemen  passed  over  him 


168  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

without  knowing  him  ;  but  Gorgias,  one  of  Eumenes's  offi- 
cers, recognized  him,  and  leaping  from  his  horse  guarded  his 
body.  It  was  then,  however,  too  late  ;  he  was  at  the  last 
extremity  and  in  the  agonies  of  death.* 

The  Macedonians,  deprived  of  their  leader,  quickly  re- 
treated before  the  victorious  Asiatics,  and  betook  themselves 
to  their  phalanx,  when  the  combat  was  renewed  in  all  its 
former  fury.  The  Macedonian  infantry  was  now  under  the 
direction  of  Neoptolemus.  The  most  violent  hatred  had 
long  subsisted  between  him  and  Eumenes,  and  this  day, 
says  Plutarch,  added  stings  to  it.  They  knew  not  one 
another  in  the  first  two  encounters  ;  but  in  the  third  they 
did,  and  rushed  forward  impetuously  with  swords  drawn 
and  loud  shouts.  The  shock  of  their  horses  as  they  dashed 
against  one  another  resembled  that  of  two  galleys.  The 
fierce  antagonists  quitted  the  bridles  and  laid  hold  on  each 
other,  each  striving  to  tear  off  the  helmet  or  the  breastplate 
of  his  enemy.  While  thus  engaged  their  horses  went  from 
under  them,  and  as  they  fell  to  the  ground  they  continued 
fighting,  until  finally  Neoptolemus  received  a  wound  in  the 
neck,  grew  faint,  and  stretched  himself  upon  the  ground. 
When  Eumenes,  with  all  the  eagerness  of  inveterate  enmity, 
hastened  to  strip  Neoptolemus  of  his  arms,  loading  his  worthy 
antagonist  with  reproaches,  the  latter  succeeded,  even  in  the 
last  agonies  of  death,  in  wounding  his  enemy  under  the  cui- 
rass. But  the  stroke  of  the  dying  man  is  feeble,  and  Neop- 
tolemus, while  gasping  for  breath,  saw  with  unspeakable 
hatred  and  wrath  his  implacable  enemy  victorious  at  his 
side.  When  he  had  despoiled  his  adversary,  Eumenes,  weak 
as  he  was  with  the  wounds  he  had  received  in  his  legs  and 
arms,  mounted  his  horse  and  made  up  to  his  left  wing,  which 
he  supposed  might  still  be  engaged  with  the  enemy.  Here 
for  the  first  time  he  was  informed  of  the  fate  of  Kraterus, 
and  at  once  hastened  to  him.  Finding  his  breath  and  senses 

*  Plutarch. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY.  169 

not  quite  gone,  he  alighted  from  his  horse,  wept  over  him, 
and  did  his  utmost  to  restore  the  dying  man  ;  and  when  this 
proved  to  be  impossible,  he  caused  his  dead  body  to  be  hon- 
orably shrouded  and  transmitted  to  Macedonia  for  burial. 

After  the  defeat  and  death  of  both  the  generals,  the 
phalanx  was  compelled  to  seek  peace  from  Eumenes.  The 
Macedonians  later  violated  the  terms,  and  again  joined  them- 
selves with  Antipater  ;  yet  Eumenes  not  only  remained  mas- 
ter of  Asia  Minor,  but  also  achieved  great  renown  for  having 
gained  the  palm  both  of  capacity  and  courage.  The  victory 
of  Eumenes  showed  what  the  Asiatics  could  do  when  well 
commanded,  and  at  the  same  time  it  bore  witness  that  the 
Macedonian  Hellenism  did  not  win  its  laurels  through  the 
Macedonians  only,  but  also  through  the  bravery  and  intelli- 
gence of  the  Hellenes.  Eumenes  succeeded  in  moving  to 
insurrection  the  JEtolians,  who  afterward  became  masters 
of  almost  all  Thessaly.  Thus  the  affairs  of  the  royal  inten- 
dant,  both  in  Europe  and  Asia,  appeared  in  excellent  condi- 
tion, when  suddenly  his  own  haughtiness  and  incapacity 
destroyed  the  advantages  achieved  by  the  wonderful  skill 
of  Eumenes. 

Death  of  Perdikkas. 

It  has  been  stated  that  Perdikkas  in  the  spring  of  321  B.  c. 
had  marched  against  Ptolemy  in  Egypt.  Reaching  Damas- 
cus, he  sought,  according  to  the  Macedonian  customs,  the 
condemnation  of  Ptolemy  by  the  army,  alleging  that  he  was 
a  violator  of  the  obedience  due  to  the  kings.  But  the  army, 
which  both  loved  and  respected  the  old  comrade  of  Alexander, 
declared  him  innocent  of  all  crime.  Perdikkas  endeavored  to 
subdue  the  spirit  of  antagonism  so  forcibly  manifested  in  his 
own  army  by  the  punishment  of  a  few  soldiers,  and  then  di- 
rected the  army  to  continue  on  its  march.  He  was,  however, 
so  overbearing  and  tyrannical  that  many  of  his  officers  joined 
Ptolemy,  whose  conciliatory  behavior  gained  their  good  will. 


170  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Perdikkas,  however,  still  arrogant,  ordered  his  army  to  cross 
the  Nile,  but  was  driven  back  with  great  loss.  His  own  army 
therefore  mutinied,  and  the  most  daring  of  his  officers  seized 
him  and  put  him  to  death. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

ANTIPATEB  AND   POLYSPEBCHON. 

Affairs  in  Europe  and  Asia. 

THUS  perished  the  man  who  first  of  all  sought  to  preserve 
the  union  of  the  vast  empire  of  Alexander  the  Great.  On 
the  day  following  Ptolemy  repaired  to  the  army,  and,  having 
assured  the  assembled  generals  of  his  devotion  to  the  Mace- 
donian cause  and  of  his  allegiance  to  the  chosen  rulers,  peace 
and  friendship  again  reigned  among  all.  But  matters  began 
to  assume  a  threatening  aspect  when  it  came  to  be  decided 
who  should  be  elected  as  successor  to  Perdikkas.  Antipater 
was  finally  invested  with  the  guardianship  of  the  persons  of 
the  kings,  and  with  the  sort  of  ministerial  supremacy  pre- 
viously held  by  Perdikkas. 

The  first  act  of  the  new  regent,  as  we  should  call  him 
to-day,  was  a  second  distribution  of  the  satrapies  of  the  em- 
pire— somewhat  modified,  yet  coinciding  in  the  main  with 
that  which  had  been  drawn  up  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Alexander.  To  Ptolemy  were  assured  Egypt  and  Libya,  and 
to  Antigonus,  Greater  Phrygia,  Lykia,  and  Pamphylia. 

But  many  and  powerful  were  the  men  who  were  dissatis- 
fied with  the  new  regulations — prominent  among  whom  were 
Eumenes  and  Alketas,  brother  of  Perdikkas.  Hostilities 
broke  out  afresh  both  in  Europe  and  Asia.  The  regent 
hastened  to  Europe  with  a  great  part  of  the  Macedonian  army 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON.  171 

and  many  war-elephants,  the  first  that  were  seen  in  Europe  ; 
while  Antigonus  was  placed  in  command  of  the  principal 
army  in  Asia,  to  crush  Eumenes  and  the  other  chief  adher- 
ents of  Perdikkas,  most  of  whom  had  been  condemned  to 
death  by  a  vote  of  the  Macedonian  army. 

The  great  struggle,  however,  did  not  begin  till  about  the 
middle  of  320  B.  c.,  when  Antigonus  first  of  all  marched 
against  Eumenes.  The  latter  was  defeated  *  through  the 
treachery  of  one  of  his  officers,  who  deserted  to  the  enemy  in 
the  thickest  of  the  battle  ;  but,  though  Eumenes  was  forced 
to  flee,  he  succeeded  in  arresting  the  traitor  and  hanged  him 
on  the  spot.  Plutarch  informs  us  that  in  his  flight  he  took  a 
different  course  from  the  pursuers,  and,  returning  to  the  field 
of  battle,  buried  his  dead — a  daring  act,  which  elicited  the 
astonishment  of  Antigonus  himself  at  his  firmness  and  intre- 
pidity. Eumenes,  being  closely  pursued  and  finding  his  plans 
for  mustering  a  new  force  thwarted  by  the  incessant  vigi- 
lance of  his  opponent,  was  compelled  to  retire  to  the  fortress 
of  Nora,  on  the  confines  of  Lykaonia  and  Kappadokia,  with 
only  five  hundred  horse  and  two  hundred  foot. 

Antigonus  was  now  master  of  nearly  all  Asia.  He  knew, 
however,  that  his  position  was  not  secure  while  the  uncon- 
quered  and  inventive  Eumenes  remained  in  his  lofty  cita- 
del. He  accordingly  invited  him  to  a  conference.  Eumenes 
insisted  that  Antigonus  should  send  hostages  if  he  wanted  to 
treat  with  him  in  person.  Antigonus,  he  said,  had  many 
friends  and  generals  to  take  his  place,  in  case  of  accident  to 
himself  ;  but  the  troops  he  had  the  care  of  had  none  to  com- 
mand or  to  protect  them  after  him.  Antigonus  responded 
that  he  should  be  addressed  in  a  manner  befitting  "  a  greater 
man."  "I  shall  never,"  said  Eumenes,  "think  any  man 
greater  than  myself  while  I  am  master  of  my  sword."  At 
last  Antigonus  sent  his  nephew  Ptolemy  into  the  fort  as  a 

*  The  battle  was  fought  in  the  territory  of  the  Orkynians  in  Kappadokia, 
and  Eumenes  is  said  to  have  lost  eight  thousand  men. 


172  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

hostage,  and  then  Eumenes  came  out  to  him.  The  negotia- 
tions ended  in  nothing.  Eumenes  insisted  on  having  the  gov- 
ernment of  his  provinces  confirmed  to  him,  and  considerable 
rewards  for  his  services  besides  ;  claims  which  Antigonus 
was  unwilling  to  grant  at  the  expense  of  his  own  power. 

Reconciliation  becoming  impossible,  Antigonus  drew  a 
line  of  circumvallation  around  Nora,  and,  having  left  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  troops  to  carry  on  the  siege,  he  hastened,  at 
the  head  of  forty  thousand  infantry,  seven  thousand  horse, 
and  seventy  elephants,  from  north  to  south,  sweeping  away 
his  opponents  and  striking  terror  and  dismay  among  all  who 
favored  the  cause  of  Perdikkas.  He  returned  as  a  mighty 
conqueror  to  Phrygia,  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  army, 
dreaming  of  supplanting  the  king,  seizing  the  crown,  and 
proclaiming  himself  the  successor  of  Alexander,  when  in  the 
beginning  of  319  B.  c.  he  received  information  calculated  to 
promote  his  inordinate  ambition. 

Death  of  Antipater  and  Demades. 

The  news  received  was  nothing  less  than  the  death  of 
Antipater,  who,  being  advanced  in  years,  fell  sick  and  pres- 
ently died.  One  of  his  latest  acts  was  to  put  to  death  the 
Athenian  orator  Demades.  The  Athenians  were  continually 
importuning  Phokion  to  persuade  Antipater  to  withdraw  the 
Macedonian  garrison  from  Munychia.  Finding  that  Phokion 
would  not  meddle  with  this  affair,  they  applied  to  Demades, 
who  readily  undertook  it.  In  consequence  of  this,  he  and 
his  son  took  a  journey  to  Macedonia.  It  should  seem,  says 
Plutarch,  that  his  evil  genius  led  him  thither  ;  for  he  arrived 
just  at  the  time  when  Antipater  was  in  his  last  sickness,  and 
when  his  son  Kassander,  now  absolute  master  of  everything, 
had  intercepted  a  letter  written  by  Demades  to  Antigonus  in 
Asia,  inviting  him  to  come  over  and  seize  Hellas  and  Mace- 
donia, which,  he  said,  hung  only  upon  an  old  and  rotten  warp 
— meaning  Antipater.  This  letter  gave  great  offense  to  An- 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON.  173 

tipater,  and  still  greater  to  Kassander,  who  caused  Demades 
and  his  son  to  be  seized.  First  he  killed  the  son  before  his 
eyes,  and  so  near  that  the  blood  spouted  upon  him  and  stained 
his  bosom  ;  and  then  he  slew  the  father  himself,  with  bitter 
invective  against  his  ingratitude. 

Antipater,  a  little  before  his  death,  had  appointed  Poly- 
sperchon,  one  of  Alexander's  veteran  officers,  as  chief  admin- 
istrator, with  full  powers  on  behalf  of  the  imperial  dynasty  ; 
while  he  assigned  to  his  own  son  Kassander  only  the  second 
place,  as  chiliarch  or  general  of  the  body-guard. 

Polysperchon — Death  of  Phokion. 

This  was  the  intelligence  which  reached  the  ears  of  An- 
tigonus — an  event  destined  to  cause  new  and  fearful  disturb- 
ances, during  which  the  relatives  of  Alexander  the  Great  were 
to  be  sacrificed,  the  union  of  the  empire  to  be  destroyed,  and 
new  royal  dynasties  to  spring  up  on  the  ruins  of  the  old. 

Kassander,  far  from  satisfied  with  the  appointment  re- 
ceived from  his  father,  decided  to  overthrow  Polysperchon 
and  seize  the  supreme  power.  Immediately  after  the  death 
of  Antipater,  but  before  it  became  publicly  known,  Kassan- 
der dispatched  Nikanor  with  pretended  orders  from  Antip- 
ater to  supersede  Menyllus  in  the  government  of  Munychia. 
This  scheme  was  carried  into  execution.  At  the  same  time 
he  sent  confidential  adherents  to  the  Hellespont  and  other 
places  in  furtherance  of  his  schemes  ;  and  he  lost  no  time  in 
communicating  with  Antigonus  in  Asia  and  with  Ptolemy  in 
Egypt,  whom  he  knew  to  be  ready  to  assist  in  everything 
tending  to  overthrow  the  central  authority. 

Polysperchon  and  his  friends  were  not  blind  to  the  diffi- 
culties of  their  position.  The  principal  officers  in  Macedonia 
having  been  convened  to  deliberate,  it  was  resolved  "  to  in- 
vite Olympias  out  of  Epirus,  that  she  might  assume  the  tute- 
lage of  her  grandson  Alexander  (son  of  Roxana)  ;  to  place 
the  Asiatic  interests  of  the  dynasty  in  the  hands  of  Eumenes, 


174  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

appointing  him  to  the  supreme  command ;  and  to  combat 
Kassander  in  Europe,  by  assuring  to  themselves  the  good 
will  and  support  of  the  Greeks.  This  last  object  was  to  be 
obtained  by  granting  to  the  Hellenes  general  enfranchisement, 
and  by  subverting  the  Antipatrian  oligarchies  and  military 
governments  now  paramount  throughout  the  cities." 

These  measures  tended  of  course  to  destroy  the  influence 
of  Kassander  in  Hellas.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were 
naturally  destined  to  create  a  general  and  fearful  anarchy  on 
account  of  the  changes  and  retaliations  called  forth.  If  we 
take  into  consideration  that  shortly  afterward  Hellas  became 
the  field  of  contest  between  the  two  Macedonian  generals, 
we  may  form  an  idea  of  the  misfortunes  that  country  suf- 
fered toward  the  end  of  319  and  the  beginning  of  318  B.  c. 
The  Athenians  not  long  after  asked  Nikanor  to  evacuate 
Munychia.  He  not  only  refused  to  do  so,  but,  knowing  that 
his  friend  Kassander  was  on  his  way  to  Athens,  hastened  to 
occupy  both  the  walls  and  the  harbor  of  the  Peiraeus.  For 
this  the  Athenians  blamed  Phokion,  accusing  him  of  being 
privy  to  that  event  and  concealing  it  out  of  friendship  to 
Nikanor. 

At  that  juncture  arrived  Alexander,  the  son  of  Polysper- 
chon,  with  an  army  to  assist  the  city  against  Nikanor.  Many 
Athenian  exiles,  slaves,  and  runaways,  as  well  as  foreigners 
and  such  as  had  been  stigmatized  as  infamous,  entered  the 
city  with  Alexander,  resorted  to  the  assembly  of  the  people, 
and  began  to  decide  on  the  course  the  city  ought  to  pursue 
in  the  present  exigency.  The  magistrates  of  the  city,  among 
whom  was  Phokion,  repaired  to  Alexander  and  assured  him 
of  their  devotion  to  the  interests  of  Polysperchon,  but  at  the 
same  time  implored  him  to  occupy  the  harbors  and  prevent 
any  possible  attack  of  Kassander  by  way  of  the  sea,  and  take 
active  measures  against  so  strange  and  disorderly  an  assem- 
bly. Alexander  encamped  near  the  Peirzeus,  and  had  repeated 
interviews  with  Nikanor.  Great  was  the  mistrust  created 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON.  175 

among  the  Athenians,  and  especially  the  exiles  who  accom- 
panied Alexander's  army,  by  these  parleys.  Fearing  lest  the 
two  Macedonian  generals  might  form  an  alliance  and  subvert 
the  hardly  recovered  liberty  of  the  people,  they  passed  a  vote 
to  depose  those  who  had  held  office  under  the  Antipatrian 
oligarchy,  and  who  still  continued  to  hold  it.  Immediately 
the  orator  Agnonides  singled  out  Phokion,  and  accused  him  of 
treason  ;  which  so  much  alarmed  Kallimedon  and  Charikles, 
Phokion's  son-in-law,  that  they  fled  out  of  the  city.  Phokion 
and  such  of  his  friends  as  did  not  forsake  him  repaired  to 
Alexander's  camp,  throwing  themselves  upon  his  protection 
on  the  faith  of  the  recent  understanding.  Alexander  not 
only  received  them  courteously,  but  gave  them  letters  to  his 
father  Polysperchon,  requesting  "  safety  and  protection  for 
them,  as  men  who  had  embraced  his  cause,  and  who  were 
still  eager  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  support  him."  * 

The  Athenian  democracy,  just  reconstituted,  which  had 
passed  the  recent  condemnatory  votes,  was  disquieted  at  the 
news  that  Alexander  had  espoused  the  cause  of  Phokion, 
and  had  recommended  the  like  policy  to  his  father.  On  the 
proposition  of  Agnonides  and  Archestratus,  they  sent  depu- 
ties to  Polysperchon,  with  an  accusation  against  Phokion. 

The  two  deputations  came  up  to  Polysperchon  simulta- 
neously —  an  event  which  was  very  unfortunate  for  Phokion. 
Had  he  seen  Polysperchon  and  presented  the  letter  of  Alex- 
ander before  the  Athenian  accusers  arrived,  he  might  prob- 
ably have  obtained  a  more  favorable  reception.  But  as  the 
arrival  of  the  two  parties  was  nearly  synchronous,  Polysper- 
chon heard  both  of  them  at  the  same  audience,  before  King 
Philip  Arridaeus  on  his  throne.  When  the  accusers  found 
themselves  face  to  face  with  Phokion  and  his  party,  their 
reciprocal  invectives  at  first  filled  the  place  with  noise  and 


*  Diodorus,  xviii,  66  :  •  •  •  r'  axelvov 
voi  irdvra  ffvuirpd^fiv.     This  application  of  Phokion  to  Alexander,  and  the 
letters  obtained  to  Polysperchon,  are  not  mentioned  by  Plutarch. 


176  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

tumult ;  until  Agnonides  himself,  chief  of  the  Athenian  dep- 
utation, pressed  forward  and  said,  "Pack  us  all  into  one 
cage  and  send  us  back  to  Athens,  to  receive  judgment  from 
the  Athenians."  The  king  laughed  at  this  observation  ;  but 
the  Macedonians  and  the  strangers  who  were  drawn  thither 
by  curiosity  were  desirous  of  hearing  the  cause,  and  there- 
fore made  signs  to  the  deputies  to  argue  the  matter  there. 
However,  the  debate  was  far  from  being  conducted  with  im- 
partiality. Polysperchon  heard  Phokion's  defense  with  im- 
patience, interrupted  him  several  times,  and  so  disgusted 
him  that  he  at  length  struck  the  ground  with  his  stick  and 
held  his  peace.  Hegemon,  another  of  the  accused,  was  yet 
more  harshly  treated.  When  he  appealed  to  Polysperchon 
himself,  as  having  personally  been  cognizant  of  his  (the  speak- 
er's) good  disposition  toward  the  Athenian  people,  the  latter 
exclaimed, "  Do  you  come  here  to  slander  me  before  the  king  ?  " 
Upon  this  the  king  started  up,  and  was  going  to  run  Hegemon 
through  with  his  spear ;  but  Polysperchon  prevented  him, 
and  the  council  broke  up  immediately.*  The  sentence  could 
not  be  doubtful.  Phokion  and  his  companions  were  deliv- 
ered over  as  prisoners  to  the  Athenian  deputation,  together 
with  a  letter  from  the  king,  intimating  that  in  his  conviction 
they  were  traitors,  but  that  he  left  them  to  be  judged  by  the 
Athenians,  now  restored  to  freedom  and  autonomy. 

It  was  early  in  March,  318  B.  c.,  that  the  prisoners  were 
carried  in  carts,  strongly  guarded,  along  the  Kerameikus, 
through  sympathizing  friends  and  an  embittered  multitude, 
until  they  reached  the  theatre  wherein  the  assembly  was  to 
be  convened.  A  melancholy  scene  !  The  men  who  shortly 
before  had  held  the  fortunes  of  the  city  in  their  hands,  the 
men  who  had  many  a  time  risked  life  on  the  field  of  battle, 
the  men  whose  glorious  achievements  had  gained  for  them 
a  Panhellenic  reputation — these  men,  among  whom  was  the 
noble  and  virtuous  old  Phokion,  now  stood  in  fetters  before 
*  Plutarch,  "  Phokion."  See  also  Grote,  vol.  xii,  chap.  xcvi. 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON.  177 

a  tribunal  composed  of  their  most  rancorous  enemies,  the  citi- 
zens just  returned  from  exile  or  deportation.  Froni  this 
assembly,  says  Plutarch,  neither  slaves,  nor  foreigners,  nor 
persons  stigmatized  as  infamous  were  excluded ;  the  tribu- 
nal and  the  theatre  were  open  to  all. 

The  best  of  the  citizens,  when  they  saw  Phokion,  appeared 
greatly  dejected,  and,  covering  their  faces  with  their  man- 
tles, began  to  weep.  One,  however,  had  the  courage  to  say, 
"  Since  the  king  leaves  the  determination  of  so  important  a 
matter  to  the  people,  it  would  be  proper  to  command  all 
slaves  and  strangers  to  depart."  But  the  populace  cried  out, 
"  It  would  be  much  more  proper  to  stone  all  the  favorers  of 
oligarchy,  all  the  enemies  of  the  people  ! "  After  the  accusa- 
tion was  concluded,  Phokion  was  called  on  for  his  defense  ; 
but  he  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  a  hearing.  At  last,  silence 
being  made,  he  said,  "Do  you  design  to  take  away  my 
life  justly  or  unjustly?"  When  some  answered,  "Justly," 
he  said,  "  How  can  you  know  whether  it  will  be  justly,  if 
you  do  not  hear  me  first  ?  "  Attempting  several  times  to 
speak,  he  was  as  often  cried  down  ;  until  at  length  he  gave 
up  the  case  in  despair,  and,  advancing  some  paces  forward, 
exclaimed  :  "  Citizens  of  Athens,  I  acknowledge  I  have  done 
you  injustice,  and  for  my  faults  in  the  administration  adjudge 
myself  guilty  of  death  ;  but  why  will  you  put  these  men  to 
death,  who  have  never  injured  you  ?  "  "  Because  they  are 
your  friends,"  was  the  exclamation  of  those  around  ;  upon 
which  he  drew  back,  and  resigned  himself  quietly  to  his  fate. 

Agnonides  then  read  a  decree,  to  the  effect  that  the  as- 
sembled people  should  decide  by  show  of  hands  whether  the 
persons  now  arraigned  were  guilty  or  not ;  and  that  if  de- 
clared guilty,  they  should  be  put  to  death.  A  few  .persons 
cried  out  for  an  additional  clause  for  putting  Phokion  to  the 
torture  before  execution,  and  insisted  that  the  rack  and  its 
managers  should  be  sent  for  immediately;  but  this  savage 
proposition,  utterly  at  variance  with  Athenian  law  in  respect 


178  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

to  citizens,  was  repudiated  not  less  by  Agnonides  than  by 
the  Macedonian  officer  Kleitus.  There  was,  however,  hardly 
one  negative  when  the  sentence  of  death  was  proposed. 
Nearly  every  hand  in  the  assembly  was  held  up  in  condem- 
nation ;  each  man  even  rose  from  his  seat  to  make  the  effect 
more  imposing  ;  and  some  went  so  far  as  to  put  on  wreaths 
in  token  of  triumph.  To  many  of  them  doubtless,  remarks 
Grote,  the  gratification  of  this  intense  and  unanimous  vindic- 
tive impulse — in  their  view  not  merely  legitimate,  but  patri- 
otic— must  have  been  among  the  happiest  moments  of  life. 

After  the  assembly  was  dismissed,  the  five  condemned 
persons,  Phokion,  Nikokles,  Thudippus,  Hegemon,  and  Pyth- 
okles,  were  consigned  to  the  supreme  magistrates  of  police, 
called  the  Eleven,  and  led  to  prison  for  the  purpose  of  having 
the  customary  dose  of  poison  administered.  The  embraces 
of  their  friends  and  relatives  melted  them  to  tears,  and 
they  all  went  on  bewailing  their  fate,  except  Phokion.  His 
countenance,  during  the  passage  from  the  theatre  to  the 
prison,  was  the  same  as  when  the  people  sent  him  out  to 
command  their  armies ;  and  the  beholders  could  not  but 
admire  his  invincible  firmness  and  magnanimity.  Some  of 
his  enemies,  indeed,  reviled  him  as  he  went  along,  and  it  is 
said  that  one  man  planted  himself  in  front,  and  spat  upon 
Phokion ;  who  turned  to  the  public  officers  and  exclaimed, 
"  Will  no  one  correct  this  fellow's  rudeness  ? "  This  was 
the  only  emotion  which  he  manifested  amid  "  the  wailings 
of  his  friends,  the  broken  spirit  of  his  four  comrades,  and 
the  fierce  demonstrations  of  antipathy  from  his  fellow  citizens 
generally."  One  ray  of  comfort  presented  itself  as  he  en- 
tered the  prison.  It  was  the  19th  of  the  month  Munychion 
(April),  the  day  on  which  the  Athenian  horsemen  or  knights 
(the  richest  class  in  the  city,  men  for  the  most  part  of  oli- 
garchical sentiments)  celebrated  their  festal  procession  with 
wreaths  on  their  heads  in  honor  of  Zeus.  As  the  cavalcade 
passed  by,  several  of  these  horsemen  halted  on  their  way, 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHON.  179 

took  off  their  wreaths,  and  wept  as  they  looked  through  the 
gratings  of  the  prison. 

When  asked  whether  he  had  anything  to  tell  his  son 
Phokus,  Phokion  replied,  "I  tell  him  emphatically  not  to 
hold  an  evil  memory  of  the  Athenians."  The  draught  of 
hemlock  was  then  administered  to  all  five — to  Phokion  last. 
Having  been  condemned  for  treason,  the  bodies  were  not 
allowed  to  remain  in  Attica,  but  were  carried  into  the  Mega- 
rid  by  a  hired  agent  named  Konopion,  and  then  burnt  by 
fire  obtained  at  Megara.  The  wife  of  Phokion  poured  liba- 
tions and  marked  the  spot  by  a  small  mound  of  earth  ;  she 
also  collected  the  bones  and  brought  them  back  to  Athens 
in  her  bosom,  during  the  secrecy  of  night.  She  buried  them 
near  her  own  domestic  hearth  with  this  address  :  "  Ye  guar- 
dians of  this  place,  to  you  I  commit  the  remains  of  this  good 
man.  Do  you  restore  them  to  the  sepulchre  of  his  ancestors, 
when  the  Athenians  shall  once  more  listen  to  the  dictates  of 
wisdom." 

The  trial  and  death  of  these  men,  and  especially  of  Pho- 
kion— then  more  than  eighty  years  old,  personally  brave, 
mild,  and  superior  to  all  pecuniary  temptation — is  one  of  the 
saddest  incidents  in  Hellenic  history,  and  one  especially  to 
be  regretted,  since  it  occurred  amid  the  general  paralysis 
and  decline  of  the  Athenians.  The  death  of  these  oligarchs 
— which  Grote,  notwithstanding  actual  historic  events,  seeks 
to  justify,  alleging  that  "  the  facts  of  the  past  supplied  am- 
ple warrant " — neither  secured  liberty  for  the  Athenians,  nor 
did  it  aid  Polysperchon  much  in  satisfying  his  inordinate 
ambition.  A  few  days  later  Kassander — the  cause  of  whose 
delay  is  unexplained — reached  the  Peiraeus,  with  thirty-five 
ships  and  four  thousand  hoplites.  Polysperchon  at  once 
entered  Attica,  leading  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  Mace- 
donian hoplites,  four  thousand  allies,  one  thousand  horse, 
and  sixty-five  elephants,  which  then  for  the  first  time  trod 
the  soil  of  European  Hellas.  Unable  to  reduce  the  walls  of 


180  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

the  harbor,  he  left  his  son  Alexander  with  a  small  force  of 
cavalry,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy  ;  while  him- 
self with  the  remaining  army  hastened  to  the  Peloponnesus 
to  enlist  a  new  force  of  allies  and  restore  the  democratic  form 
of  government.  He  failed  in  his  plans,  and  was  driven  from 
Megalopolis,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  his  elephants.  At  the 
same  time  ominous  news  reached  him  from  all  sides.  Eu- 
menes,  whom  he  had  left  with  a  large  force  in  Kilikia,  in- 
stead of  attacking  Antigonus  in  Asia  Minor,  and  thus  pre- 
venting him  from  carrying  out  his  plans  in  Europe,  had 
already  gone  to  Phoenicia  and  Syria ;  his  admiral,  Kleitus, 
was  defeated  in  the  Propontis,  with  the  loss  of  his  whole 
fleet,  by  Nikanor  (whom  Kassander  had  sent  from  the  Pei- 
raeus)  and  Antigonus  ;  many  cities  in  Hellas  had  abandoned 
his  cause,  and  the  Athenians  themselves,  who  shortly  before 
were  so  enthusiastic  in  his  behalf,  were  constrained  to  lis- 
ten to  the  partisans  of  Kassander.  The  Athenians,  unable 
to  capture  the  Peiraeus,  agreed  that  "they  should  become 
friends  and  allies  of  Kassander ;  that  they  should  have  full 
enjoyment  of  their  city,  with  the  port  of  Pemeus,  their  ships, 
and  revenues  ;  that  the  exiles  and  deported  citizens  should 
be  readmitted ;  that  the  political  franchise  should  for  the 
future  be  enjoyed  by  all  citizens  who  possessed  one  thousand 
drachmae  of  property  and  upward ;  that  Kassander  should 
hold  Munychia  with  a  governor  and  garrison,  until  the  war 
against  Polysperchon  was  brought  to  a  close  ;  and  that  he 
(Kassander)  should  also  name  some  one  Athenian  citizen,  in 
whose  hands  the  supreme  government  of  the  city  should  be 
vested."  Kassander  named  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  (i.  e., 
an  Athenian  of  the  deme  Phalerum),  one  of  the  colleagues 
of  Phokion,  who  had  gone  into  voluntary  exile  since  the 
death  of  Antipater,  but  had  recently  returned. 

Polysperchon,  finding  himself  threatened  by  so  many 
dangers,  decided  to  abandon  the  siege  of  Megalopolis  and 
return  to  Macedonia,  both  in  order  to  prevent  Antigonus 


ANTIPATER  AND  POLYSPERCHOK  181 

from  crossing  into  Europe,  and  to  muster  if  possible  new 
auxiliaries.  But  other  disastrous  news  reached  him  on  his 
way  to  Macedonia.  King  Philip  Arridaeus  and  his  ambi- 
tious wife  Eurydike,  alarmed  and  indignant  at  the  restora- 
tion of  Olympias  which  Polysperchon  was  projecting,  soli- 
cited aid  from  Kassander,  appointed  him  royal  intendant, 
and  ordered  Polysperchon  to  place  the  force  of  Macedonia  at 
his  disposal.  Polysperchon,  driven  to  despair,  entered  into 
alliance  with  the  Epirotic  prince  ^Eakides,  and,  assisted  by 
Olympias,  who  had  with  her  Roxana  and  her  child,  the 
widow  and  son  of  Alexander  the  Great,  succeeded  in  enter- 
ing Macedonia,  apparently  in  the  autumn  of  317  B.  c.  Philip 
Arridseus  and  Eurydike  sought  to  oppose  Olympias  ;  but  the 
Macedonian  soldiers,  we  are  told,  were  so  overawed  by  her 
name  and  the  recollection  of  Alexander  the  Great,  that  they 
refused  to  fight,  and  thus  gave  her  an  easy  victory.  Philip 
and  Eurydike  became  her  prisoners.  The  former  she  caused 
to  be  slain  ;  to  the  latter  she  offered  only  an  option  between 
the  sword,  the  halter,  and  poison. 

Unfortunately,  this  queen,  already  an  old  woman,  still 
clung  to  the  natural  savageness  of  her  soul.  She  next  pro- 
ceeded to  satiate  her  revenge  against  the  family  of  Antip- 
ater.  One  hundred  leading  Macedonians,  friends  of  Kas- 
sander, were  put  to  death  by  her  orders,  together  with 
his  brother  Nikanor  ;  while  the  sepulchre  of  his  deceased 
brother  lollas,  accused  of  having  poisoned  Alexander  the 
Great,  was  broken  up.*  Many  leading  Macedonians,  for- 
merly her  warm  adherents,  were  so  much  disgusted  by  these 
murders  that  they  abandoned  her  cause ;  and  Kassander, 
availing  himself  of  this  public  opinion,  entered  Macedonia. 
Olympias,  having  no  army  sufficient  to  meet  him  in  the 
field,  was  forced  to  shut  herself  up  in  the  maritime  fortress 
of  Pydna,  with  Roxana,  the  child  of  Alexander,  and  Thessa- 

*  Diodorus,  xix,  11 ;  Justin,  x,  14,  4;  Pausanias,  i,  11,  4  ;  Grote,  vol.  xii, 
chap.  xcvi. 


182  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

lonikc,  daughter  of  her  late  husband  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas. 
^akides  hastened  to  relieve  her  ;  but  his  army,  which  had 
already  suffered  severe  hardships  without  any  positive  ad- 
vantage, revolted,  drove  away  the  king,  and  joined  the  forces 
of  Kassander.  Pydna,  abandoned  to  her  own  resources,  still 
held  out,  on  account  of  the  heroic  endurance  of  the  fearless 
Olympias  ;  but  finally,  in  the  ensuing  spring  (316  B.  c.),  she 
was  forced  by  intolerable  famine  to  surrender.  Kassander 
put  to  death  Olympias,  who  is  said  to  have  died  with  a  cour- 
age worthy  of  her  rank  and  domineering  character ;  confined 
Roxana  with  the  child  Alexander  in  the  fortress  of  Amphip- 
olis  ;  compelled  Polysperchon  to  seek  refuge  among  the 
^Etolians  ;  took  Thessalonike  to  wife  ;  and  wielded  such  an 
autocratic  power  in  Macedonia,  that  he  even  founded  on  the 
isthmus  of  the  peninsula  of  Pallene,  and  near  the  site  where 
Potideea  had  stood,  the  new  city  of  Kassandreia,  which  to 
this  day  bears  his  name. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ANTIGONU8     AND     EUMENES. 

The  Struggle  for  Supremacy. 

IN  the  spring  of  318  B.  c.,  while  Antigonus  was  engaged 
in  the  western  part  of  Asia  Minor  and  Eumenes  was  in  Kili- 
kia,  Python,  who  during  the  first  distribution  of  the  satrapies 
had  received  Lesser  Media,  sought  to  become  master  of  the 
northern  provinces ;  and  accordingly,  having  invaded  Par- 
thia,  he  killed  its  satrap  Philip,  and  established  in  his  stead 
his  own  brother  Eudemus.  Hereupon  the  satraps  of  the 
northern  provinces  united,  and,  having  defeated  Python 
about  the  autumn  of  that  year,  compelled  him  to  seek  refuge 


ANTIGONUS  AND  EUMENES.  183 

with  Seleukus  in  Babylonia.  In  the  mean  time  Eumenes 
mustered  a  large  force,  but  was  not  yet  a  match  for  Antig- 
onus.  The  latter,  not  deeming  it  wise  to  cross  into  Europe 
and  leave  behind  him  such  a  formidable  foe,  dispatched  his 
fleet  to  the  coast  of  Kilikia,  while  he  himself,  at  the  head  of 
twenty  thousand  hoplites  and  four  thousand  horse,  hastened 
in  pursuit  of  Eumenes.  As  soon  as  the  forces  of  Antigonus 
reached  Kilikia,  the  Phoenicians  abandoned  Eumenes  and 
joined  themselves  to  his  opponent. 

The  affairs  of  Eumenes  were  now  in  a  desperate  condi- 
tion. Deprived  of  his  fleet,  he  was  cut  off  from  every  com- 
munication with  Europe.  But  the  Kardian  was  full  of 
devices,  and  was  destined  to  hold  for  a  long  time*  the  royal 
flag  intrusted  to  his  keeping.  Leaving  western  Asia,  he 
pushed  his  way  eastward,  and  spent  the  winter  at  Babylon. 
He  succeeded  by  his  tireless  energy  in  persuading  many  gov- 
ernors of  provinces  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and,  having 
collected  a  great  part  of  his  soldiers  who  had  dispersed 
themselves  after  his  defeat,  and  were  straggling  about  the 
country,  he  inspired  them  with  his  own  spirit  and  determi- 
nation. 

In  May,  317  B.  c.,  Antigonus,  leading  a  large  force, 
suddenly  approached  and  encamped  over  against  Eumenes. 
Marching  during  the  warm  season  through  the  plains  of 
Susiana,  he  suffered  severe  losses,  and  while  attempting  to 
cross  the  river  Koprates  was  attacked  by  Eumenes,  sus- 
tained a  total  defeat,  lost  about  eight  thousand  men,  and  was 
forced  to  undertake  a  long  retreat  as  far  as  Media,  during 
which  he  encountered  untold  hardships. 

Eumenes  wished  to  follow  up  at  once  the  steps  of  the 
retreating  Antigonus,  capture  Asia  Minor,  and  then  fall 
upon  his  remaining  enemies.  The  satraps  opposed  this  dar- 
ing project,  maintaining  that  it  was  best  not  to  attack  Antig- 
onus in  the  mountainous  regions  of  Media,  but  to  retreat 
to  the  satrapy  of  Peukestas  in  Persis.  This  opinion  finally 


184  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

prevailed,  and  the  army  retired  to  Persepolis,  where  Peukes- 
tas,  having  feasted  them  in  a  sumptuous  manner  and  given 
each  man  a  sheep  for  sacrifice,  hoped  to  be  intrusted  with 
the  command.  In  the  autumn  news  suddenly  came  that 
Antigonus  was  marching  against  them.  Almost  at  the  same 
time  Eumenes  fell  sick  with  a  raging  fever,  and  had  to  he 
carried  in  a  litter.  The  army  had  not  gone  far  before  the 
enemy  made  their  appearance,  for  they  had  passed  the  in- 
termediate hill,  and  were  now  descending  into  the  plain. 
The  luster  of  their  golden  armor  glittering  in  the  sun  as 
they  marched  down  the  hill,  the  elephants  with  the  towers 
on  their  backs,  and  the  purple  vests  which  the  cavalry  wore 
when  they*  were  advancing  to  the  combat,  struck  the  troops 
that  were  to  oppose  them  with  such  surprise  that  the  front 
halted  and  called  out  for  Eumenes,  declaring  that  they  would 
not  move  a  step  farther  if  he  was  not  in  command.  Eu- 
menes no  sooner  heard  this  than  he  advanced  with  the  ut- 
most expedition,  hastening  the  slaves  who  carried  the  litter. 
He  likewise  opened  the  curtains,  and  stretched  out  his  hand 
in  token  of  his  joy.  On  the  first  sight  of  the  general  of 
their  heart,  the  troops  saluted  him  in  the  Macedonian  lan- 
guage, clanked  their  arms,  and  with  loud  shouts  challenged 
the  enemy  to  advance,  thinking  themselves  invincible  while 
he  was  at  their  head.* 

Antigonus,  having  learned  from  some  prisoners  that  Eu- 
inenes  was  so  extremely  ill  that  he  was  forced  to  be  carried 
in  a  litter,  concluded  that  he  should  find  no  great  difficulty 
in  beating  the  other  generals,  and  therefore  hastened  to  the 
attack.  But  when  he  came  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  army, 
and  saw  in  what  excellent  order  it  was  drawn  up,  he  stood 
still  some  time  in  silent  admiration.  At  last,  spying  the  lit- 
ter carried  about  from  one  wing  to  the  other,  he  laughed  out 
aloud,  as  his  manner  was,  and  said  to  his  friends,  "  Yon  lit- 
ter is  the  thing  that  pitches  the  battle  against  us."  He  de- 

*  Plutarch,  "Eumenes." 


ANTIGONUS  AND  EUMENES.  185 

cided,  however,  to  retreat  immediately  to  his  intrenchments. 
A  few  days  after  this  Eumenes,  having  received  intelligence 
that  Antigonus  intended  to  decamp  in  the  night,  sought  to 
cut  off  his  retreat,  and  a  sharp  action  ensued.  The  contest 
was  indecisive,  the  victory  having  been  won  and  lost  several 
times,  until  finally  both  antagonists  were  compelled  to  leave 
the  field  of  battle.  Antigonus  retreated  by  forced  marches 
to  his  faithful  Media ;  and  Eumenes,  unable  to  follow  in 
pursuit,  remained  in  the  rich  district  of  Gabiene. 

The  danger  once  past,  the  officers,  in  appearance,  gave 
Eumenes  a  kind  reception  ;  but  it  was  not  difficult  to  dis- 
cover the  envy  and  jealousy  they  had  in  their  hearts,  and 
how  much  they  disliked  to  act  under  him.  The  army  sur- 
rendered itself  to  riotous  living,  and  not  a  few  of  its  divis- 
ions scattered  about  the  country  at  a  distance  of  six  days 
one  from  the  other.  As  soon  as  Antigonus  learned  this,  he 
resolved  to  avail  himself  of  the  foolishness  of  his  opponents, 
and  fall  upon  them  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  winter.  Media, 
where  he  was  encamped,  was  distant  from  Gabiene,  by  the 
usual  way,  about  twenty-five  days'  march.  Antigonus,  how- 
ever, took  the  shortest  road  across  a  large,  treeless,  waterless, 
uninhabited  plain — a  veritable  desert — intending  to  strike 
the  enemy  while  thus  dispersed.  Orders  were  at  once  issued 
to  the  army  to  prepare  provisions  for  ten  days,  to  take  ten 
thousand  bags  of  water,  and  to  be  ready  to  march  "  without 
losing  a  moment's  time."  Antigonus,  wishing  to  keep  his 
expedition  as  secret  as  possible,  directed  his  soldiers  to  burn 
no  fires  during  the  night.  However,  as  soon  as  he  had  en- 
tered the  desolate  region,  his  troops  were  attacked  by  such 
violent  winds  and  severe  frosts*  that  it  was  difficult  for 
them  to  proceed,  so  that  they  found  it  necessary  to  light 
many  fires.  The  barbarians  who  inhabited  the  mountains 
that  overlooked  the  plain,  wondering  what  that  blazing 
light  in  the  midst  of  the  desert  could  mean,  sent  some  per- 

*  It  was  about  the  middle  of  December,  317  B.  c. 
29 


180  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

sons  upon  dromedaries  to  Peukestas  and  Eumenes  with  an 
account  of  it. 

Peukestas,  distracted  with  terror,  prepared  for  flight ; 
many  other  satraps  advocated  this  course,  declaring  that  the 
enemy  would  undoubtedly  come  within  four  days,  while 
they  could  scarcely  collect  their  forces  within  six.  But  Eu- 
menes dispelled  their  fears  and  uneasiness  by  promising  so 
to  impede  the  enemy's  march  that  they  would  arrive  three 
days  later  than  they  were  expected.  All  bowed  before  the 
incomparable  genius  of  the  Greek  who  promised  to  extricate 
them  from  this  impending  danger.  Time  was  not  to  be  lost. 
Orders  were  at  once  forwarded  to  the  absent  satraps  to  hasten 
their  forces,  while  Eumenes  set  out  to  seek  a  lofty  piece  of 
ground,  which  might  attract  the  attention  of  the  troops 
marching  below.  Having  found  one  that  answered  his 
purpose,  he  measured  it  and  caused  a  number  of  fires  to  be 
lighted  at  proper  intervals,  so  as  to  resemble  a  camp.  When 
Antigonus  beheld  these  fires  upon  the  heights,  he  was  in  the 
utmost  distress,  thinking  that  the  enemy  had  been  apprised 
of  his  intention  some  time  before,  and  were  come  to  meet 
him.  Not  choosing  therefore,  with  troops  so  harassed  and 
fatigued,  to  fight  with  those  that  were  perfectly  fresh,  he 
left  the  short  road  and  led  his  men  through  the  town  and 
villages,  giving  them  time  to  refresh  themselves.  But  when 
he  discovered  that  that  great  camp,  which  had  a  periphery 
of  seventy  stadia,  gave  no  signs  of  life,  that  no  parties  came 
out  to  harass  him  in  his  march,  that  no  troops  whatever  had 
been  seen  by  the  neighboring  inhabitants,  but  only  fires  upon 
the  hills,  "  he  perceived  that  Eumenes  had  outdone  him  in 
point  of  generalship  "  ;  *  and  this  incensed  him  so  much  that 
he  advanced  with  a  resolution  to  try  his  strength  in  a  pitched 
battle. 

Meantime  the  various  forces  of  Eumenes  came  pouring 
in  on  all  sides.  The  elephants  alone  were  still  absent,  and 

*  •  •  •  fiffBtro  KccrtffTpaTij'fflnti'os  farb 


ANTIGONUS  AND  EUMENES.  187 

Antigonus,  learning  that  they  were  not  far  distant,  decided 
to  attack  them  suddenly  and  seize  upon  that  excellent  means 
of  defense  of  his  opponent.  But  nothing  could  deceive  the 
sleepless  Eumenes.  Suspecting  the  plans  of  Antigonus,  he 
dispatched  fifteen  hundred  horsemen  and  three  thousand 
foot-soldiers  to  the  assistance  of  his  elephants.  The  enemy 
had  already  seized  upon  them,  and  were  making  off  with 
their  booty,  when  suddenly  the  force  of  Eumenes  fell  upon 
them,  dispersed  them,  rescued  the  elephants,  and  brought 
them  safe  to  the  camp. 

Thus,  by  the  wisdom  and  foresight  of  that  illustrious 
Greek,  the  army  was  freed  from  certain  destruction,  the  mis- 
takes of  the  other  generals  were  repaired,  the  scattered  forces 
were  collected  anew,  and  the  elephants  were  rescued.  All 
admired  the  great  leader,  and  all  desired  him  to  take  the  sole 
command  —  all  except  the  generals,  who,  exasperated  with 
envy  at  being  obliged  to  obey  "  a  foreigner,"  as  they  called 
him,  formed  a  plot  against  his  life.  Antigenes  and  Teuta- 
mus,  the  generals  of  the  Argyraspides,  were  the  chiefs  of  the 
conspiracy.  They  agreed,  however,  "  to  make  use  of  him  in 
the  ensuing  battle,"  *  and  to  assassinate  him  immediately 
after.  Eumenes  discovered  their  nefarious  plans,  but  he 
was  not  afraid.  Retiring  to  his  tent,  he  told  his  friends  that 
he  lived  among  a  herd  of  savage  beasts,  and  immediately 
wrote  his  will,  destroyed  all  his  papers,  lest  after  his  death 
charges  and  impeachments  should  arise  against  the  persons 
who  wrote  them,  and  decided  to  fight  the  battle,  hoping  that 
in  case  of  victory  he  would  be  able  to  frustrate  the  plans  of 
the  ungrateful  generals. 

Finally,  the  two  armies  were  drawn  up.  That  of  Antig- 
onus was  composed  of  22,000  foot- soldiers,  9,000  horsemen, 
and  65  elephants  ;  that  of  Eumenes,  of  36,700  infantry,  6,500 
cavalry,  and  114  elephants.  The  surpassing  strength  of  the 
latter  was  manifest ;  besides,  he  had  with  him  the  Argyras- 

*  Plutarch,  "  Eumenes,"  xvi,  25 :  a.-iroxp'flffaa-dcu  wpbs  T?> 


188  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

pides,  or  the  old  veterans  who  had  served  under  Philip  and 
Alexander,  and  were  considered  wellnigh  unconquerable. 
Everything,  therefore,  indicated  a  splendid  victory.  But 
the  weak  and  dastardly  behavior  of  the  other  generals  was 
destined  to  annul  these  bright  expectations.  As  soon  as  the 
battle  began,  Peukestas  deserted  his  post  with  a  large  body 
of  horse ;  the  remaining  cavalry,  thus  diminished  in  num- 
bers, was  severely  pressed.  The  Argyraspides,  indeed,  were 
victorious,  for  they  fell  furiously  upon  the  infantry,  and 
routed  them  with  heavy  loss.  But  Antigonus  was  a  man 
endowed  with  excellent  presence  of  mind  on  the  most  trying 
occasions.  Availing  himself  of  the  treachery  of  Peukestas, 
he  advanced  unperceived  to  the  rear  of  the  army  of  Eumenes, 
rushed  into  his  camp,  and  became  master  of  the  rich  bag- 
gage as  well  as  of  the  women  and  children  of  the  soldiers 
and  of  the  Argyraspides.*  Eumenes  vainly  sent  for  Peu- 
kestas, beseeching  him  to  help  him,  and  assuring  him  that 
the  victory  was  half  won  ;  the  latter  continued  his  retreat, 
declaring  that  the  day  was  irreparably  lost.  Finally  the 
Argyraspides  and  the  other  detachments  of  the  army  were 
also  compelled  to  leave  the  field  of  battle,  openly  declaring 
that  the  cowardice  of  Peukestas  was  the  cause  of  all  this 
misfortune. 

Eumenes  now  justly  informed  his  soldiers  that  if  the 
battle  should  be  renewed  on  the  next  day,  as  Antigonus 
had  lost  most  of  his  infantry,  his  destruction  would  be  cer- 
tain. But  the  plans  of  the  satraps  were  different,  and  the 
Argyraspides  wished  especially  to  recover  their  wives  and 
children.  Finally,  yielding  to  the  persistent  demands  of 
Teutamus,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  Antigonus  desiring  him 
to  restore  their  property.  He  told  them  he  would  not 
only  return  the  Argyraspides  their  effects,  but  would  treat 
them  in  all  respects  with  the  greatest  kindness,  provided 
they  would  put  Eumenes  in  his  hands.  The  Argyraspides 
*  Argyraspides  literally  meana  the  silver-shields. 


ANTIGONUS  AND  EUMENES.  189 

agreed  to  deliver  up  their  brave  leader  alive  to  his  enemies. 
Peukestas  with  his  Persians  deserted  to  Antigonus  ;  and  the 
other  satraps  either  imitated  his  example  or  escaped  to  their 
own  satrapies.  But,  as  it  generally  happens,  the  traitors 
first  of  all  received  punishment  for  their  wickedness.  Many 
were  put  to  death,  and  the  Argyraspides  themselves,  who 
thus  disgraced  their  white  hair,  not  long  after  repented  of 
their  cowardice. 

Antigonus  for  a  long  time  hesitated  what  should  be  done 
with  Eumenes.  He  could  not  bear  to  have  him  brought  into 
his  presence,  because  of  the  former  friendly  relations  that 
had  existed  between  them.  The  brave  Nearchus  and  the 
young  Demetrius,  son  of  Antigonus,  who  began  in  this  ex- 
pedition his  famous  military  career,  strove  by  all  means  to 
save  his  life.  But  many  sought  persistently  his  death  ;  even 
his  ancient  comrades  clamored  for  his  blood  ;  and  Antigonus. 
was  finally  compelled  to  order  the  execution  of  his  illustrious 
captive.  Thus  the  Kardian  Eumenes  ended  his  energetic 
and  ever-stirring  career  when  hardly  forty-five  years  old. 
He  was  without  question  the  greatest  general  that  came  out 
of  the  school  of  Alexander.  If  he  failed,  it  was  because  he 
wished  to  continue  faithful  to  the  royal  flag — to  the  union 
of  the  empire,  which,  having  been  represented  by  two  un- 
scrupulously ambitious  women,  Eurydike  and  Olympias,  by 
the  over-credulous  Philip  Arridaeus,  and  by  the  young  Alex- 
ander, could  no  longer  be  preserved  ;  especially  since  Antig- 
onus, assisted  by  many  powerful  satraps,  sought  its  over- 
throw. Again,  Eumenes  failed  because,  being  a  Greek,  he 
was  envied  by  the  Macedonian  generals.  Indeed,  during 
the  time  of  Alexander  and  shortly  after  his  death,  the  Mace- 
donians were  forced  to  an  equality  of  rights  with  the  Greeks  ; 
but  ever  since  the  weight  of  that  strong  arm  disappeared, 
jealousy  and  envy  had  sprung  up  between  the  two.  If 
Eumenes  was  the  most  unfortunate  of  the  so-called  succes- 
sors, none  certainly  left  a  purer  and  more  glorious  record 


190  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

than  he.  Ho  is,  therefore,  one  of  the  three  foremost  cham- 
pions of  that  period  whom  Plutarch  placed  among  the  great 
men  of  antiquity,  and  whose  lives  will  instruct  and  move  the 
world  as  long  as  men  esteem  virtue  and  intelligence. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ANTIGONUS   AND   HIS   SON   DEMETRIUS. 

The  War  against  Antigonus. 

ANTIGONUS,  becoming  thus  strangely  master  of  the  en- 
tire army  of  upper  Asia,  departed  about  the  middle  of  Jan- 
uary, 316  B.  c.,  for  Media,  where  he  put  to  death  his  ancient 
friend  and  co-worker  Python,  alleging  that  he  was  plotting 
against  him.  He  appointed  new  satraps  to  the  various  dis- 
tricts of  the  empire,  and  surrendered  to  Sibyrtius,  the  ruler 
of  the  far-distant  Arachosia,  the  Argyraspides — whom  he 
detested  for  their  cowardice  and  treachery — with  instruc- 
tions to  take  every  method  to  destroy  them,  so  that  not  one 
of  them  might  return  to  Macedonia,  or  set  his  eyes  upon  the 
Hellenic  sea.*  Such  was  the  punishment  imposed  upon  the 
faithless  soldiers  of  Eumenes.f  Thus,  while  the  relatives 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  Eurydike,  ArridsDus,  and  Olympias, 
were  successively  murdered  in  Europe,  their  last  ministers, 
Eumenes,  Python,  Peukestas,  and  the  Argyraspides,  were 
fast  disappearing  in  Asia.  As  usually  happens,  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  principal  actors  brought  about  at  the  same  time 
the  abrogation  of  the  acts  themselves.  Antigonus  next  ad- 
vanced into  Susiana,  captured  the  treasures  left  there,  ap- 

*  Plutarch. 

f  Compare  Diodorus :  Af  ykp  curtfit'is  xp*""*  T<"*  f^"  Svvdffrais  8<ck  rfy 
Qowrlav  ylvorrcu  \vfftrt\ta,  TOIJ  8*  {nroKO&ffajffw  ISturcus  /iryt&.wj'  KCUCUV  us 

tiriirav  curiai 


ANTIGONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS.  191 

pointed  one  Aspidas  satrap  of  the  province  instead  of  Seleu- 
kus,  marched  on  to  Babylonia,  and  then  hastened  to  the 
western  districts,  where  he  anticipated  new  struggles.  Reach- 
ing Mallus  about  the  middle  of  November,  he  remained  there 
for  the  winter. 

Antigonus  was  now  unquestionably  the  most  powerful  of 
the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great.  As  master  of  Asia, 
he  ruled  over  those  vast  and  rich  lands  that  extended  from 
India  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  He  had  already  given 
splendid  proofs  of  his  military  ability  and  success  ;  although 
nearly  seventy  years  old,  and  blind  in  one  eye,  he  still  pre- 
served the  vigor  of  his  forces,  and  seemed  inspired  with 
more  life  and  activity  in  proportion  as  dangers  increased.  His 
resources  were  inexhaustible,  because,  besides  the  countless 
treasures  captured  at  Ekbatana  and  Susa,  the  tribute  alone 
paid  to  him  yearly  from  the  lands  over  which  he  held  sway 
amounted  to  eleven  hundred  talents.  Besides,  he  was  for- 
tunate in  being  assisted  by  a  son,  the  famous  Demetrius, 
who,  though  possessed  of  a  very  passionate  nature,  yet  from 
early  youth  displayed  wonderful  military  ability.  Above 
all,  the  prominent  representatives  of  the  royal  family  had 
disappeared,  and  there  remained  only  the  youthful  Alexan- 
der, Herakles,  the  illegitimate  son  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
who  had  no  lawful  claim  whatever  to  the  sovereignty,  and 
two  daughters  of  Philip,  Kleopatra,  who  lived  at  Sardis,  and 
Thessalonike,  whom  Kassander  had  recently  married — none 
of  whom  were  sufficiently  strong  to  assert  their  rights  to  the 
throne. 

Thus  Antigonus  seemed  indeed  destined  to  become  vicar 
and  master  of  the  entire  Alexandrian  kingdom,  and  to  re- 
store the  unity  of  the  empire.  But  not  only  was  this  union 
not  realized,  but  even  the  great  realm  which  Antigonus  had 
established  in  Asia  was  doomed  to  inevitable  destruction. 
The  generals  who  possessed  the  various  satrapies-  of  the  em- 
pire could  not  bear  his  supremacy,  and  accordingly  entered 


192  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

into  a  convention,  which  gradually  ripened  into  an  active 
alliance  against  him. 

The  principal  organ  of  this  movement  was  Seleukus,  who, 
having  escaped  to  Ptolemy  of  Egypt,  first  of  all  persuaded 
the  latter  to  form  an  alliance — which  Kassander  of  Mace- 
donia and  Lysimachus  of  Thrace  readily  joined — against  the 
formidable  power  of  Antigonus.  The  war  lasted  for  four 
years,  and  was  carried  on  in  Asia,  Europe,  and  Africa.  Its 
fortunes  were  various,  but  the  result  was  not  decisive  ;  nei- 
ther the  general  of  Asia  could  subdue  his  opponents,  nor  the 
latter  the  general  of  Asia.  It  was  therefore  deemed  useless 
to  continue  the  war,  and  in  311  u.  c.  a  compact  was  made 
between  Antigonus  on  one  side,  and  Kassander,  Ptolemy, 
and  Lysimachus  on  the  other,  whereby  "the  supreme  com- 
mand in  Europe  was  guaranteed  to  Kassander,  until  the 
maturity  of  Alexander,  son  of  Roxana  ;  Thrace  being  at  the 
same  time  assured  to  Lysimachus,  Egypt  to  Ptolemy,  and 
the  whole  of  Asia  to  Antigonus.  It  was  at  the  same  time 
covenanted  by  all  that  the  Hellenic  cities  should  be  free." 

Evidently  this  peace  contained  the  seeds  of  new  disputes 
and  increasing  jealousies.  The  first  act  of  Kassander  was 
to  cause  the  death  of  Roxana  and  her  child  in  the  fortress 
of  Amphipolis,  where  they  had  been  confined  ;  and  thus  dis- 
appeared for  ever  the  only  link  which  apparently  maintained 
the  union  of  the  empire,  and  a  ready  career  now  lay  open 
to  the  ambition  of  the  successors.  Again,  the  name  of  Seleu- 
kus was  not  even  mentioned  in  the  peace,  while  it  was  well 
known  at  the  time  it  was  concluded  that  he  had  firmly  estab- 
lished his  rule  over  the  eastern  satrapies  of  Asia.  For  ten 
whole  years  he  was  occupied  in  strengthening  his  supremacy, 
and  finally  in  311  he  proclaimed  himself  the  absolute  ruler 
of  eastern  Asia,  and  compelled  Antigonus  himself  to  ac- 
knowledge his  dominion  over  these  countries.  The  troops 
also  of  Antigonus,  notwithstanding  the  treaty,  still  remained 
in  Hellas,  under  command  of  his  nephew  Ptolemy.  Ptolemy 


ANTIGONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS.  193 

of  Egypt,  therefore,  accusing  Antigonus  of  having  contra- 
vened the  treaty  by  garrisoning  various  Hellenic  cities,  re- 
newed the  war  and  the  triple  alliance  against  him. 

In  the  mean  time  Ptolemy,  the  nephew  of  Antigonus,  be- 
coming dissatisfied  with  his  uncle,  went  over  to  Kassander, 
hoping  to  obtain  through  his  assistance  the  rule  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. But  the  old  Polysperchon — who  had  hitherto 
maintained  a  local  dominion  over  various  parts  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, with  a  military  force  distributed  in  Messene  and 
other  towns — suddenly  raised  the  royal  flag  in  behalf  of 
Herakles,  son  of  Alexander  by  Barsine,  now  eighteen  years 
of  age,  whom  he  had  brought  over  to  Hellas  from  Pergamus 
in  Asia.  Polysperchon  invaded  Macedonia  with  a  large 
force,  but  was  finally  persuaded  by  numerous  presents  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  Kassander,  and,  having  assassinated  the 
young  prince  Herakles,  withdrew  his  army  toward  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Upon  this  Ptolemy,  the  nephew  of  Antigonus, 
fled  to  Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus,  who  happened  to  be  then  in 
Kos,  but  was  assassinated  by  the  latter,  who  at  once  laid 
siege  to  Halikarnassus.  Demetrius  hastened  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  city,  and  Ptolemy  was  forced  to  retreat  to  Myn- 
dos.  The  assassination  of  Ptolemy,  nephew  of  Antigonus, 
was  speedily  followed  by  that  of  Kleopatra,  sister  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  and  daughter  of  Philip  and  Olympias.  She 
was  living  at  Sardis,  and  was  preparing  to  quit  that  place  in 
order  to  become  the  wife  of  Ptolemy  in  Egypt,  when  she 
was  killed  by  the  satrap  of  Sardis,  who  received  his  orders 
from  Antigonus. 

Condition  of  Hellas. 

For  more  than  ten  years,  therefore,  Antigonus,  Ptolemy, 
Lysimachus,  and  Kassander  successively  promised  to  leave 
the  Greeks  independent,  free,  and  unguarded  ;  but  the  latter 
never  ceased  to  be  guarded,  taxed,  and  ruled  by  Macedonian 
despots.  We  may,  indeed,  say  that  the  cities  of  Hellas  never 


194  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

before  had  suffered  so  much  as  during  the  time  when  such 
great  promises  were  made  about  their  liberty.  The  ^Etoli- 
ans  alone  still  possessed  their  independence.  Rough,  cour- 
ageous, warlike,  and  fond  of  freedom,  they  continued  fight- 
ing against  the  Macedonian  rule  ;  so  that  later  they  were 
the  mainspring  of  the  last  serious  attempt  which  the  ancient 
Hellenic  world  made  for  the  recovery  of  a  true  political  au- 
tonomy. 

The  condition  of  Sparta  was  indeed  lamentable  during 
those  years.  The  ancient  laws  were  still  in  existence,  but 
the  ancient  spirit  had  entirely  disappeared ;  a  most  auda- 
cious wickedness  prevailed  ;  the  number  of  citizens  had 
dwindled  down  to  a  few  hundred ;  the  territory  under  its 
sway  was  limited  to  Laconia  alone  ;  the  laws  of  Lycurgus, 
which  were  supposed  to  be  in  force,  were  simply  a  pretense  ; 
and  a  moral  degradation — the  more  debasing  since  there  ex- 
isted no  trace  of  science  or  of  art,  which  so  much  consoles 
nations  politically  declined — was  prevalent  throughout  the 
state. 

Athens,  as  always,  presented  a  different  aspect  from  that 
of  Sparta.  It  was  certainly  not  the  old  aspect  ;  depravity 
moral  and  political  was  here  also  apparent,  but  life  was  not 
at  least  deprived  of  a  certain  grace  and  prosperity.  For  ten 
whole  years  (from  the  end  of  318  B.  c.)  the  city  was  gov- 
erned by  Demetrius  the  Phalerean,  who  had  been  vested 
with  the  command  by  his  friend  Kassander.  Demetrius, 
both  by  his  education,  mode  of  life,  and  character,  may  be 
regarded  as  a  type  of  the  entire  city.  Born  of  an  obscure 
family,  he  nevertheless  obtained  a  good  education,  espe- 
cially in  the  sciences  and  politics  ;  for  he  is  said  to  have  had 
for  teacher  Theophrastus,  the  most  famous  of  the  pupils  of 
Aristotle.  Unfortunately,  he  was  one  of  those  who,  though 
they  may  be  well  instructed,  yet  lack  the  virtues  which 
tend  to  ennoble  life.  While  poor,  he  lived  on  truly  Spar- 
tan diet,  for  his  food  is  said  to  have  been  mainly  composed 


ANTIGONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS.  195 

of  olives  and  cheese ;  but  as  soon  as  he  was  vested  with 
the  government  of  the  city,  he  assumed  a  style  so  sump- 
tuous and  arrogant,  that  it  nearly  used  up  the  yearly  in- 
come of  the  city,  amounting  to  about  twelve  hundred  talents. 
At  the  same  time  he  enacted  laws  against  "  extravagance  in 
living"  ;  but  no  one  obeyed  them,  and  the  life  of  the  city 
was  a  faithful  representation  of  that  of  the  magistrate  him- 
self. The  people  listened  to  Theophrastus  and  the  Megarian 
Stilpon,  not  to  be  taught  the  true  and  healthy  principles  of 
philosophy,  but  in  order  to  admire  the  splendor  of  their  dis- 
courses, and  to  meet  in  those  crowded  audiences  the  hetaerae, 
who  attended  the  lectures  magnificently  and  shamefully  at- 
tired. The  city  indeed  was  replete  with  musicians,  painters, 
and  sculptors  ;  but  religion,  patriotism,  virtue,  and  morality 
were  things  of  the  past.  The  men  lived  in  order  to  laugh, 
play,  and  amuse  themselves,  having  for  their  guide  the  very 
protector  of  their  city,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean,  who  seemed 
born  to  rule  such  citizens,  just  as  the  latter  seemed  created 
to  be  the  subjects  of  such  a  magistrate. 

It  is  true  that  under  his  government  the  material  pros- 
perity of  the  city  greatly  increased  ;  for  a  numerous  con- 
course of  foreigners  flocked  thither  on  account  of  its  advan- 
tages in  education,  art,  and  commerce.  The  shops  especially 
of  the  artisans  were  filled  with  orders  ;  to  Demetrius  alone 
were  erected  within  sixty  days,  by  vote  of  the  people,  three 
hundred  and  sixty  statues  ;  provisions  also  were  abundant 
and  cheap.  But  if  in  commerce,  arts,  and  letters  the  city 
still  recalled  the  days  of  old,  her  political  claim  had  entirely 
disappeared. 

Athens  freed  by  Demetrius  PoliorJcetes. 

The  autonomy  of  the  Hellenic  cities  was  guaranteed  by 
the  peace  of  311  B.  c.,  but  the  Macedonian  garrison  had  not 
as  yet  left  Munychia.  Later,  by  the  stipulation  entered  into 
in  308  between  Ptolemy  Lagus  and  Kassander,  the  latter 


196  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

again  remained  absolute  ruler  of  the  city,  when  suddenly  the 
following  great  change  took  place. 

Antigonus,  learning  that  Ptolemy,  after  seizing  certain 
cities  in  Hellas,  had  departed,  leaving  the  others  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  Kassander,  decided  to  assume  himself  the  task  of 
liberating  them  ;  or,  in  other  words,  he  sought  to  establish 
his  own  supremacy  in  Hellas,  in  preference  to  that  of  Kas- 
sander or  Ptolemy.  Accordingly,  he  dispatched  thither  his 
son  Demetrius,  who  sailed  in  the  spring  of  307  B.  c.  with  a 
strong  force.  Demetrius,  son  of  Antigonus,  was  certainly 
the  most  brilliant  of  the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
and  the  best  representative  of  those  various  elements  by  the 
blending  of  which  a  new  world  was  prepared  in  history,  com- 
posed of  the  amalgamation  of  the  Hellenic  and  the  East- 
ern life.  He  combined  the  resoluteness  of  the  Macedonian 
soldier  with  the  intelligence  and  grace  of  the  Attic  Greek  ; 
the  prodigality  and  dissoluteness  of  an  Asiatic  sultan  with 
such  an  astonishing  daring  and  inconstancy  that  his  principal 
aim  in  life  seemed  to  be  to  throw  away  opportunities  rather 
than  to  use  them  for  any  great  object.  His  beauty  and  mien, 
says  Plutarch,  were  so  inimitable  that  no  statuary  or  painter 
could  carve  in  marble  or  fix  on  canvas  his  likeness.  His 
countenance,  with  its  blended  grace  and  dignity,  was  at  once 
amiable  and  awful ;  and  the  unsubdued  and  eager  air  of 
youth  was  blended  with  the  majesty  of  the  hero  and  the 
king.  There  was  the  same  happy  mixture  in  his  behavior, 
which  inspired  in  his  associates  and  followers  both  admira- 
tion and  respect.  In  his  hours  of  leisure  he  was  a  most 
agreeable  companion  ;  at  his  table,  and  at  every  species  of 
entertainment,  of  all  princes  the  most  delicate ;  yet,  when 
business  called,  nothing  could  exceed  his  activity,  diligence, 
and  dispatch. 

Demetrius  became  deeply  attached  to  the  city  of  Athens 
— the  greatness,  intelligence,  grace,  art,  philosophy,  and  glo- 
rious past  of  which  he  always  loved  and  admired.  His  as- 


ANTIGONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS.  197 

pirations  centered  themselves  in  the  wish  to  be  proclaimed 
the  "  Liberator "  and  "  Savior "  of  Athens  ;  to  be  repre- 
sented as  such  in  the  market-place,  temples,  and  porticoes 
of  that  glorious  city ;  and  to  see  the  people  extolling  his 
appearance,  applauding  his  speeches,  and  blessing  his  name. 
Antigonus  was  a  much  more  positive  man  ;  he  knew  that 
the  issue  was  not  the  freedom,  but  the  sovereignty  of  Hel- 
las— whether  himself  or  Kassander  should  rule  it.  Know- 
ing, however,  the  sympathy  of  his  son,  whom  he  devotedly 
loved,  he  flattered  that  sentiment  as  much  as  possible  ;  and 
when  one  of  his  friends  advised  Antigonus,  if  he  took 
Athens,  to  keep  it,  as  the  key  to  Hellas,  he  would  not  listen 
to  him,  asserting  that  the  best  and  surest  of  all  keys  was 
the  friendship  of  the  people,  and  that  Athens  was  the  watch- 
tower  of  the  world,  whence  the  torch  of  his  glory  would 
blaze  over  the  earth.* 

Such  was  the  man  who  in  May  of  307  B.  c.  sailed  from 
Ephesus  against  Hellas  with  a  formidable  armament,  con- 
sisting of  two  hundred  and  fifty  ships,  five  thousand  talents 
of  silver,  and  a  large  number  of  engines  for  besieging  forti- 
fied places.  Athens  was  at  that  time  commanded  by  Deme- 
trius the  Phalerean.  What  a  difference  between  these  two 
men  !  The  one  represented  ancient  Hellenism  in  its  ruinous 
decline  ;  the  other,  the  Macedonian  Hellenism  in  its  youth- 
ful organization.  The  one  had  still  a  certain  learning,  intel- 
ligence, grace,  and  charm  ;  the  other,  besides  these  advan- 
tages, possessed  the  intrepidity  and  daring  which  seemed  to 
have  wholly  abandoned  the  ancient  metropolis  of  the  nation. 
In  fact,  the  antithesis  in  the  character  of  the  two  men  became 
manifest  as  soon  as  they  met.  Demetrius,  suddenly  appear- 
ing at  the  Peirseus,f  declared  that  his  father  Antigonus,  in 
a  happy  hour  he  hoped  for  Athens,  had  sent  him  to  reinstate 
the  people  in  their  liberties  by  expelling  the  garrison,  and 

*  Plutarch. 

f  The  town  had  no  information  of  his  approach. 


198  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

to  restore  their  laws  and  ancient  form  of  government.* 
"Without  loss  of  time,  he  seized  upon  the  Peiraeus  ;  while 
Demetrius  the  Phalerean,  though  having  many  followers  in 
the  city,  though  sustained  by  a  strong  Macedonian  garri- 
son at  Munychia,  and  though  he  could  have  received  effec- 
tive aid  from  Kassander,  did  not  for  a  moment  attempt 
resistance,  but  provided  only  for  his  own  safety.  Abandon- 
ing his  friends  to  the  discretion  of  the  enemy,  and  worst 
of  all  to  the  enraged  multitude,  he  hastened  to  make  his 
submission  to  Demetrius,  son  of  Antigonus,  who  received 
him  kindly  and  sent  him  with  a  strong  convoy  to  Thebes 
(which  had  been  rebuilt  by  Kassander),  agreeably  to  his 
request.  From  Thebes  the  Phalerean  went  to  Macedonia, 
where  he  remained  until  the  death  of  Kassauder,  after  which 
he  sailed  to  Ptolemy  in  Egypt. 

The  Athenians  in  the  city  declared  in  favor  of  Deme- 
trius, son  of  Antigonus,  who  assured  them  that,  however 
desirous  he  might  be  to  see  their  city,  he  would  deny  him- 
self that  pleasure  until  he  should  have  besieged  and  captured 
Munychia,  as  well  as  Megara,  with  their  Kassandrian  garri- 
sons. In  a  short  time  he  accomplished  both  these  objects, 
after  which  he  entered  the  city  in  great  pomp  and  followed 
by  the  whole  multitude.  Having  called  an  assembly  of  the 
people,  he  declared  from  the  bema  that  he  reestablished  the 
commonwealth  in  its  ancient  form ;  that  he  would  himself 
endeavor  to  reinstate  her  in  her  ancient  renown ;  that  it 
was  necessary  to  construct  a  large  navy  ;  that  he  would  ask 
his  father  to  send  timber  enough  to  build  one  hundred  gal- 
leys, and  moreover  to  restore  to  the  Athenians  the  island  of 
Imbros  ;  but  he  strongly  advised  them  to  send  ambassadors 
to  Antigonus,  and  promised  them,  in  the  name  of  his  father, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  measures  of  wheat. 

Unfortunately,  Athens  was  no  longer  capable  of  availing 
herself  of  the  restoration  of  democracy  and  autonomy.  Instead 

*  Plutarch. 


ANTIGONUS  AND  HIS  SON  DEMETRIUS.  199 

of  applying  herself  to  the  development  and  rearrangement  of 
the  public  revenues  and  forces,  she  wasted  her  time  in  per- 
secuting the  fallen  oligarchs,  and  in  conferring  honors  upon 
"  Demetrius  the  Liberator."  The  people  certainly  can  not  be 
blamed  for  the  honors  granted  to  Demetrius,  but  these  hon- 
ors were  rendered  obnoxious  through  the  extravagant  hom- 
age decreed  him.  The  servile  demagogues  of  the  time  vied 
with  one  another  in  devising  new  methods  of  flattery  by 
which  to  attract  the  good  will  and  bounty  of  the  invader. 
At  the  proposition  of  the  old  Stratokles  (who  had  been  one 
of  the  accusers  of  Demosthenes),  the  Athenians  voted  to 
erect  golden  statues  to  both  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  ;  to 
offer  them  crowns  worth  two  hundred  talents  ;  to  raise  altars 
to  them,  worshiping  them  as  gods  ;  to  add  two  new  tribes  to 
the  existing  ten,  to  be  called  Antigonis  and  Demetrias ;  to 
weave  the  portraits  and  exploits  of  Antigonus  and  Deme- 
trius, along  with  those  of  Zeus  and  Athene,  into  the  mag- 
nificent and  voluminous  robe  periodically  carried  in  proces- 
sion, as  an  offering  at  the  Panathenaic  festival ;  and  to 
choose  annually  a  high  priest  of  these  gods  and  saviors 
(Antigonus  and  Demetrius),  after  whom  each  alternate  year 
was  to  be  named,  instead  of  being  called  after  the  first  of 
the  nine  archons,  as  had  hitherto  been  the  custom.  Several 
similar  decrees  were  passed,  and  we  are  told  that  temples 
or  altars  were  voted  to  Phila- Aphrodite,  in  honor  of  Phila, 
wife  of  Demetrius  ;  and  a  like  compliment  was  subsequently 
paid  to  his  two  mistresses,  Lsena  and  Lamia.  Altars  are 
said  to  have  been  also  dedicated  to  Adeimantus  and  others 
of  his  convivial  companions  or  flatterers. 

No  other  people  were  found  capable  of  such  vile  adula- 
tion. Nor  is  it  strange  that  the  Athenians  abased  themselves 
to  such  an  extent  before  this  brilliant  youth — to  whom  they 
owed  at  least  their  alleged  liberty — when  it  is  considered 
that  shortly  before  they  had  set  up  three  hundred  and  sixty 
statues  to  the  blind  tool  of  Kassander,  the  stupid  and  worth- 


200  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

less  Demetrius  the  Phalerean.  It  seems  that  the  more  learned 
and  intelligent  a  people  once  have  been,  the  more  abject  they 
are  apt  to  become  in  their  servility  and  adulation  when  the 
epoch  of  national  decline  arrives. 

After  the  capture  of  Athens,  Demetrius,  contrary  to  ex- 
pectation, took  no  steps  to  overthrow  the  power  of  Kassan- 
der  or  of  Ptolemy  in  the  rest  of  Hellas.  He  spent  many 
months  in  idleness  in  that  city,  surrounded  by  flatterers, 
abandoning  himself  to  symposia,  to  pseudo-philosophers,  and 
to  the  reckless  women  in  whose  society  he  delighted.  He 
roused  to  a  still  higher  pitch  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Athe- 
nians by  marrying  the  beautiful  Eurydike,  the  widow  of 
Opheltas,  king  of  Kyrene,  who  after  her  husband's  death  had 
returned  to  Athens,  her  native  city.  This  marriage  was 
deemed  a  great  event,  not  only  on  account  of  the  magnifi- 
cence with  which  it  was  celebrated,  but  because  Eurydike 
was  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  Miltiades.  Thus  the  union 
of  the  greatest  of  the  present  leaders  with  the  descendant  of 
one  of  the  proudest  heroic  families  of  the  city  seemed  to  unite 
its  glorious  past  with  a  new  era  of  power  in  the  present.  But 
suddenly,  toward  the  end  of  307  B.  c.,  this  dream  of  honors, 
feasts,  and  symposia  was  cut  short,  because  Demetrius  was 
summoned  by  Antigonus  in  all  haste  to  Asia. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   EXPLOITS   OF  DEMETRIUS. 

Defeat  of  Ptolemy —  Capture  of  JTyprus. 

THE  growing  power  of  Antigonus,  and  the  fact  that  he 
aspired  to  become  master  of  the  entire  Alexandrian  empire, 
caused  much  uneasiness  and  dissatisfaction  among  the  sa- 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  201 

traps,  who  began  to  fear  his  overwhelming  preponderance 
throughout  Asia.  Ptolemy  of  Egypt,  especially,  either  be- 
cause he  was  more  energetic  than  the  others  or  because  he 
ran  greater  risk,  had  been  for  some  time  actively  preparing 
for  war,  and  had  amassed  large  forces  in  Kyprus.  It  was 
this  that  caused  Antigonus  to  recall  Demetrius  to  the  East. 

Demetrius  hastened  at  once  to  Karia  and  Kilikia,  and, 
having  gathered  a  powerful  army,  sailed  in  the  beginning  of 
306  B.C.  to  Kyprus  with  fifteen  thousand  hoplites,  four  hun- 
dred cavalry,  one  hundred  and  ten  triremes,  and  the  neces- 
sary transport-vessels.  He  landed  on  the  northeastern  coast 
of  the  island,  captured  two  of  its  cities,  Urania  and  Karpasia, 
and  then  marched  against  the  capital,  Salamis.  There  he 
had  an  engagement  with  Menelaus,  brother  of  Ptolemy, 
whom  he  completely  routed  and  forced  back  into  the  city. 
Now  for  the  first  time  he  had  occasion  to  display  his  wonder- 
ful genius  for  the  construction  and  invention  of  new  and 
fearful  engines  for  laying  sieges,  whence  he  was  ever  after- 
ward distinguished  by  the  name  Poliorketes  or  the  City-taker. 
He  brought  from  Asia  workmen,  iron,  and  wood,  with  which 
he  constructed  machines  of  every  kind  for  throwing  stones 
and  other  missiles  ;  he  built  battering-rams  for  storming 
walls,  and  tortoises  or  pent-houses,  formed  of  shields  over- 
lapping each  other  as  in  a  tortoise's  back  (like  the  Roman 
testudo),  for  protecting  his  soldiers  against  the  darts  and 
arrows  of  the  enemy.  The  walls  could  not  long  withstand 
the  storm  and  shock  of  these  terrific  engines  ;  they  had 
begun  already  to  crumble,  and  the  city  was  in  imminent 
danger  of  being  captured,  when  Menelaus  succeeded  in  burn- 
ing in  one  night  most  of  the  machines. 

Demetrius  was  not  disheartened  ;  he  persisted  in  his  un- 
dertaking, and  both  the  siege  and  defense  were  carried  on 
with  the  utmost  fury,  when  a  report  was  spread  about  that 
Ptolemy  himself  had  arrived  in  Kition  with  a  large  body  of 
troops  for  the  assistance  of  Menelaus.  Ptolemy  had  with  him 


202  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

a  force  of  ten  thousand  foot-soldiers,  one  hundred  and  forty 
triremes,  and  five  hundred  transport-vessels.  He  hoped  that 
by  attacking  Demetrius  in  front  while  his  rear  was  threatened 
by  Menelaus,  his  utter  destruction  would  inevitably  result. 
Menelaus  had  also  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes,  which  Ptolemy 
commanded  to  be  sent  to  him  at  once  in  order  to  render  his 
force  still  more  formidable.  But  Demetrius  would  neither 
await  his  opponent  in  Salamis  nor  permit  the  departure  of 
the  sixty  ships.  Having  left  a  part  of  his  force  to  watch 
Menelaus,  and  stationed  his  entire  cavalry  on  the  sea-coast, 
he  embarked  the  best  of  his  troops  in  his  vessels,  leaving  ten 
only  to  prevent  the  egress  of  the  sixty — for  that  number  was 
amply  sufficient  to  block  up  the  mouth  of  the  harbor — and 
hastened  with  the  remainder  to  attack  his  opponent. 

The  situation  of  Demetrius  was  precarious  ;  his  forces 
were  not  only  less  numerous  than  those  of  Ptolemy — consist- 
ing, according  to  Diodorus,  our  best  authority,  of  not  more 
than  one  hundred  and  eight  vessels — but  the  fleet  of  his 
antagonist  was  considered  wellnigh  unconquerable,  and  no 
one  as  yet  had  dared  to  contend  with  him  on  the  sea.  The 
approaching  battle,  therefore,  attracted  the  attention  not 
only  of  the  parties  concerned,  but  of  all  other  princes  ;  for, 
besides  the  uncertainty  of  the  event,  so  much  depended  upon 
it  that  the  conqueror  would  be,  not  master  of  Kyprus  and 
Syria  alone,  but  superior  to  all  his  rivals  in  power. 

•Demetrius  had  made  his  preparations  during  the  evening 
and  night  before 'the  battle,  and  early  in  the  morning  the 
fleet  of  the  enemy  appeared  sailing  in  all  haste  toward  Sala- 
mis, hoping  to  anticipate  the  egress  of  Demetrius.  But  the 
latter  had  foreseen  the  plans  of  Ptolemy,  and  had  his  fleet 
drawn  up  ready  for  action.  He  had  stationed  toward  the 
left — his  strongest  wing,  which  he  commanded  in  person 
— fifty-two  of  his  largest  ships,  thirty  of  which  were  Athe- 
nian under  Medius  ;  in  his  center  he  had  placed  his  smaller 
vessels,  under  Themison  the  Samian  and  Marsyas  the  histo- 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  203 

rian  ;  and  the  remainder  he  had  stationed  on  the  right,  under 
Hegesippus  the  Halikarnassian  and  Pleistias  of  Kos,  the 
latter  of  whom  held  next  to  Demetrius  the  highest  command 
in  the  fleet.  Ptolemy  ordered  his  transports  to  the  rear,  and 
drew  up  his  triremes  in  a  manner  altogether  different  from 
that  of  his  opponent.  He  strengthened  especially  his  left 
wing,  that  he  might  thus  defeat  the  right  of  Demetrius, 
force  his  vessels  toward  the  open  sea,  where  the  Egyptian 
fleet  could  fight  to  better  advantage,  and  clear  the  way  to 
the  harbor,  where  he  intended  to  join  the  sixty  ships  of  Men- 
elaus. 

The  sacrifices  having  been  performed  on  the  deck  of  each 
vessel,  Demetrius  first  raised  a  golden  shield,  the  signal  for 
action,  which  was  immediately  given  in  like  manner  by 
Ptolemy.  Hereupon  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  war-cry  was 
raised,  and  the  ships  bore  against  one  another  with  a  terrific 
crash.  Demetrius  stood  on  the  stern  of  his  vessel,  and  took 
part  in  the  thickest  of  the  struggle.  The  enemy  rushed  in  a 
body  against  him,  showering  their  arrows  upon  him.  Three 
of  his  body-guard  lay  dead  at  his  feet,  but  he  fearlessly  stood 
at  his  post,  drove  back  the  right  wing  of  the  enemy,  and 
bore  down  with  such  impetuosity  upon  their  center  that  it 
was  thrown  into  great  confusion.  Ptolemy  was  victorious 
over  the  right  wing  of  Demetrius,  and,  having  sunk  and 
captured  many  vessels  on  that  side,  was  turning  against  the 
remaining  forces  of  his  adversary  when  suddenly  he  beheld 
his  left  broken  up  and  the  center  preparing  for  flight.  He 
therefore  abandoned  all  hope  of  success,  and  escaped  with 
eight  ships  to  Kition,  and  thence  to  Egypt. 

The  victory  of  Demetrius  was  complete.  While  he  lost 
only  twenty  ships,  he  captured  forty  (according  to  Plutarch, 
seventy)  with  their  crews  ;  and  the  rest,  excepting  the  eight, 
were  sunk  in  the  engagement.  Besides,  Ptolemy's  numerous 
train,  his  servants,  friends,  wives,  arms,  money,  machines, 
and  eight  thousand  soldiers  that  were  stationed  near  the  fleet 


204  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

in  transports,  all  fell  into  the  hands  of  Demetrius.  But  how 
complete  was  the  victory  the  results  showed  still  more  strong- 
ly ;  for  Menelaus  made  no  further  resistance,  but  surrendered 
Salamis,  with  all  the  ships  and  the  land  forces,  numbering 
twelve  hundred  horse  and  twelve  thousand  foot. 

This  victory,  so  great  in  itself,  Demetrius  rendered  still 
more  glorious  by  generosity  and  humanity,  in  giving  the  en- 
emy's dead  an  honorable  interment,  and  setting  free  many  of 
the  prominent  prisoners,  among  whom  were  Menelaus  and 
Leontiskus,  son  of  Ptolemy.  He  sent  to  his  faithful  Athe- 
nians, whose  ships  had  so  much  contributed  to  the  victory, 
twelve  hundred  complete  suits  of  armor  from  the  spoils,  and 
hastened  to  give  an  account  of  the  victory  to  his  father 
through  Aristodemus  the  Milesian,  one  of  his  most  faithful 
friends. 

Plutarch  informs  us  that  when  Aristodemus  arrived  on 
the  coast  of  Syria  from  Kyprus,  he  would  not  suffer  the  ship 
to  make  land  ;  but,  ordering  it  to  anchor  at  a  distance,  and 
all  the  company  to  remain  in  it,  he  took  the  boat  and  went 
on  shore  alone.  He  advanced  toward  the  palace  of  Antigo- 
nus,  who  was  waiting  the  issue  of  this  battle  with  the  great- 
est solicitude.  As  soon  as  he  was  informed  that  the  mes- 
senger was  coming,  his  anxiety  increased  to  such  a  degree 
that  he  could  scarce  keep  within  his  palace.  He  sent  his 
officers  and  friends,  one  after  another,  to  Aristodemus,  to  de- 
mand what  intelligence  he  brought.  But,  instead  of  reply- 
ing, he  walked  on  in  silence  and  with  great  solemnity.  The 
king,  by  this  time  much  alarmed,  and  having  entirely  lost 
his  patience,  rushed  to  the  door  to  meet  him.  A  great  crowd 
gathered  about  Aristodemus,  and  people  were  running  from 
all  quarters  to  the  palace.  When  near  enough  to  be  heard, 
he  stretched  out  his  hand,  and  cried  aloud  :  "  Hail  to  King 
Antigonus !  We  have  totally  beaten  Ptolemy  at  sea ;  we 
are  masters  of  Kyprus,  and  have  made  sixteen  thousand 
eight  hundred  prisoners."  Antigonus  answered  :  "  Hail  to 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  205 

you  too,  my  good  friend  !  But  I  will  punish  you  for  tor- 
turing us  so  long  ;  you  shall  wait  long  for  your  reward." 
After  this,  he  sent  to  his  victorious  son  a  diadem,  and  in  the 
letter  that  accompanied  it  addressed  him  as  king. 

Antigonus,  therefore,  seemed  to  have  attained  the  end 
which  for  so  many  years  he  had  been  pursuing.  In  western 
Asia  and  at  Athens  the  people  had  enthusiastically  pro- 
claimed him  king.  Ptolemy,  the  most  dangerous  of  his 
opponents,  was  completely  defeated,  and  it  was  supposed 
that  he  would  no  longer  delay  in  acknowledging  Antigonus 
his  master  ;  the  other  two  dynasts  in  Europe,  Kassander  and 
Lysimachus,  were  certainly  not  a  match  for  him  ;  while  Se- 
leukus,  who  had  established  a  strong  empire  in  the  East, 
could  not  successfully  cope  with  the  united  forces  of  the 
"West.  Such  were  the  golden  dreams  of  Antigonus.  He  for- 
got, however,  that  he  was  already  little  short  of  eighty,  and 
that  Fortune  rarely  bestows  her  best  gifts  at  such  an  age  ; 
that  while  he  possessed  wonderful  experience,  he  had  lost 
his  incomparable  daring,  endurance,  and  energy  ;  that  while 
he  had  a  son  who  was  young,  ambitious,  brave,  and  full  of 
invention,  yet  this  son,  in  his  unsteady  habits,  debaucher- 
ies, and  long  carousals,  had  the  peculiarities  which  tend  to 
waste  rather  than  to  preserve  and  strengthen  the  advan- 
tages already  possessed.  Above  all,  he  forgot  that  he  had 
still  to  fight  not  against  barbarians,  but  against  armies  as 
well  drilled  as  his  own,  and  commanded  by  generals  who 
came  from  the  same  school  as  himself  ;  so  that,  had  he  not 
been  blinded  by  ambition,  he  should  have  considered  how 
to  preserve  his  exalted  position  amid  so  many  powerful  ene- 
mies, rather  than  how  to  bring  all  under  his  absolute  su- 
premacy. 

Ptolemy,  for  instance,  master  of  a  rich  land,  well  gov- 
erned and  devoted  to  him,  was  far  from  giving  up  the  cause 
as  lost  on  account  of  his  recent  defeat.  He  had  never,  indeed, 
supposed  that  he  could.succeed  to  the  empire  of  Alexander ; 


206  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

but  for  the  country  allotted  to  him  he  was  ready  to  fight  with 
all  his  might,  sustained  by  a  strong  and  faithful  army,  which, 
far  from  being  dispirited  by  its  recent  defeat,  gave  Ptolemy 
the  title  of  king.  Again,  when  Antigonus,  assuming  the 
diadem,  had  declared  himself  "  the  sole  successor  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great,"  be  it  remembered  that  in  the  same  year 
the  other  successors  caught  eagerly  at  the  opportunity  to 
aggrandize  themselves  ;  for  both  Lysimachus  in  Thrace  and 
Kassander  in  Macedonia  took  the  diadem  and  proclaimed 
themselves  kings  ;  so  that  the  year  306  B.  c.  is  known  in 
Hellenic  history  as  "  the  year  of  kings."  Seleukus  also,  who 
had  worn  the  diadem  for  some  time  when  he  gave  audience 
to  the  barbarians,  began  to  wear  it  now  before  Macedonians 
and  Greeks,  and  to  number  the  years  from  the  epoch  when, 
returning  from  Egypt,  he  had  recovered  Babylon.  Thus,  in- 
stead of  one  king,  we  have  already  five,  and  Antigonus  was 
forced  more  than  ever  before  to  sustain  by  arms  his  claims 
to  supremacy. 

Antigonus  in  Egypt. 

Antigonus  decided  to  march  first  of  all  against  Ptolemy, 
whose  subjection  he  deemed  indispensable  before  attempting 
any  measures  against  the  other  satraps.  He  accordingly 
summoned  his  son  from  Kyprus.  In  that  luxurious  island 
Demetrius  seemed  to  have  forgotten  alike  ambition  and 
duty,  amid  feasts  and  symposia,  and  in  the  company  of 
the  famous  courtesan  Lamia,  who,  though  much  older  than 
he,  had  effectually  enslaved  him  by  the  peculiar  charm  of 
her  address.  As  soon  as  he  received  the  order  of  recall  he 
hastened  to  his  father,  and,  according  to  his  custom,  kissed 
him  so  cordially  that  the  old  man  laughed  and  said,  "  Surely, 
my  son,  you  think  you  are  kissing  Lamia."  He  did  not  cease 
even  here  to  pass  his  time  in  protracted  carousals  ;  so  that  he 
often  avoided  his  father,  whom  he  devotedly  loved.  Once, 
when  he  had  been  spending  many  days  with  his  friends  over 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  207 

the  bottle,  he  excused  himself  on  his  return  to  court  by  say- 
ing that  he  had  been  hindered  by  a  defluxion.  "  So  I  heard," 
said  Antigonus  ;  "  but  whether  was  the  defluxion  from  Thasos 
or  from  Chios  ?  "  *  With  such  mildness,  Plutarch  tells  us, 
he  treated  his  son's  faults,  out  of  regard  to  his  brilliant  per- 
formances ;  for  in  war  no  man,  however  naturally  temperate, 
exceeded  him  in  sobriety. 

Preparations  were  finally  completed  about  the  beginning 
of  autumn,  306  B.  c. ;  and  forthwith  Antigonus  marched 
against  Ptolemy,  leading  his  cavalry  and  infantry  in  person, 
while  Demetrius  with  a  powerful  fleet  attended  him  along 
the  coast.  The  whole  force  amounted  to  eighty  thousand 
foot,  eight  thousand  horse,  eighty-three 'war-elephants,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  triremes,  and  one  hundred  transports. 
Antigonus  marched  through  the  desert,  and  in  November 
reached  safely  Pelusium,  toward  the  eastern  outlet  of  the 
Nile  ;  but  Demetrius  encountered  such  a  storm  that  he  lost 
many  of  his  ships,  and  ran  the  risk  of  being  driven  upon  a 
dangerous  shore.  Ptolemy  had,  in  the  mean  time,  strongly 
fortified  the  coast  and  the  banks  of  the  river  ;  so  that  the 
attacks  both  on  land  and  sea,  though  bravely  undertaken, 
completely  failed  of  their  object ;  and  finally  Antigonus,  see- 
ing the  time  passing,  provisions  failing,  and  the  army  dis- 
heartened, deemed  it  best  to  cease  hostilities  for  the  present 
and  return  to  Syria. 

This  failure,  amounting  in  fact  to  a  complete  defeat, 
showed  the  futility  of  the  ambitious  projects  of  Antigonus, 
especially  since  that  general  displayed  few  of  the  qualities  of 
the  Antigonus  of  old,  the  daring,  inventive,  and  stubborn 
opponent  of  Eumenes.  By  his  hurried  retreat  to  Syria  he 
not  only  abandoned  his  plans,  but  lost  in  a  day  the  military 
reputation  which  he  had  won  by  so  many  bold  and  strenuous 
efforts. 

*  Both  these  islands  are  famous  to  this  day  for  the  excellence  of  their 
wine. 


208  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Siege  of  Rhodes. 

About  the  middle  of  305  B.  c.  we  suddenly  find  Antigonus 
engaged  in  war  with  Rhodes.  It  is  not  definitely  known 
what  was  the  cause  of  this  struggle.  Perhaps  he  thought 
that,  since  he  was  master  of  Kyprus,  he  could  by  reducing 
Rhodes  control  the  seas  and  inflict  a  severe  wound  upon  the 
foreign  commerce  of  Egypt.  But  while  the  hostilities  against 
Egypt  became  thus  entangled  with  new  difficulties,  uncertain 
as  to  their  results,  the  war  against  Rhodes  was  in  itself  alto- 
gether unjust  and  uncalled  for,  directed  as  it  was  against  a 
neutral  commercial  city,  which  had  done  everything  to  ap- 
pease the  haughty  dynast. 

The  island  of  Rhodes  was  in  a  most  flourishing  condition 
at  this  time.  The  Rhodians  were  excellent  sailors,  and  by 
their  energy,  law-abiding  habits,  and  wise  commercial  regu- 
lations, they  had  achieved  a  great  reputation  throughout  the 
mercantile  world.  They  had  besides  enacted  special  laws  for 
the  abolition  of  piracy,  and  their  flag  afforded  the  safest  pro- 
tection on  the  sea.  Adhering  to  a  strict  neutrality  amid  the 
constant  wars  waged  around  them,  they  afforded  a  secure 
retreat  to  foreign  merchants  and  capitalists,  many  of  whom 
settled  in  their  island,  either  quietly  to  increase  their  resources 
or  peacefully  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labor.  Many  dy- 
nasts eagerly  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Rhodians,  giving 
them  presents  and  various  privileges  ;  but,  equally  friendly 
to  all,  they  diligently  avoided  every  kind  of  alliance  tending 
to  lead  them  into  war.  Their  sympathy  perhaps  rather  in- 
clined to  Ptolemy,  because  their  principal  commercial  rela- 
tions were  with  Egypt,  and  many  Rhodians  had  great  inter- 
ests at  stake  in  Alexandria  and  elsewhere.  The  produce  of 
the  south,  which,  on  account  of  the  war  between  Seleukus 
and  Antigonus,  could  no  longer  be  carried  across  Asia,  was 
brought  from  Alexandria  to  Rhodes,  and  thence  found  its 
way  to  Hellas  and  other  western  countries.  Besides,  the  du- 


•  600  Metres 


CITY  OF  RHODES 


IIMAYENIS'  GREECE 


THE  EXPLOITS  OP  DEMETRIUS.  209 

ties  derived  from  the  Egyptian  commerce  formed  the  main 
revenue  of  the  island. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Antigomis,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  305,  decided  to  attack  the  island,  demanding  that  all 
traffic  with  Egypt  be  forthwith  ended.  The  Rhodians  strove 
to  avert  war,  by  voting  to  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  statues 
and  other  such  honors,  justly  claiming  that  the  interests  of 
the  commercial  world  would  suffer  by  the  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities. Their  overtures  were  refused  with  contumely,  and 
Demetrius  sailed  against  the  island  with  a  force  consisting 
of  two  hundred  triremes,  one  hundred  and  seventy  trans- 
port-vessels, forty  thousand  men,  and  a  large  train  of  war- 
engines  ;  in  addition  to  which  a  thousand  private  vessels 
followed  the  ^  fleet  for  the  purpose  of  enriching  themselves 
from  the  expected  booty.  The  Rhodians,  greatly  alarmed, 
yielded  at  once  to  the  requirements  of  Demetrius,  saying 
that  they  would  fight  with  him  against  Ptolemy.  But  Deme- 
trius in  addition  demanded  a  hundred  of  the  most  prominent 
citizens  as  hostages,  and  the  admission  of  the  fleet  within 
their  harbor.  The  Rhodians,  deeming  these  fresh  claims  a 
scheme  against  the  freedom  of  their  city,  resolved  to  un- 
dergo every  danger  rather  than  yield  to  the  capricious  de- 
mands of  the  youthful  general,  and  most  assiduously  prepared 
for  war.  An  enumeration  being  taken,  it  was  found  that  six 
thousand  citizens  and  a  thousand  strangers  could  bear  arms. 
At  the  same  time  word  was  sent  to  Kassander,  Ptolemy,  and 
Lysimachus,  seeking  assistance  as  soon  as  possible. 

Demetrius  disembarked  toward  the  north  of  the  island, 
and  began  his  works  for  laying  siege  with  that  wonderful 
art  which  became  incomparable  in  antiquity.  The  city  of 
Rhodes,  built  during  the  Peloponnesian  war,  possessed  one 
of  the  finest  and  best  harbors  of  all  the  Hellenic  cities.  It 
was  built  in  the  form  of  an  egg,  one  end  of  which  was 
formed  by  the  citadel,  the  other  by  the  great  harbor.  In 
the  rear  there  was  a  small  port,  built  for  war  purposes, 
30 


210  TEE  SUCCESSORS. 

which  could  be  entered  through  the  harbor  by  means  of  a 
canal.  The  harbor  was  surrounded  by  earthworks,  and  the 
city  itself  by  a  strong  wall  with  many  towers.  On  the  north 
and  south  of  the  city  were  proasteia  or  suburbs,  which  the 
Rhodians,  for  want  of  a  suitable  force  to  occupy  them,  were 
compelled  to  abandon  to  the  enemy.  Each  of  these  suburbs 
had  its  own  harbor,  and  the  northernmost  one  Demetrius 
now  occupied.  His  intention,  however,  was  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  main  harbor  as  soon  as  possible,  hoping  thus  to 
cut  off  all  communication  with  the  sea  and  reduce  the  city 
by  assault.  He  accordingly  constructed  two  huge  machines, 
each  carried  upon  two  transport-vessels  joined  together,  and 
two  ponderous  towers,  each  of  which  also  rested  upon  two 
ships  and  surpassed  in  height  the  towers  of  the  harbor. 

The  Rhodians  did  not  remain  idle,  but  also  placed  ma- 
chines upon  their  earthworks  and  transport-vessels.  Before 
the  second  week  had  fairly  set  in  Demetrius  destroyed  the 
machines  of  his  opponents,  shook  the  towers  and  walls,  and 
occupied  the  fortifications  near  the  harbor.  Hereupon  the 
Rhodians  sallied  forth  with  all  their  forces,  drove  back  the 
enemy,  and  burned  his  transport-vessels.  Demetrius  pro- 
cured new  boats,  pushed  his  way  boldly  into  the  harbor, 
placed  ladders  against  the  walls,  pressed  heavily  upon  the 
defenders,  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  his  land  forces  to 
the  assault.  A  desperate  struggle  was  for  a  long  time 
waged  ;  the  assailants  mounted  upon  the  walls,  and  fiercely 
attacked  the  Rhodians  ;  but  the  latter  hurled  down  the  sol- 
diers of  Demetrius  from  the  battlements,  and  captured  a 
few  of  their  best  officers.  Seven  days  later  Demetrius  sailed 
again  into  the  great  harbor,  sent  his  fire-ships  into  the  port 
against  those  of  the  Rhodians,  and  by  his  ponderous  ma- 
chines severely  shook  the  walls  of  the  city  and  wounded  a 
few  of  its  brave  defenders.  The  Rhodian  sailors  succeeded 
in  extinguishing  his  fire-ships,  and  destroyed  two  of  the  en- 
gines; but,  in  attempting  to  board  the  third,  which  was 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  211 

already  carried  farther  into  the  rear,  they  lost  their  brave 
captain  Exekestus  and  two  of  their  own  vessels.  Deme- 
trius within  a  few  days  constructed  a  machine  three  times 
greater  than  any  thus  far  built,  but  a  great  storm  sud- 
denly destroyed  both  the  machine  and  the  ships  that  car- 
ried it.  The  Rhodians,  availing  themselves  of  this,  opened 
their  gates  and  captured  a  detachment  of  four  hundred  men 
which  had  been  stationed  on  the  earthworks  at  the  entrance 
of  the  harbor. 

The  affairs  of  Demetrius  were  now  in  a  precarious  condi- 
tion. He  had  not  only  lost  his  machines,  but  the  Rhodians 
had  shortly  before  received  a  reenforcement  of  five  hundred 
men  from  Ptolemy  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  their 
friends  the  Knosians  ;  besides,  winter  had  set  in,  and  he  was 
compelled  to  forego  his  attacks  from  the  harbor.  Being, 
however,  young,  ambitious,  and  full  of  contrivance,  he  per- 
sisted in  his  undertaking,  and  increased  his  means  of  attack, 
especially  on  land,  by  constructing  the  largest  of  his  ma- 
chines, called  a  helepole.  The  base  was  square  ;  each  of  its 
sides  at  the  bottom  was  fifty  cubits  wide,  and  it  was  a  hun- 
dred feet  high.  The  sides  of  the  divisions  gradually  less- 
ened, so  that  the  top  was  much  narrower  than  the  bottom  ; 
while  the  inside  was  divided  into  several  stories  or  rooms, 
one  above  another.  The  front,  which  was  turned  toward 
the  enemy,  had  a  window  in  each  story,  through  which 
missile  weapons  of  various  kinds  were  thrown.  It  neither 
shook  nor  veered  the  least  in  its  motion,  but  rolled  on  in  a 
steady,  upright  position. 

The  Rhodians,  fearing  lest  the  wall  might  finally  succumb 
to  the  repeated  attacks  of  these  immense  machines,  con- 
structed within  it  another  parallel  wall,  while  nine  of  their 
triremes  captured  some  of  the  transports  of  Demetrius  carry- 
ing provisions  and  ammunition.  The  struggle  proceeded, 
with  various  changes  of  fortune  ;  but  both  parties  on  many 
occasions  displayed  sentiments  of  nobility  and  generosity,  for 


212  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

which  this  war  became  not  less  famous  in  history  than  for 
the  perfection  which  the  art  of  laying  sieges  reached  during 
its  course.  A  proposition  was  once  made  by  certain  Rhodi- 
ans  to  destroy  the  statues  of  Demetrius  and  Antigonus ; 
but  it  was  rejected  with  indignation  by  the  people,  who  re- 
fused to  retract  any  of  the  honors  once  bestowed  upon  these 
kings.  Demetrius  proved  himself  equally  magnanimous.  In 
the  northern  suburb  of  the  city,  almost  within  his  camp, 
the  famous  artist  Protogenes  of  Kaunus  was  painting  at  that 
time  the  history  of  lalysus,*  to  the  completion  of  which 
work  he  is  said  to  have  devoted  seven  years.  The  Rhodi- 
ans  sent  ambassadors  asking  Demetrius  to  spare  the  work, 
and  he  replied  that  he  would  sooner  destroy  the  pictures 
of  his  own  father  than  such  a  masterpiece.  At  the  same 
time,  calling  the  artist,  he  asked  him  how  he  dared  prose- 
cute his  work  with  so  much  calmness  amid  the  rage  of  war. 
"Because,"  he  answered,  "though  Demetrius  was  at  war 
with  Rhodes,  he  did  not  suppose  he  was  at  war  with  the 
Arts."  The  king  extended  to  him  his  protection,  and  we 
are  told  that  he  often  visited  the  artist  in  his  retreat,  where 
Protogenes  did  not  cease  amid  the  clash  of  arms  to  occupy 
himself  with  his  wonderful  painting. 

The  Rhodians  had  about  this  time  received  an  abundance 
of  provisions  from  Ptolemy  and  Lysimachus ;  and  being 
greatly  elated,  especially  on  account  of  the  futile  attempts  of 
Demetrius  to  hinder  these  ships  from  entering  the  harbor, 
they  took  active  measures  to  burn  his  machines.  To  this  end 
they  prepared  many  fire-ships,  placed  on  the  walls  their  war- 
engines,  and,  choosing  a  dark,  moonless  night,  suddenly  dis- 
charged a  shower  of  firebrands  against  the  machines  of  the 
enemy.  The  soldiers  of  Demetrius  rushed  forth  to  save  the 
machines  ;  but  many  perished  in  the  attempt,  while  not  a  few 

*  lalysua  was  one  of  the  fabulous  heroes,  the  son  of  Ochimus  and  grand- 
son of  Apollo ;  and  there  was  a  town  in  Rhodes  called  lalysus,  which  prob- 
ably had  its  name  from  him. 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  213 

were  seriously  wounded.  Upon  this  Demetrius  ordered  his 
entire  army  to  hasten  to  the  rescue  of  the  engines,  and  finally 
succeeded  with  the  utmost  difficulty  in  saving  them. 

Many  daring  attempts  were  made  by  Demetrius  to  re- 
duce the  city,  and  once  his  troops  entered  it  by  means  of  a 
subterraneous  passage  he  had  constructed  ;  but  the  Rho- 
dians  after  a  severe  struggle  captured  all  who  had  forced 
their  way  in. 

However  dauntless  the  endurance  and  bravery  of  the  Rho- 
dians,  however  abundant  their  resources,  it  is  probable  that 
the  determination  of  Demetrius,  together  with  his  ponderous 
machines,  would  have  finally  overcome  the  resistance  of  the 
citizens,  had  the  interests  of  Antigonus  allowed  the  continu- 
ation of  the  siege.  But  as  Demetrius  was  devising  new 
means  of  attack,  Antigonus  wrote  to  him  to  make  terms  with 
the  Rhodians  and  hasten  forthwith  to  Hellas.  The  Rhodians 
also  began  to  grow  weary  of  the  war,  and  finally,  at  the  inter- 
vention of  the  Athenians,  peace  was  concluded  on  condition 
that  "  the  island  of  Rhodes  should  remain  autonomous  and 
unguarded,  and  have  its  own  revenue  ;  the  Rhodians  should 
assist  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  as  allies,  in  all  their  wars  ex- 
cept those  with  Ptolemy  ;  and  a  hundred  hostages  should  be 
given  to  Demetrius — not,  however,  from  those  holding  high 
political  offices." 

Thus  was  ended  this  famous  siege.  The  Rhodians  hon- 
ored all  the  citizens  who  had  distinguished  themselves  during 
the  contest ;  freed  the  slaves  who  had  fought  in  defense  of 
the  city  ;  erected  statues  to  Kassander  and  Lysimachus  ;  and 
especially  carried  their  grateful  devotion  toward  the  king  of 
Egypt  so  far  as  to  erect  a  temple  to  him,  called  the  Ptole- 
masum,  and  to  worship  him  (under  the  sanction  of  the  oracle 
of  Ammon)  as  a  god.  They  soon  repaired  the  damage  done 
to  the  city,  and  acquired  greater  influence  than  ever  before, 
through  having  so  bravely  fought  against  the  strongest  of 
the  dynasts. 


214  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Demetrius  acquired  also  great  renown,  having  assumed 
the  name  of  Poliorketes,  and  gave  fresh  proofs  of  the  noble- 
ness of  his  character,  not  only  during  the  siege,  but  also  after 
it  was  ended  ;  for  he  left  to  the  Rhodians,  both  as  a  memo- 
rial of  his  famous  machines  and  of  their  wonderful  courage, 
his  ponderous  helepoles,  from  the  metal  of  which  Chares  of 
Lyndus  constructed  afterward  the  famous  colossus  of  Rhodes. 
Demetrius  failed  in  his  attempt  because  he  had  not  the  polit- 
ical wisdom  to  accept  the  propositions  the  Rhodians  submit- 
ted to  him  just  before  the  commencement  of  the  siege,  when 
they  declared  themselves  ready  to  fight  even  against  Ptolemy. 
Besides,  he  lost  a  whole  year  at  Rhodes,  and  rendered  clear 
the  fact  that  he  was  not  able  to  rule  the  seas.  He  was  now 
compelled  to  hasten  to  Athens,  to  which  Kassander  had  laid 
siege. 

Demetrius  in  Hellas. 

Demetrius  sailed  to  Hellas  (304  B.  c.),  with  a  fleet  of 
three  hundred  and  thirty  ships  and  a  numerous  body  of  land 
troops.  He  landed  in  Boeotia,  and  compelled  Kassander  not 
only  to  raise  the  siege  of  Athens,  but  even  to  retreat  to 
Thessaly.  Having  formed  an  alliance  with  the  ^Etolians 
against  both  Kassander  and  Polysperchon,  he  returned  from 
Leukas  to  Athens  about  the  month  of  September,  near  the 
time  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries.  "  He  was  welcomed  by 
festive  processions,  hymns,  paeans,  choric  dances,  and  bac- 
chanalian odes  of  joyous  congratulation.  One  of  these 
hymns  is  preserved,  as  sung  by  a  chorus  of  Ithyphalli — 
masked  revelers,  with  their  heads  and  arms  encircled  by 
wreaths,  clothed  in  white  tunics,  and  in  feminine  garments 
reaching  almost  to  their  feet." 

Plutarch  says  that  the  Athenians,  though  they  had  lav- 
ished honors  upon  Demetrius  before  in  the  most  extravagant 
manner,  yet  contrived  on  this  occasion  to  appear  new  in 
their  flattery.  They  gave  orders  that  he  should  lodge  in  the 
back  part  of  the  Parthenon  ;  which  accordingly  he  did,  and 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  215 

Athene  was  said  to  have  received  him  as  her  guest — a  guest 
not  very  fit  to  come  under  her  roof,  or  suitable  to  the  purity 
of  her  temple,  for  his  dissolute  habits  were  notorious.  A 
new  edict  was  also  passed,  to  the  effect  that  the  people  of 
Athens  had  resolved  that  whatsoever  thing  Demetrius  might 
command  should  be  accounted  holy  in  respect  of  the  gods, 
and  just  in  respect  of  men.  To  such  meanness,  remarks  Plu- 
tarch, were  the  Athenians  brought,  when  the  garrison  was 
removed  out  of  their  city,  and  they  pretended  to  be  a  free 
people  ! 

In  the  beginning  of  303  Demetrius  entered  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, declared  again  the  liberty  of  the  cities,  and,  having 
banished  the  Egyptian  and  Macedonian  garrisons  from  Ar- 
gos,  Sikyon,  Corinth,  and  other  places,  was  almost  every- 
where worshiped  as  a  god. 

After  this  he  called,  as  Philip  and  Alexander  had  done 
before,  an  assembly  of  the  Greeks  at  the  isthmus,  and  was 
proclaimed  general  of  all  Hellas  in  the  war  against  Kassan- 
der.  Finally,  in  April,  302,  he  returned  again  to  Athens, 
where  he  was  anxious  to  be  initiated  into  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries — not  only  into  the  lesser  mysteries,  but  even  into 
those  called  the  greater.  This  was  unlawful  and  unprece- 
dented ;  for  the  lesser  mysteries  were  celebrated  in  February 
and  the  greater  in  September,  and  none  were  admitted  to 
the  lesser  till  a  year  at  least  after  they  had  attended  the 
greater.*  Pythodorus  the  torch-bearer  was  the  only  person 

*  The  Eleusinian  mysteries  represented  the  carrying  off  of  Persephone  to 
the  lower  world  by  Hades  or  Pluto,  the  search  for  her  by  her  mother  Deme- 
ter,  goddess  of  agriculture  and  of  fertility  in  general,  the  discovery  of  Per- 
sephone's fate,  and  her  return  to  the  world  of  light  for  a  portion  of  each 
year.  They  symbolized,  at  least  in  part,  the  processes  of  nature  in  the 
annual  round  of  reproduction  and  decay,  and  through  them,  it  is  supposed, 
the  immortality  of  the  soul.  They  were  said  to  have  been  instituted  by 
Demeter  herself,  in  a  temple  built  according  to  her  directions,  in  return  for 
her  hospitable  reception  by  Keleos,  king  of  Eleusis,  while  she  was  wandering 
in  search  of  her  daughter  under  the  guise  of  a  poor  old  woman. 


216  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

who  ventured  to  oppose  the  demand  ;  but  his  opposition  was 
entirely  ineffectual,  for  Stratokles  procured  a  decree  that  the 
month  Munychion  (April)  should  be  called  and  reputed  the 
month  Anthesterion  (February),  to  give  Demeter  an  oppor- 
tunity for  his  first  initiation  ;  after  which  Munychion  was 
changed  into  Boedromion  (September).  He  was  accordingly 
initiated  at  once,  and  received  in  immediate  succession  the 
preparatory  and  the  final  rites. 

But  worse  abuses  still  were  perpetrated  by  Demetrius, 
"  the  greatest  of  the  gods,"  for  he  ordered  the  Athenians  to 
raise  in  one  day  two  hundred  and  fifty  talents,  and  the  sum 
was  exacted  with  the  greatest  rigor.  When  the  money  was 
brought  in,  and  he  saw  it  all  together,  he  ordered  it  to  be 
given  to  the  notorious  Lamia  and  his  other  mistresses  to  buy 
soap  !  Thus  Demetrius  spent  his  life  amid  scenes  of  untold 
debauchery,  forgetting  his  lawful  wives — both  the  Athenian 
Eurydike  and  the  refined  Phila,  the  daughter  of  Antipater, 
as  well  as  the  beautiful  De'idameia,  the  daughter  of  ^Eakus, 
king  of  Epirus  ;  forgetting  also  that  such  a  life  was  wholly 
incompatible  with  the  great  designs  which  both  his  father 
and  himself  were  intending  to  carry  out. 

In  the  summer  of  302  Demetrius  invaded  Thessaly  with 
an  army  of  fifty-six  thousand  men,  of  whom  twenty-five 
thousand  were  Grecian  allies — so  extensive  was  his  sway  at 
this  time  over  the  Hellenic  cities.  Kassander  had  no  hopes 
of  contending  successfully  with  Demetrius,  and  sent  ambas- 
sadors to  Antigonus  in  Asia  asking  for  a  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties. But  that  haughty  ruler  replied  that  he  knew  only  of 
one  way  to  peace,  an  unconditional  surrender.  This  arro- 
gant and  imperious  answer,  by  which  Antigonus  declared 
himself  the  only  successor  of  Alexander  the  Great,  aston- 
ished not  only  Kassander  but  the  other  three  dynasts.  The 
danger  seemed  common  to  all,  and  at  the  request  of  Kassan- 
der a  fourfold  alliance  was  easily  concluded  between  Ptole- 
my, Seleukus,  Lysimachus,  and  Kassander.  The  allies  de- 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  217 

cided  to  attack  Antigonus  in  Asia,  the  principal  seat  of  his 
power.  Thither  Lysimachus  hastened  from  Thrace,  Seleu- 
kus  from  the  far  east,  and  Ptolemy  from  the  south. 

In  the  mean  time  Demetrius  advanced  into  Thessaly,  but 
Kassander  skillfully  avoided  a  general  engagement,  until 
Antigonus,  finding  himself  threatened  on  all  sides  in  Asia, 
was  forced  to  recall  his  son  about  the  end  of  302.  As  soon 
as  Demetrius  sailed  for  Ephesus,  Kassander  sent  his  brother 
Pleistarchus  into  the  principal  theatre  of  war  with  a  large 
army.  At  the  same  time  the  troops  of  Lysimachus  and  Se- 
leukus  were  collected  in  Asia  Minor  against  the  combined 
forces  of  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  ;  while  Ptolemy  was 
still  slowly  advancing  through  Syria.  A  great  battle  was 
fought  in  the  spring  of  300  B.  c.  near  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  be- 
tween Antigonus  and  Demetrius  on  one  side  and  Lysimachus 
and  Seleukus  on  the  other,  by  which  the  fate  of  Asia  was 
decided. 

Battle  of  Ipsus — Death  of  Antigonus. 

Antigonus  had  an  army  of  more  than  seventy  thousand 
foot  and  ten  thousand  horse  ;  while  the  enemy's  infantry 
consisted  of  sixty-four  thousand  men  and  their  cavalry  of 
ten  thousand  five  hundred.  Thus  the  forces  on  both  sides 
were  nearly  equal.  But  Antigonus  had  only  seventy-five 
elephants,  while  Seleukus  brought  with  him  nearly  four  hun- 
dred and  eighty.  Knowing,  therefore,  that  a  battle  in  the 
open  field  would  place  him  at  a  disadvantage  by  reason  of 
this  formidable  array  of  elephants,  Antigonus  should  not 
have  periled  his  cause  by  such  an  encounter.  Had  he  suc- 
ceeded in  delaying  the  battle  and  gradually  wasting  the 
forces  of  his  enemies,  he  might  have  emerged  victorious 
from  these  difficulties  ;  for  their  alliance  was  neither  sincere 
nor  stable,  since  Ptolemy  did  not  enter  into  it  with  much 
zeal.  Or  had  Antigonus  abated  a  little  of  his  pretensions, 
and  restrained  his  ambition  to  govern  the  world,  he  could 


218  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

have  kept  the  preeminence  among  the  successors  of  Alex- 
ander, not  only  for  himself,  but  for  his  son  after  him. 
But,  imperious  by  nature,  and  no  less  arrogant  in  his  expres- 
sions than  in  his  actions,  he  exasperated  these  powerful 
princes  against  him.  He  even  boasted  that  he  could  break 
the  present  league,  and  disperse  the  united  armies  with  as 
much  ease  as  a  boy  does  a  flock  of  birds.  This  is  especially 
strange,  for  he  had  presentiments  of  misfortune.  In  other 
engagements  his  spirits  used  to  be  high,  his  port  lofty,  his 
voice  loud,  and  his  language  vaunting.  Often  in  the  heat 
of  the  action  he  would  let  fall  some  jocular  expression  to 
show  his  unconcern  and  his  contempt  of  his  adversary.  But 
at  this  time  he  was  observed  to  be  thoughtful  and  silent ; 
and  one  day  he  presented  his  son  to  the  army,  and  recom- 
mended him  as  his  successor.  What  appeared  still  more 
extraordinary  was,  that  he  took  him  aside  into  his  tent,  and 
discoursed  with  him  there  ;  for  he  never  used  to  communi- 
cate his  intentions  to  him  in  private,  or  to  consult  him  in  the 
least. 

When  the  battle  was  begun,  Demetrius,  at  the  head  of 
his  best  cavalry,  fell  upon  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Seleukus, 
and  fought  so  bravely  that  he  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 
Forgetting,  however,  the  lesson  of  wise  pursuit  so  often 
taught  by  Alexander  the  Great,  he  followed  after  the  fugi- 
tives, paying  no  regard  to  what  was  taking  place  in  his  rear. 
Seleukus,  seeing  his  adversary's  foot  unsupported  by  cav- 
alry, rode  toward  them  leading  his  army  and  elephants,  as  if 
intending  every  moment  to  charge — designing  by  this  ma- 
noeuvre to  terrify  the  soldiers,  and  to  give  them  opportunity 
to  change  sides.  The  event  answered  his  expectation.  A 
great  part  separated  from  the  main  body,  and  voluntarily 
came  over  to  him,  while  the  rest  were  put  to  rout.  Antigo- 
nus  alone  with  a  few  about  him  continued  the  struggle ; 
and  as  the  enemy  were  bearing  down  upon  him  one  of  his 
friends  said,  "  They  are  coming  against  you,  sire."  "  What 


THE  EXPLOITS  OF  DEMETRIUS.  219 

other  object  can  they  have  ?  "  said  Antigonus.  "  But  De- 
metrius will  come  to  my  assistance."  In  this  hope  he  con- 
tinued to  the  last ;  but  no  succor  arrived.  The  enemy 
pressed  heavily  upon  him,  discharging  their  missiles,  until 
finally  the  brave  old  man  fell  under  a  shower  of  darts.  His 
servants  and  his  very  friends  forsook  him  ;  only  Thorax  of 
Larissa  remained  by  the  dead  body.* 

Thus  Antigonus,  at  the  age  of  eighty-one  years,  died  on 
the  field  of  battle.  Demetrius  returned  slowly  from  the  pur- 
suit, but,  seeing  that  the  day  was  irretrievably  lost,  fled  to 
Ephesus,  and  thence  to  Hellas,  with  five  thousand  foot  and 
four  thousand  horse. 

The  victors  buried  Antigonus  with  royal  honors,  after 
which  they  divided  his  kingdom  between  Seleukus  and  Ly- 
simachus.  Ptolemy  was  left  out,  because  he  had  contrib- 
uted least  of  all  to  the  success  of  the  war.  Kassander, 
owing  to  the  position  of  his  kingdom,  could  not  receive  any 
territorial  aggrandizement  from  the  Asiatic  possessions  of 
Antigonus  ;  but  Kilikia  was  granted  to  his  brother  Pleistar- 
chus,  since  the  latter  fought  personally  in  the  battle.  Syria 
and  the  most  easterly  parts  of  Asia  Minor  were  given  to 
Seleukus  ;  while  the  western  lands  of  that  peninsula  fell  to 
Lysimachus. 

The  battle  of  Ipsus,  fought  twenty-two  years  after  the 
death  of  Alexander,  decided  for  a  long  time  the  fate  both  of 
Asia  and  of  Africa.  Ptolemy,  Seleukus,  and  their  successors, 
continued  for  at  least  three  centuries  to  hold  the  scepter 
of  their  respective  kingdoms.  But  the  effects  of  the  battle 
were  speedily  felt  in  Europe,  and  led  there  to  still  further 
political  changes.  Neither  Lysimachus  nor  Kassander  was 
destined  to  become  the  founder  of  a  lasting  dynasty. 

*  Plutarch,  "  Demetrius." 


220  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

LAST  DAYS   OP  ALEXATTOER's   GENERALS. 

Proceedings  of  Demetrius — Death  of  Kassander. 

DEMETRIUS  sailed  for  Athens,  which  he  hoped  to  find 
ready  to  sustain  him  in  his  misfortunes  ;  for  he  had  left  with 
the  Athenians  many  of  his  ships,  his  money,  and  his  wife 
Deidamia.  He  therefore  pursued  his  voyage  with  all  pos- 
sible expedition  ;  but  ambassadors  from  Athens  met  him 
near  the  Kyklades,  and  entreated  him  not  to  think  of  going 
thither,  because  the  people  had  declared  by  an  edict  that 
they  would  receive  no  king  into  their  city.  This  act  of 
the  Athenians  enraged  Demetrius  even  more  than  the  great 
change  of  his  affairs  ;  for  to  be  deceived  beyond  all  his  ex- 
pectations— to  find  that  the  affection  of  the  Athenians,  so 
great  in  appearance,  was  false  and  counterfeit — was  a  thing 
that  cut  him  to  the  heart.  Nevertheless,  he  was  in  no  wise 
discouraged.  Possessing  many  cities  in  the  Peloponnesus 
and  a  powerful  fleet,  he  forthwith  sailed  to  the  Chersonese, 
and  by  the  ravages  he  committed  distressed  Lysimachus,  as 
well  as  enriched  and  secured  the  fidelity  of  his  own  forces, 
which  now  began  to  gather  strength  and  improve  into  a 
respectable  army.  Lysimachus  had  no  fleet,  and  besides  he 
feared  lest  Seleukus — who  had  already  achieved  a  greater 
power  than  Antigonus — should  deprive  him  of  his  posses- 
sions in  Asia  Minor  ;  and  accordingly  he  deemed  it  wise  to 
conclude  an  alliance  with  Ptolemy.  The  latter,  displeased 
with  Seleukus  for  having  overlooked  him  during  the  dis- 
memberment of  the  empire  of  Antigonus,  and  fearing  the 
naval  supremacy  of  Demetrius,  at  once  accepted  the  over- 
tures of  Lysimachus ;  and,  as  a  further  guarantee  of  the  alli- 
ance, Lysimachus  married  the  beautiful  Arsinoe",  daughter  of 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER'S  GENERALS.  221 

Ptolemy,  while  he  had  already  for  his  wife  the  noble  and  re- 
fined Amastris,  a  Persian ;  but  these  Macedonian  dynasts 
had  no  scruples  against  having  two  or  more  wives. 

This  alliance  caused  great  uneasiness  to  Seleukus,  who, 
seeing  that  he  could  obtain  no  assistance  from  Kassander, 
while  Demetrius  had  the  means  to  aid  him  much  with  his 
great  fleet,  sent  proposals  of  marriage  to  Stratonike,  daughter 
of  Demetrius,  and  at  the  same  time  concluded  an  alliance  with 
him.  A  connection  with  Seleukus,  says  Plutarch,  was  a  happy 
and  unexpected  turn  of  fortune  for  Demetrius.  He  sailed  at 
once  with  his  daughter  to  Syria  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  alliance 
between  Seleukus  and  Demetrius  was  made,  the  preexisting 
alliance  between  Lysimachus  and  Ptolemy  was  immediately 
dissolved.  Ptolemy,  when  espousing  the  cause  of  Lysim- 
achus, did  not  suppose  that  Seleukus  would  so  soon  make 
terms  with  Demetrius.  He  was  a  cautious  man,  and  was 
least  of  all  disposed  to  incur  the  enmity  of  such  powerful 
antagonists ;  he  hastened  therefore  to  conclude  peace  with 
them, -which  was  easily  accomplished,  since  it  served  the  in- 
terests of  Seleukus  by  causing  the  isolation  of  Lysimachus, 
and  was  also  advantageous  to  Demetrius,  who  had  no  fleet 
to  fear  but  the  Egyptian.  Matters  having  been  thus  ac- 
commodated, it  was  further  agreed  that  Demetrius  should 
marry  Ptolema'is,  daughter  of  Ptolemy,  and  that  the  latter, 
to  secure  his  rights  on  the  sea,  should  receive  a  few  hostages 
from  Demetrius,  among  whom  was  the  young  Epirote  prince 
Pyrrhus,  who,  far  from  his  country,  was  serving  in  the  army 
of  Demetrius. 

But  this  peace  could  not  last.  Demetrius  felt  that  his 
kingdom  was  not  secure.  Kilikia  and  Phoanicia,  lying  on 
the  borders  of  the  broad  empire  of  Seleukus,  could  not  nat- 
urally remain  long  separated  from  his  dominions.  Seleu- 
kus had  already  demanded  that  Demetrius  should  surrender 
Kilikia  to  him  for  a  sum  of  money,  and  on  his  refusal  to  do 
so  angrily  insisted  on  having  Tyre  and  Sidon.  Demetrius 


222  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

also  knew  that  Ptolemy  was  anxious  for  the  possession  of 
Kyprus ;  and  he  was  indeed  at  a  loss  how  to  oppose  such 
formidable  antagonists.  He  accordingly  decided  in  298  B.  c. 
again  to  seize  Hellas,  and  to  make  that  country  his  head- 
quarters for  defense  against  future  attacks.  The  new  inter- 
vention of  Kassander  in  Hellenic  affairs  offered  him  a  suffi- 
cient excuse  for  carrying  out  his  plans. 

Kassander,  deeming  Hellas  an  indispensable  acquisition 
to  his  Macedonian  empire,  and  seeing  Demetrius  occupied 
with  other  and  more  distant  affairs,  thought  it  an  excellent 
opportunity  to  impose  his  rule  again  over  Greece,  and  espe- 
cially Athens.  The  Athenians,  led  by  the  brave  and  good 
Olympiodorus,  and  assisted  by  the  ^Etolians,  frustrated  the 
design  of  Kassander ;  but  the  king  of  Macedonia  finally 
assisted  Lachares,  a  demagogue,  to  seize  the  government, 
hoping  to  become  the  ruler  of  the  city,  through  the  assist- 
ance which  Lachares  would  be  forced  to  ask  in  order  to 
maintain  his  power. 

Demetrius,  learning  this,  sailed  first  against  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, captured  Messene  and  some  other  cities,  and  laid  siege 
to  Athens. 

In  the  mean  time  Kassander  suddenly  died,  about  the 
end  of  297  B.  c.,  and  his  death  brought  with  it  unexpected 
consequences,  since  his  sons  showed  themselves  entirely  in- 
capable of  continuing  the  work  of  their  father. 

Demetrius  blockaded  Athens  by  sea  and  land,  until,  the 
pressure  of  famine  becoming  intolerable,  the  people  were 
obliged  to  open  their  gates  to  him.  He  again  treated  kindly 
the  ungrateful  city,  but  placed  a  garrison  both  in  the  Peiraeus 
and  at  Munychia,  and  at  the  same  time  hastened  to  the  con- 
quest of  Sparta.  He  soon,  however,  raised  the  siege  of  that 
city,  because  Ptolemy,  Seleukus,  and  Lysimachus,  having 
concluded  an  alliance  against  him,  had  dispossessed  him  of 
Kyprus,  Kilikia,  Phoenicia,  and  the  sea- coast  towns  of  Asia 
Minor.  Before  attacking  them,  Demetrius  sought  to  strength- 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER'S  GENERALS.  223 

en  his  supremacy  in  northern  and  middle  Hellas,  especially 
because  new  prospects  were  opened  to  him  in  Macedonia  by 
the  death  of  Kassander.  Philip  IV,  eldest  son  of  Kassan- 
der,  succeeded  his  father,  but  had  a  short  reign,  for  he  died 
of  sickness  after  something  more  than  a  year.  Between  the 
two  remaining  sons,  Antipater  and  Alexander,  a  sanguinary 
hostility  broke  out.  Antipater  slew  his  mother  Thessalonike, 
because  he  thought  she  was  contriving  means  to  give  •  the 
sovereignty  to  his  brother  ;  and  thus  in  295  B.  c.  died  by  the 
hand  of  her  own  son  the  last  member  of  the  family  of  Philip 
and  Alexander  the  Great.  This  violent  act  aroused  the  peo- 
ple against  Antipater,  who  was  forced  to  flee  to  his  father- 
in-law  Lysimachus,  hoping  that  this  king  of  Thrace  would 
assist  him  in  recovering  the  throne  of  Macedonia.  Alexan- 
der called  in  the  Greek  princes  to  his  assistance,  Pyrrhus 
(who  had  in  the  mean  time  recovered  his  ancestral  scepter) 
from  Epirus,  and  Demetrius  from  the  Peloponnesus.  Pyr- 
rhus marched  into  Macedonia  and  seized  a  considerable  part 
of  that  country,  while  Demetrius,  occupied  with  other  mat- 
ters, was  more  tardy  in  obeying  the  summons.  But  Antipa- 
ter, having  unsuccessfully  plotted  against  his  father-in-  aw 
in  Thrace,  was  by  his  orders  presently  slain. 

Alexander,  having  no  longer  need  of  foreign  assistance, 
informed  his  allies  that  his  affairs  did  not  now  require  their 
presence.  He  effected  an  agreement  with  the  Epirote  king  by 
granting  him  a  considerable  part  of  Macedonia,  but  sought 
to  free  himself  from  Demetrius  by  murdering  him.  Deme- 
trius, informed  of  this,  slew  Alexander  at  Larissa,  during  an 
interview  to  which  he  had  craftily  invited  him,  and  on  the 
following  day  (294  B.  c.)  seized  the  Macedonian  crown ; 
"  not  without  the  assent  of  a  considerable  party,  to  whom 
the  name  and  the  deeds  of  Kassander  and  his  sons  were 
alike  odious." 


224  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Death  of  Demetrius. 

Thus  sat  on  the  bloody  throne  of  Macedonia  Demetrius 
Poliorketes,  and  for  ever  disappeared  the  race  of  murderers 
produced  by  the  brave  and  good  Antipater — i.  e.,  his  son 
Kassander,  and  the  latter's  sons  Antipater  and  Alexander. 
Phila  alone,  out  of  the  whole  family,  proved  herself  a  wo- 
man of  noble  and  exalted  nature.  Demetrius  had  often 
neglected  her,  but  she  never  ceased  to  love  him,  and  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  last,  notwithstanding  his  debaucheries; 
and  for  the  sake  of  her  son  Antigonus  Gonatas,  she  forgot 
the  bitter  treatment  she  suffered  at  the  hands  of  her  hus- 
band, and  strove  by  all  means  to  strengthen  his  rule  over 
Macedonia,  because  the  Macedonians  submitted  to  Deme- 
trius chiefly  because  he  was  the  son-in-law  of  their  beloved 
Antipater. 

Demetrius  was  not  satisfied  with  his  new  empire,  although 
it  was  of  considerable  importance.  He  had  indeed  lost  his 
possessions  in  Asia,  but  he  held  sway  over  Macedonia  and 
Hellas — that  is  to  say,  over  nearly  all  the  kingdom  which 
Philip,  father  of  Alexander  the  Great,  had  only  after  many 
severe  struggles  and  difficulties  reduced  to  his  aiithority. 
But  Demetrius  inherited  the  ambition  of  his  father,  despised 
Macedonia,  was  difficult  of  access,  and  not  only  refused  to 
read  the  petitions  of  his  subjects,  but  even  cast  them  into 
the  street,  and  at  the  same  time  oppressed  the  country  by 
maintaining  a  sumptuous  court,  and  preparing  a  large  fleet 
and  army  with  which  to  recover  the  Asiatic  kingdom  of  his 
father.  He  became  so  obnoxious  to  his  subjects  by  reason 
of  these  acts  of  tyranny,  that  in  289,  when  he  was  sick,  Pyr- 
rhus,  king  of  Epirus,  seized  almost  without  a  contest  the 
country  over  which  he  ruled.  Demetrius,  as  soon  as  he  had 
recovered,  drove  him  away,  but  still  continued  to  oppress  his 
subjects  with  his  vast  warlike  preparations.  He  had  already 
amassed  a  fleet  of  five  hundred  ships  and  one  hundred  and 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER'S  GENERALS.  335 

twelve  thousand  men,  intending  to  invade  Asia,  when  all 
at  once  it  became  apparent  how  visionary  were  his  plans  and 
undertakings. 

Seleukus,  Ptolemy,  and  Lysimachus,  deeming  themselves 
equally  threatened  by  his  preparations,  renewed  the  alliance 
against  him,  and  likewise  joined  in  an  application  to  Pyrrhus, 
desiring  him  to  fall  upon  Macedonia.  Thus,  while  Deme- 
trius was  preparing  for  his  voyage,  he  found  himself  en- 
circled by  hostile  armies  at  home.  Lysimachus  invaded 
Macedonia  from  the  north,  Pyrrhus  from  the  west,  and 
Ptolemy  sent  his  great  fleet  to  draw  Hellas  off  from  its 
master.  As  soon  as  the  enemy  approached,  the  Macedo- 
nians, tired  of  fighting  to  maintain  the  luxury  of  Deme- 
trius, deserted  their  king  and  forced  him  to  save  his  life  by 
flight.  Thus,  in  287  B.  c.,  after  seven  years'  rule  in  Mace- 
donia, Demetrius  again  lost  the  kingdom,  and  departed, 
abandoned  by  all.  Nothing  could  equal  the  sorrow  of  his 
noble  wife  Phila  on  this  occasion.  She  could  not  bear  to  see 
her  unfortunate  husband  once  more  a  private  man  and  an 
exile,  and  in  her  despair  she  took  poison  and  died. 

The  Athenian  Olympiodorus,  availing  himself  of  the 
flight  of  Demetrius,  sought  to  free  his  country  from  foreign 
rule,  and,  attacking  the  Macedonian  garrison,  compelled  it 
to  surrender.  Upon  this,  Demetrius  repaired  to  Hellas,  col- 
lected such  of  his  friends  and  officers  as  he  found  there,  and 
laid  siege  to  Athens.  The  Athenians,  however,  met  his  at- 
tacks bravely,  and  forced  him  to  abandon  the  attempt. 
Leaving  his  possessions  in  Hellas  to  his  son  Antigonus  Gona- 
tas,  because  he  had  himself  neither  time  nor  desire  to  waste 
his  opportunities  with  small  matters,  he  embarked  his  army, 
which  consisted  of  eleven  thousand  foot,  besides  cavalry,  and 
hastened  to  carry  the  war  into  Asia.  Lysimachus,  whose 
possessions  he  had  invaded,  was  then  in  Macedonia  ;  but  his 
brave  son  Agathokles  came  against  Demetrius  with  a  great 
army.  Agathokles  avoided  a  pitched  battle  with  his  desper- 


226  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

ate  antagonist,  but  shut  him  off  from  the  sea,  deprived  him  of 
provisions,  and  by  continually  harassing  him  reduced  him  to 
severe  straits.  Demetrius  had  in  a  short  time  lost  not  less 
than  eight  thousand  men,  and  was  finally  brought  to  such 
extremities  that  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Seleukus  containing  a 
long  and  moving  detail  of  his  misfortunes,  and  concluding 
with  strong  entreaties  that  he  would  take  compassion  on  a 
prince  who  was  allied  to  him,  and  whose  sufferings  were 
such  as  even  an  enemy  might  be  affected  with. 

Seleukus  was  touched  with  pity,  and  sent  orders  to  his 
lieutenants  to  supply  Demetrius  with  everything  suitable  to 
the  state  of  a  king,  and  his  army  with  sufficient  provisions. 
But  soon  after,  either  justly  or  unjustly,  a  mutual  distrust 
arose  between  the  two.  Seleukus  demanded  hostages  from 
Demetrius,  which  the  latter  refused  to  grant.  Hostilities 
tbroke  out  anew,  but  Demetrius  was  easily  defeated  by  the 
powerful  dynast  of  the  East.  He  then  sought  to  put  an  end 
to  his  life,  but  was  prevented  by  his  friends,  and  finally  sur- 
rendered himself  again  to  Seleukus.  The  latter  once  more 
treated  him  kindly,  granted  him  a  city  wherein  to  live,  and 
supplied  him  with  money  and  a  table  suitable  to  his  rank, 
but  kept  him  under  a  strong  guard.  Demetrius  at  first  ex- 
ercised himself  in  hunting  and  running  ;  but  he  neglected 
these  sports  by  degrees,  and  sank  into  indolence  and  inac- 
tivity. Afterward  he  took  to  drinking  and  play,  until,  after 
three  years'  confinement,  he  fell  into  a  distemper  occasioned 
by  idleness  and  excess,  which  carried  him  off  (283  B.  c.),  at 
the  age  of  fifty-four.  * 

Death  of  Ptolemy  and  Lysimachus. 

Shortly  after  the  death  of  Demetrius,  Lysimachus  also 
came  under  the  sway  of  Seleukus.  Lysimachus  had  secured 
hjs  dominion  over  Thrace  by  means  of  wise  regulations  and 

*  Plutarch,  "  Demetrius." 


LAST  DAYS  OF  ALEXANDER'S  GENERALS.  227 

successful  wars,  and  had  besides  recovered  his  Macedonian 
possessions  from  King  Pyrrhus.  But  he  was  already  old  and 
feeble,  and  suffered  toward  the  close  of  his  life  many  family 
troubles.  He  had  four  wives,  but  was  especially  devoted  to 
his  third,  Amastris,  niece  of  King  Darius  Codomannus.  His 
misfortunes  arose  after  marrying  his  fourth  wife,  Arsinoe, 
daughter  of  Ptolemy,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons.  Amastris, 
becoming  dissatisfied,  departed  to  her  government  of  Hera- 
kleia  in  Pontus,  where  after  a  few  years  she  was  murdered 
by  her  two  sons  born  by  a  former  husband,  Dionysius,  dy- 
nast of  Herakleia.  Lysimachus,  who  preserved  to  the  last 
his  devotion  to  Amastris,  punished  the  matricides  with  death, 
but  was  none  the  less  deprived  of  his  noblest  and  dearest 
wife  ;  and,  while  up  to  that  epoch  he  had  committed  no  vil- 
lainous acts,  he  was  now  driven  by  Arsinoe  to  the  most  atro- 
cious deeds. 

Agathokles,  son  of  Lysimachus,  was  the  successor  to  the 
throne  in  Thrace,  and  had  some  time  before  married  Ly- 
sandra, daughter  of  Ptolemy  and  step-sister  of  Arsinoe'. 
Lysandra  had  also  a  step-brother,  Ptolemy,  who  on  account 
of  his  violent  temper  was  surnamed  Keraunus  (Thunderer). 
Arsinoe  disliked  both  her  step-sister  and  half-brother  as  well 
as  Agathokles,  because  the  sovereignty  would  have  passed  not 
to  her  own  children,  but  to  those  of  Lysandra  ;  and  further, 
we  are  told,  because,  having  once  expressed  a  violent  pas- 
sion for  Agathokles,  she  was  repulsed  by  him  with  contumely. 
Thus  the  fiercest  passions,  ambition,  hate,  and  thwarted 
love,  combined  to  arouse  the  nature  of  Arsinoe  even  to  mad- 
ness. She  succeeded  in  persuading  Ptolemy  Keraunus  to 
assist  her  in  her  murderous  projects  ;  and  Ptolemy,  although 
he  detested  Arsinoe,  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to 
cause  the  death  of  the  man  whom  he  justly  considered  the 
only  obstacle  in  his  way  to  the  throne  of  Macedonia.  They 
traduced  Agathokles  to  his  father,  persuaded  the  weak  old 
man  that  Agathokles,  the  best  of  his  sons,  had  formed  a  se- 


228  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

cret  plot  against  his  life,  and  finally  obtained  from  Lysim- 
achus  an  order  authorizing  his  death. 

The  fate  of  this  noble  and  excellent  young  man  created 
a  bitter  animosity  against  Lysimachus.  This  was  made  still 
more  violent  by  numerous  other  crimes  to  which  he  was  in- 
cited by  that  execrable  woman,  especially  in  Asia  Minor, 
where  many  of  the  friends  of  Agathokles  resided,  and  which 
province  the  latter  had  ruled  with  great  moderation  shortly 
before  his  death.  Lysandra,  his  half-brother  Alexander,  and 
a  few  intimate  friends  of  the  murdered  prince  sought  the 
protection  of  Seleukus.  They  were  cordially  received  by 
Seleukus,  who  considered  this  an  excellent  opportunity  to 
add  to  his  dominions  the  kingdom  in  Asia  formerly  granted 
to  Lysimachus.  This  seemed  all  the  easier  on  the  death 
shortly  afterward  (283  B.  c.)  of  the  old  king  of  Egypt,  Ptol- 
emy Soter  (Savior),  who,  as  it  would  seem,  restrained  while 
he  lived  the  conquering  aspirations  of  the  Asiatic  monarch. 

Thus  Lysimachus  suddenly  found  himself  threatened  by 
Seleukus,  and  at  the  same  time  received  positive  assurance 
of  the  innocence  of  the  son  whose  death  he  had  so  rashly 
ordered.  He  hastened  to  Asia,  however,  to  meet  his  formi- 
dable antagonist  in  person.  In  a  battle  fought  on  the  plain  of 
Cyrus  in  Phrygia,  on  the  Hellespont,  in  the  summer  of  281, 
Lysimachus  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  army  completely 
routed.  The  body  of  the  king  remained  unobserved  on  the 
field  of  battle  until,  several  days  afterward,  his  son  Alexan- 
der obtained  permission  to  inter  it  jn  a  befitting  manner. 
Neither  would  it  have  been  discovered  had  not  a  faithful 
dog  preserved  it  from  beasts  and  birds  of  prey.  Alexander 
had  the  body  transported  to  Lysimacheia  in  Thrace,  where 
he  caused  a  monument  to  be  erected  to  the  memory  of  his 
father,  who  perished  at  the  age  of  eighty.  Seleukus,  shortly 
after  the  battle,  crossed  the  Hellespont,  and  brought  under 
his  sway  even  the  European  possessions  of  his  opponent. 


THE  INVASIONS  OF  THE  GAULS.  229 


Death  of  SeleuJcus. 

Seleukus,  however,  did  not  long  enjoy  this  high  degree 
of  prosperity.  Ptolemy  Keraunus,  fearing  the  anger  of 
Lysimachus,  who  had  learned  of  the  innocence  of  Agatho- 
kles,  escaped  to  Seleukus.  He  was  cordially  welcomed,  but 
the  villain  succeeded  in  estranging  the  army  from  Seleukus, 
and  finally  murdered  him  in  280  ;  after  which  he  hastened  to 
Lysimacheia,  proclaimed  himself  king  of  Thrace,  and,  enter- 
ing Macedonia  with  an  army,  caused  himself  to  be  recognized 
also  as  ruler  by  the  Macedonians.  Thus  perished  the  founder 
of  the  empire  of  the  Seleukidse,  at  the  age  of  seventy-three. 
His  son  and  successor  Antiochus  I  wished  at  first  to  avenge 
the  death  of  his  father  ;  but,  deeming  Ptolemy  II  (Philadel- 
phus)  of  Egypt  sure  to  come  to  the  aid  of  his  brother  Ptole- 
my Keraunus,  and  being  prohibited  by  many  native  Asiatic 
rulers  from  leading  an  army  across  their  territories,  he  chose 
to  make  peace  and  recognize  Ptolemy  Keraunus  as  king  of 
Macedonia  and  Thrace. 


CHAPTER 

THE    INVASIONS    OF    THE    GAULS. 

Death  of  Ptolemy  ^Keraunus. 

THE  new  king,  who  had  through  villainy  seized  upon  the 
throne,  sought  by  the  most  nefarious  means  to  strengthen 
his  position.  It  is  not  known  what  became  of  the  widow  of 
Agathokles  and  her  children  ;  but  Arsinoe,  the  wife  of  Ly- 
simachus and  half-sister  of  Ptolemy  Keraunus,  had  escaped 
with  her  children  to  the  well-fortified  Kassandreia.  Ptolemy, 
desiring  to  become  master  of  this  castle  and  of  the  children 


230  THE  SUCCESSORS; 

of  Lysimachus,  proposed  to  his  half-sister  that  she  should 
become  his  wife,  promising  to  hold  the  empire  as  the  posses- 
sion of  her  children,  and  only  rule  in  common  with  them. 
Marriages  of  this  sort  between  brothers  and  sisters  are  al- 
ready often  mentioned  among  the  successors  of  Alexander. 
As  soon  as  the  marriage  took  place  and  Kassandreia  fell  into 
his  power,  he  at  once  slew  the  children  in  her  arms,  and  im- 
prisoned Arsinoe  herself  in  Samothrake,  whence  she  escaped 
to  Egypt,  where  she  became  the  wife  of  her  other  brother 
Ptolemy  II. 

Thus  the  kingdom  of  Ptolemy  Keraunus  seemed  every- 
where secure.  Ptolemy  of  Egypt  was  his  ally  ;  Antiochus 
of  Asia  had  made  peace  with  him  ;  the  children  of  Ly- 
eimachus  were  killed  ;  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  had  gone 
to  Italy  to  assist  the  Tarentines  against  the  Romans.  An- 
tigonus  Gonatas,  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorketes,  was  indeed  a 
dangerous  opponent,  but  was  for  the  present  engaged  in  war 
with  the  Spartans. 

Suddenly  and  unexpectedly  a  formidable  enemy  appeared 
in  the  so-called  Kelts  or  Gauls.  The  Gauls  were  the  oldest 
known  inhabitants  of  the  farthest  western  countries  of  Eu- 
rope. Being  a  branch  of  the  Indo-Germanic  race,  they  came 
at  some  remote  period  from  Asia.  In  the  sixth  century  B.  c. 
they  began  to  move  toward  the  east  and  the  south  ;  a  part  of 
them  settled  in  Spain,  while  another  portion  invaded  upper 
Italy,  southern  Germany,  Hungary,  and  thence  in  the  fourth 
century  B.  c.  found  their  way  to  the  north  of  Hellas.  In  335, 
when  Alexander  the  Great  marched  against  certain  tribes 
bordering  on  the  Danube,  ambassadors  of  the  Gauls  came 
to  him  and  made  peace,  which  in  323  they  renewed  by  a  sec- 
ond embassy  sent  to  him  in  Babylon.  During  the  time  of 
the  successors  new  tribes  of  Gauls  made  frequent  incursions 
into  the  northern  provinces  of  Hellas ;  but  during  the  con- 
fusion caused  by  the  death  of  Lysimachus  and  of  Seleukus, 
the  civil  strifes  in  Hellas  between  the  Spartans,  JEtolians, 


THE  INVASIONS  OF  THE  GAULS.  231 

and  Antigonus,  and  the  departure  of  Pyrrhus  for  Italy, 
numberless  hordes  of  Gallic  barbarians  made  new  and  ter- 
rible inroads  into  various  provinces  on  the  north  of  Hellas. 
Ptolemy  Keraunus  seems  to  have  despised  the  strength  of 
these  Gauls  ;  but  in  a  battle  fought  in  November,  280,  his 
force  not  being  sufficiently  large,  the  Macedonian  army  was 
wellnigh  annihilated,  and  Ptolemy  himself  was  slain. 

Anarchy  in  Macedonia — Antigonus  Gonatas  King. 

After  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Keraunus  the  Gauls  became 
masters  of  the  open  regions  bordering  on  Macedonia,  and 
ruthlessly  ravaged  the  surrounding  districts.  Meleagrus, 
brother  of  Ptolemy,  was  declared  king.  Being  unable  to 
rescue  the  land  from  the  barbarians,  he  was  speedily  deposed 
by  the  Macedonians,  and  one  Antipater,  an  alleged  relative 
of  either  Kassander  or  Lysimachus,  was  elected  in  his  stead  ; 
but  he  was  also  dethroned  in  a  few  days.  Hereupon  Sos- 
thenes,  a  Macedonian  of  noble  rank,  took  command  of  the 
army,  drove  away  the  barbarians,  but  refused  the  crown,  de- 
claring himself  amply  satisfied  to  retain  command  of  the 
army. 

In  the  spring  of  279  about  two  hundred  thousand  Gallic 
v/arriors,  bringing  with  them  according  to  custom  their  wives 
and  children,  and  led  by  the  ferocious  Brennus,  invaded 
Macedonia,  laid  waste  the  fields  and  orchards  (for  they  were 
unable  to  capture  the  fortified  cities),  and  continued  on 
their  march  to  the  south  through  Thessaly.  This  news  nat- 
urally alarmed  Hellas,  and  especially  the  districts  beyond  the 
isthmus.  Most  of  the  cities  were  then  autonomous,  because 
Antigonus  Gonatas  at  that  time  held  only  Euboea.  They 
therefore  formed  an  alliance  under  the  supreme  command 
of  the  Athenians.  The  Gallic  horde  invaded  Hellas,  and 
marched  straight  against  Delphi,  which,  though  it  had  been 
pillaged  seventy  years  before  during  the  Phokian  war,  had 
in  the  mean  time  regained  treasures  of  considerable  value. 


232  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

But  in  the  neighborhood  of  Delphi  the  Gauls  suffered  a 
complete  defeat,  their  chief  Brennus  was  killed,  and  finally 
they  were  driven  back  through  Thessaly  and  Macedonia  to 
Thrace,  being  literally  mowed  down  by  the  people  through 
whose  territories  they  passed. 

Many  other  tribes  of  Gauls  later  collected  in  Thrace,  and 
finally  established  a  kingdom  of  their  own  called  Tyle,  which 
achieved  considerable  importance,  and  compelled  even  the 
powerful  city  of  Byzantium  to  pay  tribute  to  it.  This  king- 
dom, whose  first  king  was  Komontorius,  lasted  about  sixty 
years,  when  it  was  overthrown  by  the  Thracians.  But  the 
Gauls  left  many  traces  in  the  East. 

Sosthenes,  the  brave  general  of  Macedonia,  died  about 
the  end  of  279.  Anarchy  afterward  prevailed  throughout 
the  land,  until  finally  Antigonus  Gonatas,  availing  himself 
of  the  internal  discord,  invaded  Macedonia  and  seized  upon 
his  paternal  kingdom  (278  B.  c.),  which  he  and  his  descen- 
dants thereafter  ruled.  Afterward  vast  numbers  of  maraud- 
ing Gauls  passed  into  Asia,  and  finally  settled  in  a  large 
district  bordering  on  the  lands  of  Kappadokia,  Paphlago- 
nia,  Bithynia,  and  Phrygia,  which  received  from  them  the 
name  of  Galatia.  Such  was  the  end  of  these  invasions  of  the 
Gauls — the  first  barbarians  who  visited  the  land  of  Hellas 
from  the  west  and  the  north. 

The  last  and  final  distribution  of  the  dominions  of  Alexan- 
der was  accomplished  immediately  after  the  accession  of  An- 
tigonus Gonatas  to  the  throne.  That  vast  empire  was  now 
divided  into  three  kingdoms — Egypt  under  the  descendants 
of  Ptolemy  Soter,  Asia  under  the  Seleukidse,  and  Macedonia 
under  the  Antigonids.  The  kingdom  of  Thrace,  once  so 
flourishing  under  Lysimachus,  had  disappeared  with  his  suc- 
cessors ;  for  the  race  of  Lysimachus,  as  well  as  that  of  Kas- 
sander,  was  already  extinct.  Forty-five  years  had  passed 
since  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great — forty-five  years  of 
almost  constant  wars  and  strife  ;  but  it  must  not  be  sup- 


STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD.  333 

posed  that  these  repeated  conflicts  were  caused  merely  by 
selfish  passions  and  personal  ambition,  for  the  struggle  was 
mainly  carried  on  for  the  maintenance  of  the  union  of  the 
empire.  This  was  the  object  of  Perdikkas,  of  Eumenes,  and 
of  Antigonus.  Nor  did  the  successors  of  Alexander  ever  for- 
get another  great  object — that  of  strengthening  and  spread- 
ing Hellenism  in  the  remotest  lands  of  Asia  and  Libya.  Thus 
these  long  strifes  were  not  wholly  individual  and  unproduc- 
tive, and  the  successors  of  Alexander  neither  proved  them- 
selves worthless  pupils  of  an  incomparable  teacher,  nor  in- 
efficacious apostles  and  propagators  of  the  noble  Hellenic 
civilization.  The  commixture  of  Hellenism,  which  had  now 
so  greatly  degenerated,  with  Asiatic  customs  and  habits,  and 
the  unlimited  and  irresponsible  power  which  these  dynasts 
had  often  acquired,  certainly  produced  a  mode  of  life  for- 
eign to  that  of  ancient  Hellenism ;  but  if  Perdikkas,  Poly- 
sperchon,  Kassander,  Lysimachus,  and  Antigonus  stained 
their  hands  with  bloody  deeds,  yet  Eumenes,  Ptolemy,  Se- 
leukus,  and  Demetrius  Poliorketes  displayed  virtues  and  a 
spirit  of  generosity  which  we  rarely  find  excelled  even  in 
the  history  of  the  first  Hellenism. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

STATE    OF    THE    HELLENIC    WORLD. 

Expedition  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus. 

THE  Epirots  about  this  time  rose  into  an  importance 
which  they  never  before  enjoyed,  and  their  king,  Pyrrhus, 
was  confessedly  the  most  daring,  most  energetic,  and  most 
fortunate  man  of  that  epoch.  Though  descended  from  a 
race  of  kings,  he  may  be  considered  the  architect  of  his  own 
31 


234  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

fortunes,  and  in  the  long  trials  of  youth  he  had  learned  the 
art  of  drawing  men  to  himself.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the 
multitude  adored  him,  and  in  their  enthusiasm  for  his  war> 
like  achievements  gave  him  the  name  of  the  Eagle,  in  re- 
gard to  which  he  said  :  "  If  I  am  an  eagle,  you  have  made 
me  one  ;  for  it  is  upon  your  arms,  upon  your  wings,  that  I 
have  risen  so  high."  He  indeed  was  gifted  with  a  nature 
imbued  with  the  noblest  and  loftiest  of  sentiments. 

Had  Pyrrhus  possessed  stability  of  character,  he  would 
have  made  Epirus  the  mistress  of  Hellas,  and  have  added  to 
the  glory  gained,  by  the  Hellenic  nation  through  the  Mace- 
donians the  not  less  illustrious  achievement  of  the  growth 
and  preservation  of  Hellenic  autonomy  on  its  ancient  hearth. 
But,  after  securing  his  own  dominion  in  Epirus,  he  was  per- 
suaded that  neither  to  annoy  others  nor  to  be  annoyed  by 
them  was  a  life  insufferably  languishing  and  tedious.  Like 
Demetrius  Poliorketes,  whose  spirit  seemed  transplanted  into 
this  young  warrior,  he  was  never  satisfied  with  the  present, 
"but  pined  in  dull  repose,"  and,  led  on  by  hope  alone, 
plunged  into  many  disastrous  undertakings.  It  was  this 
thoughtless  spirit  which  finally  induced  him  in  280  B.  c.  to 
undertake  the  great  and  destructive  expedition  against  the 
'Romans. 

The  Romans,  who  with  the  Hellenes  belonged  to  the 
Grajco-Latin  branch  of  the  Indo-Germanic  race,  began  to 
change  their  mode  of  life  early  in  the  eighth  century  B.  c., 
and,  starting  from  their  capital,  Rome,  within  a  short  time 
reduced  under  their  sway  nearly  all  the  neighboring  states. 
They  were  asked  by  the  Hellenic  cities  in  southern  Italy 
to  aid  them  against  Kleonymus,  king  of  Sparta,  and  his  na- 
tive allies.  The  Romans  hastened  with  avidity  to  southern 
Italy,  forced  Kleonymus  to  return  to  Sparta,  and  were  there- 
.after  deemed  the  protectors  of  the  weak  Hellenic  cities, 
not  a  few  of  which  even  accepted  Roman  garrisons.  Shortly 
after  the  Romans  engaged  in  war  with  the  Tarentines,  and 


STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD.  235 

the  latter,  not  able  to  sustain  the  contest,  sought  the  assist- 
ance of  Pyrrhus,  who  readily  espoused  their  cause  and  de- 
clared war  against  the  Romans. 

In'  the  beginning  of  280  B.  c.  Pyrrhus  sailed  for  Italy 
with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  foot  and  twenty  elephants. 
The  Romans  received  him  with  great  firmness,  and  the  suc- 
cess of  the  first  battle,  on  the  river  Siris,  remained  long 
undecided.  It  is  said  that  each  army  was  broken  and  gave 
way  seven  times,  and  rallied  as  often  ;  but  finally  the  Ro- 
mans were  worsted,  and  Pyrrhus  remained  master  of  the 
field.  In  the  following  year  another  great  battle  was  fought 
near  Asculum,  in  which  the  Romans  made  prodigious  ef- 
forts with  their  swords  to  break  the  enemy's  infantry;  not 
regarding  themselves  or  the  wounds  they  received  from  the 
Macedonian  pikes,  but  only  looking  where  they  might  strike 
and  slay.  After  a  long  conflict,  however,  the  Romans  were 
forced  to  give  way  ;  and  when  they  had  all  quitted  the 
field,  and  Pyrrhus  was  congratulated  on  the  victory,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  Such  another  victory,  and  we  are  undone."  He 
therefore  gladly  availed  himself  of  the  proposition  of  the 
Syracusans  to  assist  them  against  the  Carthaginians  (278 
B.  c.).  He  remained  three  years  in  Sicily,  during  which  the 
Romans,  taking  advantage  of  his  absence,  subdued  many 
warlike  nations  in  Italy,  and  became  the  masters  of  numer- 
ous Hellenic  cities.  Consequently  the  allies  of  Pyrrhus 
begged  him  to  return  at  once  to  their  assistance.  He  com- 
plied, and  reached  Tarentum  with  an  army  of  twenty-three 
thousand  foot,  mostly  composed  of  inexperienced  soldiers  ; 
for  he  had  lost  the  greater  part  of  the  disciplined  forces 
which  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  nearly  all  his  friends 
and  officers.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  he  was  disas- 
trously beaten  by  the  Romans,  and  was  forced  in  the  follow- 
ing year  to  return  to  Epirus. 


236  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Hellenism  in  the  West. 

After  the  departure  of  Pyrrhus  from  Italy,  the  Romans 
subjugated  not  only  the  native  tribes,  but  also  all  the  Hel- 
lenic colonies.  Ten  years  later  began  the  first  war  between 
the  Romans  and  Carthaginians,  which  was  principally  car- 
ried on  in  Sicily,  and  at  the  close  of  which,  in  241  B.  c.,  the 
entire  island,  with  all  its  Hellenic  colonies,  passed  under  the 
Roman  rule.  The  city  of  Syracuse  alone,  with  a  small  ad- 
joining district,  preserved  its  independence  under  Hiero  II, 
who,  after  many  troubles  and  disturbances,  had  ascended  the 
throne  in  269.  Syracuse  also  during  the  second  Carthagin- 
ian war  succumbed  to  the  Romans. 

Within  the  third  century  B.  c.,  therefore,  all  the  Hellenic 
cities  in  southern  Italy  and  Sicily  had  lost  their  indepen- 
dence and  fallen  under  the  sway  of  Rome.  Massalia  alone 
(the  modern  Marseilles) — a  city  strong  by  position,  founded 
by  the  Phokseans  about  600  B.  c.  upon  a  promontory  washed 
on  three  sides  by  the  sea,  well  fortified,  and  possessing  a 
convenient  harbor  securely  closed  against  enemies  * — main- 
tained for  some  time  still  its  liberty,  and  became  a  place  of 
considerable  importance  in  antiquity. 

Massalia,  however,  by  reason  of  its  isolated  situation  on 
the  south  coast  of  France,  could  not  have  become  the  center 
of  a  great  Hellenism,  and  was  finally,  about  the  middle  of 
the  first  century  B.  c.,  captured  by  the  Romans.  But  all 
those  provinces  situated  on  the  west  of  Hellas,  though  they 
may  have  lost  their  autonomy,  yet  still  preserved  their  Hel- 
lenic spirit.  The  Romans  wellnigh  Latinized  all  the  nations 
which  they  conquered,  but  they  never  succeeded  in  overcom- 
ing Hellenism.  For  many  centuries  still,  not  only  in  Massa- 
lia but  in  many  other  parts  of  Gaul,  flourished  schools  of 
Greek  letters  and  art,  which  were  deemed  by  the  Romans 
equal  in  every  respect  to  those  at  Athens.  During  the  third 

*  Strabo. 


STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD.  237 

century  B.  c.  the  Hellenic  colonies  in  Sicily  produced  some  of 
the  most  eminent  men  of  antiquity.  Archimedes,  the  great- 
est inventor  and  mathematician  of  the  ancient  world,  was  a 
Syracusan  ;  he  was  killed  during  the  subjugation  of  his  coun- 
try in  212  B.  c.,  after  having  for  thre.e  years  defended  it  by 
his  genius  and  inventions.  Theokritus,  the  most  fascinating 
of  bucolic  poets,  and  in  fact  the  creator  of  bucolic  or  pastoral 
poetry,  was  also  a  native  of  Syracuse,  and  flourished  about 
270  B.  c.  The  celebrated  historian  Timseus  was  of  Taurome- 
nium  in  Sicily ;  Diodorus,  the  historian,  whom  we  have  so 
often  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this  work,  was  born  in 
the  town  of  Argyrium  in  Sicily,  and  flourished  during  the 
first  century  B.  c.  In  fine,  the  Hellenism  of  southern  Italy 
and  Sicily  has  imbedded  itself  so  deeply  into  the  soil,  that 
neither  Roman,  Lombard,  Arab,  nor  Norman  has  succeeded 
in  wholly  obliterating  it.  It  is  true,  however,  that  from  that 
period  onward  Hellenism  in  the  West,  having  lost  its  inde- 
pendence, continued  to  defend  rather  than  spread  itself,  to 
wither  rather  than  to  grow  ;  and  its  more  energetic  career 
was  confined  to  the  East,  where  it  did  not  cease  for  many 
centuries  to  produce  fruits  destined  to  influence  deeply  the 
fortunes  of  the  world. 

Hellenism  in  the  East. 

The  large  number  of  cities  which  Alexander  and  his  suc- 
cessors established  in  the  East  were  the  greatest  and  most 
energetic  organs  for  the  spread  of  Hellenism  in  Asia,  and 
doubly  contributed  to  its  growth  and  strength.  They  were 
founded  by  Hellenes,  and,  though  later  many  of  the  native 
inhabitants  settled  in  them,  the  Hellenic  population  gener- 
ally predominated,  while  it  was  always  intellectually  the 
stronger.  Again,  these  cities  were  organized  after  the  Hel- 
lenic idea  of  government ;  for,  if  they  did  not  have  the  com- 
plete political  existence  of  the  ancient  Hellenic  cities,  they 
possessed  their  entire  system  of  civil  organization — the  as- 


238  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

sembly,  the  senate,  the  archons,  the  generals.  Thus,  not 
only  were  Hellenic  blood  and  the  Hellenic  tongue,  but  the 
very  Hellenic  mode  of  government,  disseminated  throughout 
the  East.* 

We  actually  have  the  names  of  more  than  two  hundred 
cities  established  by  the  successors  alone  in  the  vast  empire  of 
Asia,f  and  we  regret  that  the  scope  of  the  present  work  does 
not  admit  some  description  of  the  more  important  of  them, 
of  their  libraries,  of  the  great  men  they  produced,  and  the 
imperishable  work  they  did  for  the  civilization  of  Asia. 
The  cities  thus  founded  acquired  a  population  of  at  least 
a  million,  and  perhaps  a  million  and  a  half,  supposing  the 
average  population  of  an  ancient  Hellenic  city  to  have  been 
about  five  thousand.  It  was  not  only  Hellas  and  Macedo- 
nia, but  also  the  Greeks  of  southern  Italy,  Sicily,  Asia  Minor, 
and  Africa,  that  contributed  to  the  great  work  of  colonizing 
and  Hellenizing  Asia.  These  cities,  scattered  as  it  were  like 
islands  in  a  vast  sea,  gradually  drew  the  natives  to  themselves, 
by  the  superiority  of  their  organization,  the  finish  of  their 
civilization,  and  especially  by  the  language,  which,  constantly 
spreading,  finally  completely  Hellenized  the  countries  of 
Western  Asia.  This  magnetic  power  of  the  Hellenic  tongue 
is  one  of  the  most  interesting  phenomena  in  history.  Like 
the  golden  arms  of  the  Macedonians,  which  possessed  at  once 
intrinsic  value  and  irresistible  force,  the  most  finished  of  lan- 
guages was  always  the  most  powerful  arm  of  Hellenism. 

The  amalgamation  of  the  Hellenic  and  Egyptian  religions 
also  contributed  much  toward  furthering  this  great  work. 

*  Droysen,  in  his  history  of  Alexander  the  Great,  gives  the  names  of 
about  fifty  cities  as  actually  founded  in  the  East  by  Alexander  alone.  He 
comes  accordingly  near  to  Plutarch,  who  states  that  seventy  cities  were 
founded  by  Alexander.  But  it  is  much  to  be  doubted  whether  even  the 
fifty  cities  mentioned  by  Droysen  were  actually  cities  or  simply  military  posts. 
The  number  established  by  Alexander  is  not  as  accurately  known  to  us  as 
that  by  his  successors. 

f  Including  of  course  Egypt,  India,  Armenia,  etc. 


STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD.  239 

This  union  was  inaugurated  by  the  protection  which  Ptolemy 
and  his  successors  granted  to  the  temples,  religious  ceremo- 
nies, and  sacred  writings  of  the  Egyptians,  and  culminated  in 
the  erection  of  a  temple  of  Zeus  in  central  Egypt.  Won- 
derful indeed  were  also  the  exertions  of  the  Ptolemies  for 
the  advancement  of  science,  art,  commerce,  and  industry. 
No  new  intellectual  masterpieces  were  produced,  but  the  old 
were  collected,  examined,  explained,  and  systematically  ar- 
ranged. The  Museum  was  the  center  of  this  new  intellectual 
energy.  This  famous  edifice  "was  the  work  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  and  presided  as  it  were  over  the  vast  and  stately 
palaces  erected  in  Alexandria.  It  included  a  library  and 
many  other  buildings  devoted  to  the  study  of  science,  art, 
and  literature ;  so  that  the  entire  edifice  might  be  called 
to-day  a  university  and  academy  of  sciences.  It  contained 
besides  gardens  and  courts  devoted  to  teaching,  because  then 
as  formerly  instruction  was  not  given  in  recitation-rooms, 
but  by  the  free  conversation  of  teachers  and  pupils  walking 
up  and  down.  The  famous  Alexandrian  library,  which  this 
Museum  contained,  was  first  of  all  established  by  Ptolemy 
Lagus  ;  was  considerably  increased  by  Philadelphus  and  his 
successors  ;  but  was  destroyed  by  fire  during  the  time  of 
Julius  Cffisar,  about  the  middle  of  the  first  century  B.  c.  The 
Ptolemies  collected  not  only  the  writings  of  the  Greeks,  but 
those  of  other  nations,  so  that  this  library  was  the  common 
treasury  of  the  entire  world.  Through  the  efforts  also  of 
Philadelphus  was  made  the  Hellenic  version  of  the  sacred 
books  of  the  Hebrews  (i.  e.,  the  Old  Testament),  known  as 
the  Septuagint.  Then  flourished  Kallimachus,  a  native  of 
Kyrene,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Alexandrian  gram- 
marians, historians,  and  poets  ;  Apollonius  Khodius,  born  at 
Alexandria,  and  well  known  through  his  poem,  consisting  of 
four  books,  on  the  expedition  of  the  Argonauts  ;  Aristo- 
phanes Byzantinus,  one  of  the  most  eminent  Greek  gram- 
marians, the  librarian  of  the  Alexandrian  library,  and  the 


240  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

founder  of  a  school  of  grammar  ;  Aristarchus,  the  most  cele- 
brated critic  in  antiquity  ;  and  many  others. 

Another  edifice,  but  of  an  entirely  different  nature,  fa- 
mous for  the  facility  it  afforded  to  navigation  and  commerce, 
was  a  lighthouse,  the  first  known  in  history,  constructed  on 
the  island  of  Pharos,  before  the  principal  harbor  of  Alexan- 
dria. It  was  called  from  the  island  "tower  of  Pharos,"  or 
simply  "  Pharos  "  ;  wherefore  a  building  of  this  kind  is  to 
this  day  called  in  many  modern  languages  "Pharos."  It 
was  constructed  of  white  stone  upon  a  craggy  rock,  had  a 
height  of  three  hundred  feet,  and  its  light  on  the  top  could 
be  seen  nt  a  distance  of  eight  miles  or  more.  The  famous 
artisan  Sostratus  *  of  Knidus  spent  twelve  years  in  its  erec- 
tion, and  on  account  of  its  size  and  beauty  it  was  so  much 
admired  that  it  was  considered  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of 
the  world. 

Navigation  and  ship-building  achieved  their  highest  de- 
gree of  perfection  in  ancient  times  under  the  Ptolemies. 
The  kings  of  Egypt  maintained  two  thousand  transport- 
vessels,  fifteen  hundred  triremes,  and  eight  hundred  other 
ships  for  their  special  use,  most  magnificently  furnished,  with 
prows  and  sterns  shining  with  gold.  The  construction  of 
these  works  of  course  presupposes  an  inexhaustible  amount 
of  money.  The  historian  Appianus,  who  flourished  in  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century  B.  c.,  says  that  the  treasures 
accumulated  by  the  second  of  the  Ptolemies  amounted  to 
740,000  talents,  i.  e.,  3,700,000,000  drachmae.  A  few  modern 
historians  have  deemed  this  sum  wholly  incredible  as  "  a  re- 
serve fund  "  ;  but  Appianus  asserts  that  he  obtained  his  in- 
formation from  the  royal  records,  f  The  historian  Josephus 
informs  us  that  Egypt,  besides  Alexandria,  had  a  population 

*  The  following  inscription  on  the  Pharos  is  said  to  have  immortalized 
the  name  of  the  artisan  :  Z^crrparos  KviSios  Aitupdvous  Q«HS  Zorrjpffw  farlp 


f  BcwiA.JKaJv  avaypa^wv. 


STATE  OF  THE  HELLENIC  WORLD.  241 

of  7,500,000  ;  and  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  his  time 
Egypt  had  sadly  declined. 

Macedonia  and  Hellas. 

These  are  briefly  the  changes  which  Hellenism  accom- 
plished in  the  East  after  the  third  century  B.  c. ;  but  this 
vast  external  growth  necessarily  caused  the  early  decline  of 
Macedonia.  That  country  was  exhausted  by  the  expedition 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  by  the  forty  years'  civil  wars  which 
followed,  and  in  which  nearly  all  the  Macedonians  capable 
of  bearing  arms  served,  by  the  many  colonies  which  it  estab- 
lished, and  especially  by  the  destructive  Gallic  invasions. 
To  be  sure,  Macedonia  was  fortunate  in  possessing  Antigo- 
nus  Gonatas,  a  wise,  good,  moderate,  and  determined  ruler  ; 
but  the  material  resources  of  Macedonia  were  already  ex- 
pended, its  native  population  had  greatly  diminished,  and 
its  most  fertile  plains  were  occupied  by  Gauls  and  Illyri- 
ans.  This  decline  was  of  course  most  keenly  felt  in  the 
fortunes  of  the  Hellenic  nation.  That  nation  had  need  of 
a  ruler,  and  it  had  found  him  in  Macedonia  ;  but  this  hege- 
mony already  became,  if  not  impossible,  at  least  weak.  Per- 
haps it  might  have  been  met  through  the  Epirotic  rule  of 
Pyrrhus,  but  he  also  had  foolishly  expended  his  forces  in 
the  expeditions  against  Italy  and  Sicily.  He  was  indeed  an 
excellent  general,  but  wholly  deficient  in  those  political  quali- 
ties through  which  mainly  hegemonies  are  established  and 
strengthened.  Hellas  remained  again  headless,  if  we  may 
use  the  term,  as  after  the  death  of  Epaminondas  and  the  fall 
of  the  Thebans. 

It  is  true  that  about  this  time  arose  in  Hellas  two  leagues, 
which  seemed  destined  to  save  the  Hellenic  autonomy,  as 
they  were  both  based  on  the  principle  of  an  equality  of  po- 
litical rights,  for  which  we  have  in  vain  searched  in  the 
hegemony  of  Athens,  Sparta,  or  Thebes ;  but  these  leagues 
had  certain  fatal  organic  deficiencies.  The  ^Etolians  were 


242  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

remarkable  for  their  bodily  strength,  but  were  wholly  with- 
out intellectual  attainments.  The  Achacans  had  sounder  ideas 
of  political  and  social  order,  but  were  not  distinguished  for 
their  military  virtues.  Above  all,  Macedonia  had  certainly 
grown  weak,  but  not  in  a  degree  to  abandon  her  claims  to 
supremacy  ;  hence  a  constant  civil  strife  arose  between  that 
country  and  the  two  leagues — an  unproductive  contest,  be- 
cause neither  party  overcame  the  other,  while  it  exhausted 
even  the  last  forces  of  the  nation,  and  prepared  it  to  become 
a  prey  to  that  ambitious  Italian  city  which,  after  having 
subjugated  the  Hellenes  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  was  destined  to 
reduce  to  her  scepter  successively  those  in  Hellas,  Asia,  and 
Africa. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   KOMAN   CONQUEST. 

The  ^Etolian  and  Achaean  Leagues. 

PTERHUS  returned  to  Epirus  in  274  B.  c.,  but,  instead  of 
devoting  his  energies  to  the  recuperation  of  his  power  at  home, 
he  forthwith  engaged  in  new  strifes  in  Macedonia,  Sparta, 
and  Argos,  and  was  killed  in  a  battle  fought  in  272  at  the 
last-mentioned  place.  During  the  reign  of  his  son  and  suc- 
cessor Alexander  II,  the  star  of  the  JEakids  shone  for  a 
short  time  still,  for  that  king  became  master  of  nearly  all 
Macedonia  ;  but  he  was  finally  worsted,  and  lost  even  a  con- 
siderable part  of  Epirus.  Later,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
JEtolians,  he  expelled  the  Macedonians  ;  but  shortly  after  his 
death,  about  242,  Epirus  passed  into  utter  anarchy,  and  be- 
came as  obscure  as  it  had  been  before  the  time  of  Pyrrhus. 

About  this  time  the  Achaean  and  ^Etolian  leagues  at- 
tained considerable  power  in  Hellas.  The  former  drove 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  243 

away  from  the  Peloponnesus  the  king  of  Macedonia,  An- 
tigonus  Gonatas,  while  the  latter  successfully  opposed  his 
intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Hellas  beyond  the  isthmus. 
Hence  in  240  B.  c.,  when  Antigonus  died,  he  possessed  in 
Hellas  proper  only  Euboea  and  Attica  ;  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try had  for  the  last  time  in  antiquity  achieved  its  indepen- 
dence through  the  efforts  of  these  confederacies. 

These  leagues  sought  the  same  object  of  national  union 
which  Athens,  Sparta,  and  Thebes  had  successively  aimed 
at ;  and  though  the  doctrine  of  "  equality  of  political  rights," 
upon  which  these  new  confederacies  were  founded,  was  in- 
deed much  sounder  than  the  domineering  hegemony  of  the 
ancients,  yet  the  principles  advocated  were  often  violated. 
Furthermore,  republican  principles  alone  do  not  suffice  to 
maintain  a  state  ;  there  is  need  of  a  powerful  concentration 
and  of  an  effective  government,  without  which  the  privileges 
of  freedom  eventually  are  lost.  Again,  the  JEtolians  were 
certainly  Greeks,  but  the  lowest  of  all  in  civilization,  possess- 
ing no  inclination  whatever,  like  the  Macedonians,  the  Epi- 
rots,  and  the  Thessalians,  to  familiarize  themselves  with  the 
intellectual  attainments  of  the  nation.  While  they  claimed  to 
be  the  rulers  of  Hellas,  they  continued  to  reside  in  villages  ; 
and  while  they  were  engaged  in  war  with  the  Macedonians 
and  Achaeans,  and  had  need  of  all  their  forces,  large  numbers 
of  them  went  to  serve  as  mercenaries  in  the  armies  of  the 
Seleukidae  and  the  Ptolemies. 

The  Achaean  league  received  its  first  impetus  between  the 
years  280  and  250  B.  c.,  taking  advantage  of  the  difficulties 
of  Antigonus,  king  of  Macedonia,  and  of  the  wars  of  the 
^Etolians.  In  the  fourth  year  of  its  existence  Sikyon  became 
included  in  the  confederacy.  Sikyon  had  been  hitherto 
governed  by  tyrants  appointed  by  the  Macedonians  ;  but  in 
the  year  250  the  Sikyonian  Aratus  drove  away  the  tyrant 
Nikokles,  and  united  his  country  to  the  Achaean  league,  that 
the  recovered  liberty  might  be  maintained  through  its  pro- 


244  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

tection.  Many  other  cities  afterward  imitated  the  example 
of  Sikyon,  so  that  the  Achaean  league  soon  acquired  the  influ- 
ence in  the  Peloponnesus  which  the  ^tolian  had  already 
obtained  in  the  north  of  Hellas. 

After  the  death  of  Antigonus  Gonatas,  his  son  Demetrius 
II,  the  least  capable  of  the  Antigonids,  ruled  for  ten  years  in 
Macedonia,  240-230  B.  c.  We  have  called  him  "  the  least 
capable  of  the  Antigonids,"  because  he  not  only  troubled 
very  little  the  Achaeans,  but  also  accomplished  nothing  of  im- 
portance in  his  constant  wars  against  the  ^Etolians.  After 
the  death  of  Demetrius  (230),  his  cousin  Antigonus  Doson 
succeeded  to  the  throne,  as  the  guardian  of  Philip,  the  young 
son  of  Demetrius.  Doson  was  distinguished  for  his  politi- 
cal and  military  talents ;  but,  owing  to  the  revolts  which 
broke  out  in  the  north  and  south  of  his  kingdom,  he  was 
forced  to  abandon  his  rule  in  the  Peloponnesus,  and  the  Mace- 
donian garrisons  were  consequently  removed  from  nearly  all 
Hellas.  Athens  became  at  that  time  free,  and,  while  refus- 
ing to  join  the  Achaean  league,  she  was  well  disposed  toward 
it.  But  not  long  after  a  formidable  opponent  of  the  Acbaeans 
appeared  in  the  Peloponnesus  itself. 

Agis  and  Eleomenes,  Kings  of  Sparta. 

An  attempt  was  made  about  this  time  to  revive  the  an- 
cient political  ascendancy  of  Sparta.  King  Agis  IV,  son 
of  Eudamidas,  thought  that  he  could  effect  this  by  the 
reestablishment  of  the  laws  of  Lycurgus.  To  this  end  he 
deemed  indispensable  an  equal  division  of  property  (which 
had  never  existed  in  Sparta),  the  abolition  of  all  debts,  and 
the  redistribution  of  the  land  to  the  Spartans  and  to  the 
Periceki ;  at  the  same  time  he  declared  himself  ready  to 
divide  his  great  property  in  accordance  with  the  principles 
advocated.  Agis  was  sincere  in  his  intentions,  brave  and 
virtuous,  but  inexperienced  and  incapable  of  grappling  with 
the  difficulties  which  his  plans  were  sure  to  cause.  The  rich 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  245 

heard  -with  a  shudder  of  the  proposed  spoliation  of  their 
property  ;  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  other  king,  Leoni- 
das  II,  son  of  Kleonymus,  and  the  connivance  of  Agesilaus, 
uncle  of  Agis,  they  frustrated  his  plans  and  killed  him  in 
241  B.  c.,  together  with  his  mother  and  grandmother,  who 
are  said  to  have  most  heartily  assisted  him  in  the  further- 
ance of  his  projects. 

After  his  death,  Leonidas  gave  in  marriage  the  widow  of 
Agis,  famous  for  her  beauty  and  virtue,  to  his  son  Kleome- 
nes.  Kleomenes  III  was  certainly  one  of  the  most  resplen- 
dent stars  of  the  few  which  we  find  rapidly  disappearing 
from  the  Hellenic  firmament.  He  was  a  young  man  full  of 
courage,  lofty- minded,  well  versed  in  military  tactics,  and 
capable  of  drawing  men  to  himself  through  his  many  virtues. 
Nature  had  not  only  endowed  him  with  all  the  advantages 
through  which  men  accomplish  great  deeds,  but  had  besides 
given  him  all  the  virtues  on  account  of  which  one  is  loved 
and  esteemed.  How  great  his  devotion  to  his  mother  Kra- 
tesikleia,  one  of  the  grandest  characters  among  the  women 
of  antiquity  !  How  deep  his  love  for  his  wife  Agiate  !  How 
many  sincere  and  true  friends  he  had  obtained  !  The  histo- 
rian Polybius,  who  did  not  love  Kleomenes,  since  he  was  an 
enemy  to  the  Achseans,  was  forced  to  acknowledge  his  irre- 
sistible magnetism  and  grace.  He  calls  him  "  the  most  vir- 
tuous of  kings  and  the  most  affectionate  and  philanthropic 
of  citizens "  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  stigmatizes  him  as 
"  the  most  bitter  of  tyrants."  Why  ?  Because  he  was  com- 
pelled to  use  force  for  the  execution  of  his  plans.  What 
great  change  was  ever  effected  without  force  ?  Kleomenes 
was  not  a  man,  like  Aratus,  who  by  dark  and  mysterious 
ways  sought  the  realization  of  his  projects  ;  he  was  one  of 
those  who  openly  and  with  sword  in  hand  march  straight  to 
the  accomplishment  of  what  they  deem  just.  To  be  sure, 
after  a  long  period  of  success,  he  finally  failed  ;  but  he  failed 
because  to  accomplish  great  deeds  there  is  need  not  only  of 


246  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

hands  but  of  substance,  which  was  now  sadly  wanting  in 
Hellas. 

The  earlier  career  of  Kleomenes  is  replete  with  success. 
He  entered  Arkadia,  and  occupied  Mautineia,  Tegea,  and 
Orchomenus,  cities  belonging  to  the  ^Etolians,  but  indispen- 
sable to  the  king  of  Sparta.  He  repeatedly  defeated  Aratus, 
drove  him  from  Elis,  and  later  gained  a  great  battle  over 
him  near  Megalopolis.  After  obtaining  these  successes  he 
deemed  it  best  to  make  certain  changes  in  the  Spartan  con- 
stitution, especially  since,  by  the  death  of  Archidamus,  the 
other  king,  he  remained  alone  on  the  throne.  Having,  by 
long  and  repeated  marches  throughout  Arkadia,  wearied  the 
Spartans  and  Lacedasmonians  in  his  army  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  themselves  begged  to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Ar- 
kadia, he  entered  Sparta  at  the  head  of  his  remaining  forces, 
mainly  composed  of  mercenaries,  put  to  death  the  ephors 
and  those  who  hastened  to  their  assistance,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  summoning  an  assembly,  declared  the  alterations 
which  he  thought  best  to  be  made  in  the  constitution,  and 
explained  the  reasons  that  led  him  to  the  slaughter  of  so 
many  citizens.  The  desired  changes  were  effected,  the  most 
salutary  of  them  being  the  enlistment  as  citizens  of  Sparta  of 
the  best  of  the  PericDki,  a  measure  which  tended  to  effectu- 
ally increase  the  population  of  the  city.  Then  he  again  en- 
larged his  dominion  by  capturing  several  other  cities  of  the 
Achaeans,  and  would  have  finally  compelled  them  to  uncon- 
ditional surrender  but  for  the  determination  and  advice  of 
their  general  Aratus,  who,  hoping  for  the  assistance  of  Antig- 
onus,  king  of  Macedonia,  succeeded  in  inducing  his  despair- 
ing countrymen  to  prolong  the  war.  Finally,  in  the  spring 
of  233  B.  c.,  Antigonus  entered  Hellas,  leading  an  army  of 
about  twenty-two  thousand.  Kleomenes  defeated  him  near 
Lechseum.  But  in  the  mean  time  Argos  revolted  from  Sparta, 
and  Orchomenus,  Tegea,  and  Mautineia  soon  followed  its  ex- 
ample ;  so  that  in  the  following  year  Kleomenes  found  him- 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  247 

self  surrounded  by  many  implacable  enemies,  and  was  com- 
pletely defeated  by  Antigonus  and  his  numerous  allies,  in  a 
great  battle  fought  in  Sellasia.  Finding  that  he  could  ac- 
complish nothing  more  in  the  Peloponnesus,  which  again  fell 
under  the  Macedonian  dynasty,  Kleomenes  sailed  for  Egypt ; 
and  the  incapable  king  of  that  country,  Ptolemy  IV,  Philo- 
pator,  reduced  him  to  such  despair  that  he  put  an  end  to  his 
own  life. 

Antigonus  abolished  the  innovations  of  his  defeated  op- 
ponent, reestablished  the  office  of  the  ephors,  and  then  re- 
turned to  Macedonia,  where  he  died  in  the  spring  of  221, 
leaving  the  kingdom  to  his  nephew  Philip,  son  of  Deme- 
trius II. 

Roman  Successes. 

During  the  reign  of  Philip  V  the  Romans  occupied  the 
coasts  of  Illyria,  having  driven  the  Illyrians  from  Italy  while 
attempting  to  plunder  its  eastern  coasts.  The  ^Etolian  and 
Achaean  leagues  also  showed  their  deference  for  the  victorious 
nation  in  a  manner  which  amply  manifested  their  own  weak- 
ness. But  while  such  imminent  danger  threatened  them 
from  the  west,  a  destructive  civil  war  broke  out  in  Hellas 
between  the  .ZEtolians  and  Achaeans,  the  so-called  "  War  of 
the  Allies,"  which  lasted  from  220  to  217. 

The  Achaeans,  being  hard  pressed,  sought  the  assistance 
of  King  Philip,  who  defeated  the  ^Etolians  and  plundered 
their  land.  An  excellent  opportunity  now  presented  itself 
for  uniting  the  scattered  forces  of  Hellas,  under  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Macedonians,  against  the  enemy  from  the  west  ; 
but  this  project  was  frustrated  through  the  thoughtless- 
ness of  Philip.  The  Romans  were  at  that  time  engaged 
in  the  second  Carthaginian  war,  and  were  sorely  pressed 
by  Hannibal,  the  illustrious  general  of  the  Carthaginians. 
Philip  decided  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  him  for  the  pur- 
pose of  checking  the  daily  increasing  power  of  the  Romans. 
The  plan  was  not  ill-advised,  for  there  was  sufficient  ground 


248  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

to  believe  that  by  such  an  alliance  the  destruction  of  Rome 
could  be  easily  effected,  had  Philip  hastened  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Hannibal  without  loss  of  time.  But  Philip  con- 
sumed three  whole  years  in  vain  negotiations,  during  which 
the  Romans  created  new  factions  in  Hellas  ;  for  they  allied 
themselves  with  the  ^Etolians,  and  incited  a  war  against  the 
Macedonians,  which  lasted  from  211  to  204  B.  c.  In  this 
contest  the  Achaeans  united  with  the  king  of  Macedonia, 
while  the  Spartans  and  Attalus  I,  king  of  Pergamus,  joined 
the  ^Etolians.  The  Romans  alone  profited  by  this  struggle  ; 
Philip  was  prevented  from  going  into  Italy,  and  the  Hel- 
lenic forces  were  materially  diminished.  When  finally  peace 
was  concluded,  the  Romans  agreed  to  it  ;  but  they  were 
fully  determined,  as  soon  as  they  had  freed  themselves  from 
the  Carthaginians,  to  turn  their  arms  against  the  Greeks. 

The  Hellenes  in  the  mean  time  did  everything  they  could 
to  encourage  the  intervention  of  the  Romans.  The  Athe- 
nians flattered  every  new  dynast  ;  the  ^Etolians  were  intent 
on  plunder  and  devastation  ;  Sparta  was  oppressed  by  selfish 
and  designing  men  ;  the  Achaean  confederacy  was  under  the 
control  of  the  Macedonians,  but  their  king  did  not  cease  to 
commit  grave  political  errors.  It  is,  however,  remarkable 
that  at  the  time  the  Achaean  league  had  lost  its  political 
supremacy,  it  produced  a  most  illustrious  general,  the  brave 
Philopoamen,  who  not  only  possessed  excellent  military  abili- 
ties, but  a  virtue  worthy  of  the  most  glorious  epoch  of  Hel- 
las. But  what  was  said  about  Kleomenes  may  be  here  re- 
peated of  Philopoemen.  Circumstances  frustrated  all  his 
efforts.  Philopcemen  was  called  the  last  of  the  Greeks, 
which  in  itself  shows  that  he  had  no  one  to  assist  him  in  his 
plans  and  purposes. 

Philip,  who  could  alone  have  preserved  the  autonomy  of 
Hellas  by  uniting  the  forces  of  the  nation,  on  the  contrary, 
as  if  determined  to  widen  the  chasm  of  destruction,  declared 
war  ag'ainst  the  kings  of  Egypt  and  Pergamus,  against  the 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  349 

Rhodians  and  ^Etolians,  and  the  cities  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
ravaged  the  country  of  the  Athenians.  It  is  true  that  he 
proved  himself  an  able  general,  both  on  land  and  sea  ;  but 
at  the  same  time  the  Rhodians,  the  Athenians,  and  the 
king  of  Pergamus  Bought  the  assistance  of  the  Roman  sen- 
ate, and  thus  afforded  that  ambitious  people  an  opportunity 
to  declare  war  against  Philip.  The  war  lasted  four  years 
(200-197).  During  the  first  two  the  Romans  met  with 
many  reverses  ;  hence  they  decided  to  weaken  the  strength 
of  their  opponent  by  detaching  the  Hellenic  cities  from  the , 
alliance  of  the  king  of  Macedonia.  They  effected  this  by 
holding  before  their  eyes  the  bait  of  -liberty,  which  they 
knew  well  those  cities  could  not  long  withstand.  The  Ro- 
mans dispatched  to  Hellas  in  the  third  year  of  the  war 
Titus  Flamininus,  a  man  thoroughly  acquainted  with  Hel- 
lenic habits  and  customs,  and  uniting  political  with  military 
ability.  He  succeeded  in  gaining  over  to  the  Romans  the 
most  powerful  tribes  of  Hellas  save  the  Akarnanians,  who 
remained  faithful  to  the  alliance  of  Philip.  The  result  of 
the  war  was  now  evident.  Philip  was  completely  defeated 
in  197,  and  was  forced  to  recognize  the  autonomy  of  the 
Hellenic  cities,  surrender  his  fleet,  give  one  of  his  sons  as  a 
hostage,  and  pay  one  thousand  talents,  one  half  immediately 
and  the  remaining  five  hundred  within  the  space  of  ten 
years.  The  brave  and  faithful  Akarnanians  were  also  se- 
verely chastised  for  their  allegiance  to  the  Macedonian 
king  ;  for  they  were  compelled  to  recognize  the  rule  of  the 
Romans. 

The  Romans  next  found  occasion  to  mingle  in  the  Hel- 
lenic affairs  of  Asia  as  well  as  those  of  Egypt.  On  the  pre- 
text of  espousing  again  the  Hellenic  cause,  they  overthrew 
Antiochus  III,  king  of  Syria,  and  compelled  him  to  evacuate 
Asia  Minor,  pay  within  twelve  years  twelve  thousand  tal- 
ents, and  surrender  all  his  war-vessels,  elephants,  and  certain 
Greek  fugitives. 


250  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

It  is  evident  that  Hellas  itself  was  fated  to  a  like  treat- 
ment. It  is  true  that,  by  the  peace  made  in  197  with  the 
king  of  Macedonia,  the  independence  of  the  Hellenic  cities 
was  officially  recognized ;  but  the  true  meaning  of  that 
freedom  soon  became  manifest,  for  Roman  garrisons  were 
placed  in  the  conquered  cities,  and  a  Roman  tribunal  was 
established  in  Hellas,  which  judged  all  civil  and  private 
litigations,  thus  preparing  the  Hellenes  for  the  Roman  yoke. 

After  the  departure  of  Flamininus,  the  Romans  left  Hel- 
^las  in  peace  for  some  time,  during  which  the  Achaean  league 
seemed  to  have  regained  new  life.  The  Spartans  united 
with  it,  and  the  Romans  themselves  surrendered  to  it  the 
Messenians  and  Eleians,  for  having  been  the  allies  of  the 
^Etolians  and  of  Antiochus.  In  190  B.  c.  the  Achaean  con- 
federacy included  the  entire  Peloponnesus,  and  thus  was 
brought  about  what  had  never  before  existed,  even  during 
the  most  glorious  epoch — the  union  of  this  peninsula  under 
one  government.  But  this  good  fortune  was  not  destined  to 
last ;  for  the  strength  of  any  one  portion  of  Hellas  was  not 
advantageous  to  the  interests  of  the  Romans,  who  shortly 
afterward  incited  revolutions,  which  materially  weakened  the 
power  of  the  league.  The  Romans  also  engaged  in  war  with 
Perseus,  son  of  Philip  V,  completely  defeated  him,  and  kept 
him  a  prisoner  in  Rome  four  years,  where  he  finally  died  in 
179  B.  c.  Macedonia  thereupon  became  a  Roman  province  ; 
and  the  Epirots,  accused  of  having  espoused  the  cause  of 
Perseus,  were  severely  dealt  with,  their  country  was  pillaged 
by  a  ruthless  Roman  army,  seventy  of  their  cities  were  de- 
stroyed, and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  the  people 
were  reduced  to  slavery. 

Affairs  in  Hellas  proper  were  not  in  a  better  condition. 
Lykortas,  father  of  the  historian  Polybius,  had  succeeded 
Philoposmen  at  his  death,  and  was  the  recognized  chief  "  of 
the  better  class  of  citizens."  His  opponents,  however,  tra- 
duced him  and  one  thousand  others  to  the  Romans,  alleging 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  251 

that  they  had  espoused  strongly  the  interests  of  Perseus. 
The  Romans  compelled  all  the  accused  to  go  to  Rome  and 
plead  their  cause  there.  Polybius  was  among  this  number. 
They  were  detained  for  seventeen  years  in  Italy,  and  only 
in  151  B.  c.,  in  response  to  the  repeated  demands  of  the 
Achseans,  were  the  survivors  finally  permitted  to  return  to 
their  native  land.  This  high-handed  act  of  violence  created 
a  strong  sentiment  of  hostility  against  the  Romans.  But 
what  could  Hellas  do,  divided  as  she  was  between  those 
favoring  the  rule  of  the  Romans  and  those  foolishly  op- 
posing it  ?  The  Roman  senate  finally  dispatched  Mummius 
to  Hellas,  with  instructions  to  put  an  end  to  the  Achoean 
confederacy.  Mummius  was  a  rough  man,  and  altogether  a 
stranger  to  art  and  science.  He  defeated  near  the  isthmus 
the  general  of  the  Achseans,  captured  Corinth  without  bat- 
tle, put  to  death  all  her  citizens,  made  slaves  of  the  women 
and  children,  seized  the  most  famous  masterpieces  of  art, 
not  because  he  placed  any  value  on  them,  but  solely  in  order 
to  adorn  his  triumphal  entry  into  Rome,  and  burned  that 
splendid  city,  whose  site  for  about  one  hundred  years  there- 
after remained  uninhabited.  He  next  marched  to  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, destroyed  the  walls  of  the  cities  that  had  taken 
part  in  the  contest,  disarmed  the  inhabitants,  dissolved  the 
councils  of  the  Achseans,  Phokians,  and  Boeotians,  abolished 
the  democratic  constitutions,  condemned  the  Boeotians  and 
Euboaans  to  pay  to  Herakleia  one  hundred  talents,  and  the 
Achasans  to  pay  to  Sparta  two  hundred,  and  finally  required 
all  the  cities  that  had  "  formed  a  conspiracy  "  against  Rome 
to  pay  a  yearly  tribute  to  that  proud  city.  But  Hellas  was 
not  yet  converted  into  a  Roman  province.  This  occurred 
much  later,  during  the  reign  of  the  first  emperor  Augustus. 
Besides,  many  of  the  heaviest  conditions  already  mentioned 
were  shortly  after  withdrawn,  through  the  intercession  of 
Polybius,  and  the  Hellenic  cities  continued  to  have  a  nomi- 
nal autonomy. 


252  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

Thus  ended  the  freedom  which  Flamininus  had  fifty 
years  before  so  pompously  declared  in  Corinth.  The  moral 
and  material  degradation  which  had  come  over  Hellas  had 
aided  much  in  bringing  about  these  results.  Polybius,  an 
eye-witness  to  the  actual  condition  of  affairs,  considers  the 
principal  causes  of  the  evil  to  have  been  the  haughtiness, 
avarice,  and  laziness  of  the  people.  Such  a  thoughtlessness, 
confusion,  and  lack  of  spirit  prevailed  just  before  the  cap- 
ture of  Corinth,  that  many,  he  says,  lost  their  senses,  many 
committed  suicide,  and  all  came  to  consider  the  Roman  rule 
as  a  benefit — constantly  repeating  the  proverbial  saying, 
"  Unless  we  had  soon  perished,  we  should  not  certainly  have 
been  saved." 

Polybius. 

Polybius,  from  whom  we  derive  our  knowledge  of  these 
events,  is  perhaps  the  best  historian  that  Hellas  produced 
during  the  last  period  of  her  autonomy.  He  was  born  in 
Megalopolis  in  205  B.  c.,  and  died  in  123.  Exercised  from 
early  youth  in  politics  and  war  by  his  father  Lykortas  and  by 
Philopcemen,  he  finally  went  in  168  to  Italy  as  one  of  those 
accused  of  favoring  the  cause  of  Perseus.  He  studied  the 
history  and  constitution  of  the  Romans  ;  and  as  that  histoiy 
was  then  closely  linked  with  the  fortunes  of  all  the  known 
world,  he  had  unusual  opportunities  of  becoming  familiar 
with  the  whole  contemporaneous  history  of  that  epoch.  He 
did  not  limit  himself  simply  to  a  theoretical  study,  but,  being 
both  by  nature  and  habit  a  practical  man,  and  having  also 
become  acquainted  with  the  famous  Scipio  Africanus  the 
younger,  he  followed  him  in  his  principal  expeditions,  and 
did  not  cease  thus  to  be  taught  by  actual  experience  concern- 
ing the  affairs  of  the  city  destined  to  become  the  mistress 
of  the  world.  Possessing  such  an  experience,  he  wrote  "  a 
world's  history  "  in  forty  books,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
second  Carthaginian  war  to  the  destruction  of  Corinth  and 
Carthage.  Unfortunately,  only  the  first  five  are  completely 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  253 

preserved,  with  a  few  fragments  of  the  others.  But,  though 
the  work  is  thus  mutilated,  it  is  to  this  day  considered  one 
of  the  best  productions  of  historic  art.  It  has  not  indeed  the 
grace  of  Herodotus,  the  dramatic  passion  of  Thucydides,  nor 
the  Attic  purity  of  the  language  of  Xenophon  ;  yet  it  pos- 
sesses an  excellence  in  which  Polybius  surpassed  all  his  pred- 
ecessors, and  approached  the  best  of  modern  historians — 
the  accurate  and  clear  exposition  of  facts,  always  showing 
their  causes  and  results,  thus  rendering  his  history  a  most 
valuable  work  for  every  nation  and  age.  Polybius  especially 
makes  known  to  us  the  affairs  of  the  Achaean  league.  This 
league  is  certainly  much  indebted  to  him,  for  it  was  through 
him  and  through  his  own  achievements  that  it  gained  a  great 
name  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 

Permanence  of  Hellenic  Influence. 

While  Hellenism  on  this  side  of  the  -<fEgean  spent  its 
scanty  resources  in  aimless  civil  wars,  and  finally  succumbed 
to  the  Roman  supremacy,  in  the  East  it  continued  its  propa- 
gation and  maintained  its  vigor.  It  did  not,  however,  pre- 
vail even  there  without  much  bitter  animosity.  Its  severest 
struggle  was  the  one  in  Palestine  against  Judaism  ;  for  the 
greatest  achievement  of  Hellenism  in  Asia  was  the  Hel- 
lenic panoply  which  Christianity  wore  when  it  first  preached 
the  word  of  God  in  Judaea,  and  the  Hellenization  of  that  land 
most  of  all  facilitated  its  work. 

The  Jews,  owing  to  the  strifes  between  the  Seleukidae 
and  the  Ptolemies  concerning  Palestine  and  Phosnicia,  united 
now  with  Egypt  and  then  again  with  Syria.  In  the  mean 
time,  Hellenism  began  to  creep  stealthily  among  the  younger 
generation  of  the  Jews,  and  a  party  arose  favorably  disposed 
to  Hellenic  customs  and  bitterly  antagonistic  to  the  adhe- 
rents of  the  ancestral  religion  and  traditions.  Later,  Antio- 
chus  IV,  Epiphanes,  took  upon  himself  the  office  of  "  high 
priest  of  the  Jews,"  and  considered  as  rebels  all  abiding  by 


254  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

their  ancient  faith.  At  the  same  time,  being  in  want  of 
money  to  pay  the  tribute  imposed  by  the  Romans  on  his  pred- 
ecessor Antiochus  III,  he  captured  Jerusalem  in  170  B.  c., 
burned  the  sacred  books,  and  sought  to  impose  on  the  Jews 
the  Hellenic  religion  and  the  Hellenic  gods.  This  oppressive 
policy  aroused  a  bitter  opposition  among  the  Jews  ;  but  they 
were  finally  overcome,  and,  though  they  afterward  recovered 
their  freedom,  still  they  were  Hellenized  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  were  forced  to  borrow  the  Hellenic  military  organ- 
ization, its  internal  administration,  its  diplomatic  methods, 
and  its  monetary  system ;  and  we  find  that  about  the  year 
78  B.  c.  Judaism  preserved  nothing  of  its  genuine  ancient 
customs.  Later  still,  Herod,  king  of  Judoea,  built  at  Jerusa- 
lem a  palrestra,  theatre,  and  amphitheatre  ;  every  four  years 
he  celebrated  great  games,  and  in  a  word  assumed  completely 
the  Hellenic  character. 

The  most  powerful  kingdom  in  the  East  at  that  time, 
however,  was  that  of  Pontus,  ruled  by  the  great  Mithridates, 
who  succeeded  his  father  in  124,  when  yet  a  youth.  Distin- 
guished from  early  childhood  by  his  great  bodily  and  intel- 
lectual strength,  he  planned  many  a  daring  deed,  and  often 
obtained  favorable  opportunities  for  the  execution  of  his  pro- 
jects. The  Romans  were  then  engaged  in  dangerous  wars 
and  civil  strifes.  Syria,  Pergamus,  Bithynia,  and  Kappado- 
kia  suffered  much  from  the  rapacity  of  their  generals,  while 
Armenia  and  Parthia  dreaded  their  daily  growing  strength. 
Mithridates  accordingly  planned  the  formation  of  a  new 
Asiatic  empire,  hoping  that  by  availing  himself  of  all  the 
Hellenic  discoveries  and  laws  he  might  infuse  fresh  life  into 
his  barbarous  subjects.  He  did  not  at  once  attack  Rome, 
but  sought  first  of  all  to  subdue  the  nations  living  around 
the  Euxine,  as  well  as  the  Hellenic  colonies  on  the  coast. 
The  Hellenes  who  inhabited  the  countries  on  the  northern 
and  eastern  coast  of  the  Euxine,  since  they  suffered  much 
from  the  marauding  expeditions  of  the  nations  living  in 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  255 

southern  Russia  and  the  Caucasus,  accepted  readily  the  Hel- 
lenized  rule  of  Mithridates  ;  so  that  this  king  in  111  B.  c. 
added  to  his  ancestral  dominion  in  Asia  Minor  another 
empire,  which  extended  from  the  eastern  boundaries  of 
Pontus  around  the  Euxine  to  Thrace,  and  Avas  called  "a  Bos- 
porian  empire,"  from  the  Kimmerian  Bosporus  near  which 
were  situated  its  two  principal  cities,  Pantikapjeon  and  Pha- 
nagoreia,  both  Hellenic  colonies.  Next,  he  turned  to  the 
west  and  the  south,  to  subdue  Asia  Minor.  Hereupon  be- 
gan  a  long  and  ruinous  contest  with  the  Romans,  which, 
after  many  interruptions,  revolts,  and  reverses  of  fortune, 
was  finally  ended  in  66  B.  c.  by  the  change  of  the  kingdom 
of  Pontus  into  a  Roman  province,  and  the  limitation  of  its 
ancient  kings  to  the  Bosporian  dominion. 

Thus  the  Hellenic  possessions  one  after  another  fell  iinder 
Roman  rule.  But  if  Hellenism  lost  its  political  existence 
during  the  third  and  second  centuries  B.  c.,  its  national  life 
was  never  overcome.  If  on  the  field  of  battle  it  had  often 
been  worsted  by  the  Roman  legions,  on  the  field  of  social 
and  intellectual  energy  it  never  ceased  to  be  victorious. 
Romanism  never  achieved  in  the  East  the  laurels  of  Hel- 
lenism ;  it  never  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  the  people,  it 
never  communicated  to  them  its  laws,  language,  customs, 
and  character.  Only  the  government  was  Latin,  and  finally 
this  also  was  Hellenized,  and  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire gradually  arose  another,  within  which  subjects,  laws, 
rulers,  kings,  and  all  spoke  the  Hellenic  tongue. 

It  was  through  the  institutions  and  laws  of  Alexander 
and  his  successors  that  the  Hellenic  tongue  ultimately  pre- 
vailed as  the  language  of  the  government,  letters,  and  com- 
merce, and  of  all  the  loftiest  and  noblest  social  relations  ; 
and  for  this  reason  it  was  chosen  as  the  organ  through  which 
the  gospel  was  preached,  and  the  apostles  and  fathers  of  the 
church  spoke  and  wrote. 

Again,  when  the  Hellenic  religion  was  spread  in  the  East, 


256  THE  SUCCESSORS. 

there  resulted  a  certain  comparison  and  assimilation  of  the 
Hellenic  gods  with  those  of  Asia  and  Egypt.  Isis  was  likened 
to  Demeter,  Artemis,  Aphrodite,  Athene,  Enyo,  as  well  as  to 
Hera  ;  Serapis  again  was  likened  to  Zeus,  Asklepius,  Helius, 
Dionysus,  and  many  others.  Hence,  a  lofty  and  abstract 
conception  arose  in  the  minds  and  consciences  of  the  multi- 
tude ;  for,  owing  to  the  various  peculiarities  of  these  divini- 
ties, it  became  necessary  to  limit  these  gradually  to  a  few. 
It  was,  for  instance,  said  about  Isis,  that  she  was  the  mother 
of  things,  the  mistress  of  the  elements,  the  first  daughter  of 
the  times,  the  highest  of  the  gods,  the  queen  of  Hades,  the 
first  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  the  only  archetype  of  the  gods 
— one  divinity  under  various  names  and  forms,  and  wor- 
shiped in  various  ways  throughout  the  world.  In  regard 
to  Serapis,  it  was  said  that  heaven  was  his  head,  the  sea  his 
flesh,  the  earth  his  feet,  and  the  sun  his  eye.  Thus,  by  this 
union,  began  gradually  to  disappear  the  particular  and  topi- 
cal peculiarities  of  the  gods,  and  the  minds  of  the  masses 
became  imbued  with  a  more  generous  comprehension  of 
divinity. 

While  we  say  that  Hellenism  produced  these  wonderful 
results,  we  do  not  certainly  allege,  as  a  few  perverters  of 
historic  events  have  claimed,  that  it  also  produced  Christian- 
ity. The  truth  disclosed  by  our  Saviour  is  the  work  of  Di- 
vine Providence,  while  Hellenism  only  aided  this  work  by 
Hellenizing  the  multitudes,  and  thus  preparing  them  for  the 
acceptance  and  understanding  of  one  only  true  God.  Hel- 
lenism led  the  way,  through  the  incomprehensible  dictates 
of  Providence.  The  genius  of  Alexander  and  his  successors 
can  not  be  denied ;  but  both  evidently  fulfilled  a  mission 
intrusted  to  them,  for  the  fortunes  of  this  historic  drama 
can  not  otherwise  be  explained.  Alexander  died  when  he 
had  hardly  begun  his  work.  Hence  resulted  terrific  revolu- 
tions and  clashing  of  affairs,  individuals,  countries,  interests, 
and  circumstances.  In  the  midst  of  this  fearful  chaos,  the 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST.  257 

spread  of  Hellenism  advances  for  many  centuries.  In  the 
mean  time  Europe  is  divided  from  Asia  and  Egypt.  Mace- 
donia continues  in  hostile  relations  toward  the  empires 
which  she  created,  and  these  in  turn  contend  one  against  the 
other ;  the  Ptolemies  wage  war  against  the  Seleukidae,  and 
the  latter  against  the  dynasts  of  Asia  Minor  ;  some  of  these 
rulers  are  not  even  of  Hellenic  descent ;  the  work  of  Alex- 
ander seems  to  have  been  submerged ;  but  it  continues  to 
survive  in  the  storm,  and  finally  ends  by  Hellenizing  the 
dynasts  of  Asia,  who  in  their  turn  cooperate  in  the  spread 
of  Hellenism.  How  is  it  possible  not  to  see  the  will  of  Provi- 
dence in  all  these  fortunes,  and  especially  when  we  witness 
their  results  ?  For,  indeed,  how  many  difficulties  and  obsta- 
cles would  Christianity  have  encountered  without  the  assist- 
ance of  Hellenism  !  The  gospel  would  have  been  preached 
in  the  Hebrew  ;  and  not  only  was  this  tongue  unknown  to 
the  many  beyond  Judaea,  but  in  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Egypt, 
Asia  Minor,  Thrace,  and  Hellas,  various  dialects  and  tongues 
prevailed,  into  which  the  Word  of  God  would  have  had  to 
be  as  many  times  translated.  Again,  the  gospel  needed  not 
merely  to  be  preached,  but  also  to  be  explained ;  it  needed 
a  language  able  to  develop  its  lofty  truths  and  thoughts — a 
tongue  in  every  respect  complete,  finished,  and  philosophical. 
Hellenism,  therefore,  not  only  prepared  the  way  for  success, 
but  it  also  furnished  to  the  new  religion  the  most  artistic  of 
linguistic  organs  that  ever  God  imparted  to  man,  and  through 
its  alliance  with  Christianity  alone  preserved  its  historic  claim 
and  the  rank  which  to  this  day  it  holds  in  the  East. 

32 


PART    TENTH. 
THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

AFFAIRS     IN     HELLAS. 

The  Mithridatic  War. 

IT  is  generally  stated  by  historians  that  Hellas  fell  under 
the  Roman  rule  in  145  B.  c.,  when  Mumtnius  captured  Cor- 
inth. But,  strictly  speaking,  Hellas  became  a  Roman  prov- 
ince only  during  the  reign  of  Augustus.  Julius  Caesar,  who 
flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  first  century  B.  c. — i.  c., 
about  a  century  after  the  conquest  of  Hellas — blames  his  op- 
ponent Pompey  for  having  levied  money  from  the  Achoeans, 
a  people  "  exempt  from  tribute  "  ;  and  Cicero  also  censures 
him  for  having  laid  violent  hands  on  "  free  nations,  Achaia, 
Thessaly,  Athens,  and  all  Greece."  It  may,  however,  be 
justly  said  that  Hellas  long  before  the  capture  of  Corinth 
existed  simply  as  a  silent  character  in  the  historic  drama ; 
for  even  the  feeble  signs  of  life  which  she  gave  at  intervals 
only  tended  to  destroy  the  last  forces  of  an  enervated  body. 

For  about  sixty  years  after  145  B.  c.  no  important  politi- 
cal event  occurred  in  Hellas.  The  country  no  doubt  pros- 
pered materially  on  account  of  the  cessation  of  civil  strifes, 
and  Delos  achieved  a  marked  ascendancy,  which,  however, 
owing  to  the  Mithridatic  war,  was  of  short  duration.  The 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  259 

principal  theatre  of  this  contest  was  Hellas,  for  the  -war  was 
transplanted  thither  by  the  daring  king  of  Pontus,  and  the 
Romans  were  at  first  so  severely  pressed  that  it  finally  be- 
came necessary  to  send  Sulla  against  him. 

As  the  war  required  vast  sums  of  money  to  sustain  it,  this 
general  scrupled  not  to  violate  the  holy  treasures  of  Hellas, 
and  took  from  Epidaurus,  Olympia,  and  Delphi  the  most  beau- 
tiful and  precious  of  their  gifts.  The  composition  of  his  heart, 
says  Plutarch,  was  insolence  and  cruelty  ;  the  sink  of  all  the 
follies  and  vices  of  Mithridates.  Poor  Athens,  which  had 
refused  to  admit  him  within  her  walls,  and  had  survived  in- 
numerable wars,  perished  at  last  by  the  hands  of  this  mon^ 
ster.  During  the  siege  a  bushel  of  wheat  was  sold  for  one 
hundred  drachmae.  The  people  ate  not  only  the  herbs  and 
roots  that  grew  about  the  citadel,  but  sodden  leather  and 
oil -bags  ;  while  Sulla  was  indulging  himself  in  riotous  feasts 
and  dancing,  laughing  at  and  mimicking  his  foes.  At  length 
the  Athenians,  unable  longer  to  bear  the  terrors  of  hunger, 
gave  an  opportunity  to  the  Romans  to  scale  the  wall  near 
the  Heptachalkos,  and  so  the  city  was  taken.  Sulla  leveled 
to  the  ground  all  that  was  between  the  Peiraean  gate  and  that 
called  the  Sacred,  and  then  entered  the  town  at  midnight. 
All  the  trumpets  and  horns  sounded,  and  were  answered  by 
the  shouts  and  clang  of  the  soldiers  as  they  rushed  along  the 
streets  with  drawn  swords.  The  scene  of  slaughter  and 
devastation  which  followed  baffles  description,  until  finally 
Sulla  himself,  becoming  satiated  with  blood,  was  prevailed 
upon  to  put  a  stop  to  the  carnage  ;  and,  in  compliment  to 
the  ancient  Athenians,  he  said  he  forgave  the  many  for  the 
sake  of  the  few,  the  living  for  the  dead. 

After  the  capture  of  Athens,  Mithridates  deemed  it  best 
to  put  an  end  to  the  war ;  and  accordingly,  in  84  B.  c., 
peace  was  concluded  on  the  following  conditions  :  Mithri- 
datea  was  to  surrender  Bithynia  and  Kappadokia  to  their 
former  rulers,  Paphlagonia  and  Asia  Minor  to  the  Romans. 


260  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

He  was  to  give  the  Romans  two  thousand  talents  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  besides  seventy  armed  galleys  fully 
equipped.  Sulla,  on  the  other  hand,  was  to  secure  Mithri- 
dates  in  the  rest  of  his  dominions,  and  procure  him  the  title 
of  friend  and  ally  to  the  Romans. 

Not  only  Hellas,  but  the  Hellenic  cities  also  in  Asia 
Minor  and  elsewhere,  suffered  greatly  from  this  war.  Sulla 
imposed  a  fine  upon  Asia  of  twenty  thousand  talents.  Be- 
sides this,  the  houses  of  private  persons  were  ruined  by  the 
insolence  and  disorder  of  the  soldiers  he  quartered  upon 
them ;  for  he  commanded  every  householder  to  give  the 
soldier  who  lodged  with  him  sixteen  drachmae  a  day,  and  to 
provide  a  supper  for  him  and  as  many  friends  as  he  chose  to 
invite.  A  centurion  was  to  have  fifty  drachmae  a  day,  and 
one  dress  to  wear  within  doors  and  another  in  public.  In 
fine,  the  devastation  of  the  land  and  the  slaughter  of  the 
inhabitants  did  their  work  so  effectually,  that  one  is  led  to 
believe  the  assertion  of  several  modern  historians  that  Asia 
never  thereafter  recovered  from  the  Roman  wounds. 

The  moral  decay  of  the  nation,  which  began  long  before, 
was  now  followed  by  a  corresponding  material  ruin.  True 
political  life  fast  disappeared  ;  the  ancient  masterpieces  of 
literature,  art,  and  science  ceased  to  be  produced  ;  the  walls, 
temples,  and  theatres  were  crumbling  to  ruins  ;  and  this 
process  went  on  until  Christianity,  availing  itself  of  the  last 
remnants  of  the  former  life,  and  infusing  into  them  new 
elements  of  vitality,  organized  the  new  Hellenic  world.  For 
this  end  the  types  of  the  old  constitutions  were  used  as  the 
basis  of  the  first  Christian  judicature  ;  the  language  and 
rhetoric  of  Demosthenes  gushed  forth  in  the  language  and 
rhetoric  of  Chrysostom ;  the  art  of  Iktinus,  who  built  the 
Parthenon,  was  the  model  employed  by  Anthemius  and  Isido- 
rus  in  erecting  the  famous  temple  of  the  Sacred  "Wisdom 
(St.  Sophia)  at  Constantinople ;  and  finally  all  the  treasures 
and  ancient  offerings  that  could  be  brought  from  Hellas  and 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  261 

Asia  were  collected,  as  in  a  museum,  within  the  new  capital 
of  the  Hellenic  nation  on  the  shores  of  the  Bosporus. 

The  Pirates — J&ete. 

The  JEgean  Sea  was  from  the  earliest  times  infested  by 
pirates,  who  boldly  attacked  the  coasts,  islands,  and  har- 
bors, seizing  vessels  and  plundering  property.  They  had  a 
fleet  of  about  one  thousand  ships,  famous  for  their  swift- 
ness and  lightness,  as  well  as  for  the  daring  and  courage  of 
the  crews.  They  had  reached  such  a  degree  of  audacity  that 
they  founded  piratical  ship- yards,  captured  more  than  four 
hundred  cities,  lived  in  the  most  sumptuous  manner,  and 
richly  ornamented  their  ships  with  silver  and  with  golden 
utensils,  the  prizes  of  their  villainy. 

The  Romans  finally,  seeing  these  pirates  attack  the  very 
coasts  of  Italy  and  threaten  the  capital  itself,  declared  war 
against  them  in  the  year  78  B.  c.  But  the  generals  in  com- 
mand showed  such  incapacity,  that  the  pirates  succeeded  in 
capturing  the  provisions  destined  for  Rome,  wherefore  a 
scarcity  of  food  arose  in  that  city.  The  senate  was  accord- 
ingly compelled  to  intrust  to  Pompey  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  granting  him  an  authority  such  as  no  Roman  before 
had  held  ;  for  he  was  declared  general  for  three  years  of 
all  the  land  and  sea  forces,  and  the  treasury  itself  was  placed 
at  his  disposal.  He  set  forth  with  a  force  of  five  hundred 
ships,  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  infantry,  and  five 
thousand  cavalry.  Having  destroyed  the  piratical  ship-yards 
and  harbors  in  Sicily  and  Italy,  he  sailed  into  the  Hellenic 
seas,  and  everywhere  pursued  the  pirates  with  such  daring 
and  energy  that  few  of  them  ventured  to  oppose  him,  while 
the  greater  part  surrendered  at  discretion.  Ten  thousand 
of  them  were  put  to  death,  twenty  thousand  were  captured, 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  their  harbors  and  fortifi- 
cations were  destroyed.  Pompey  treated  the  captives  wisely 
and  leniently,  for  he  established  most  of  them  in  the  Pe- 


262  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

loponnesus,  which  country  was  then  in  want  of  inhabitants, 
and  the  rest  he  distributed  among  the  various  cities  of  Kili- 
kia,  including  Soli,  a  maritime  town,  which  thereafter  was 
named  Pompeiopolis  or  City  of  Pompey. 

Krete  was  also  seized  by  the  Romans  during  the  war 
with  the  pirates.  It  had  espoused  the  cause  of  these  male- 
factors to  such  an  extent  that  the  isjand  was  considered 
"  the  second  headquarters  "  of  this  strange  kingdom.  These 
terrible  demons  of  the  sea  were  regarded  as  fighting  against 
the  Roman  rule,  and  hence  many  did  not  scruple  to  enter 
into  an  alliance  with  them.  The  Kretans  had  often  defeat- 
ed the  Roman  legions,  but,  hearing  of  the  mild  treatment  of 
the  pirates,  hastened  to  submit  to  Pompey. 

After  the  capture  of  Krete,  Pompey  passed  into  Asia, 
forced  Mithridates  back  to  his  kingdom,  changed  Pontus 
and  Syria  into  Roman  provinces,  surrendered  Armenia  to 
Tigranes,  and,  having  finally  arranged  matters  in  Asia,  de- 
cided in  the  year  62  to  return  home.  Passing  through  Hel- 
las, he  gave  ample  proof  of  his  philanthropy  ;  for  he  treated 
with  great  respect  the  philosophers  of  Athens,  and  gave  to 
that  city  fifty  talents  for  its  reconstruction. 

TJie  Roman  Civil  Wars. 

Ten  years  later  occurred  the  great  struggle  between  Pom- 
pey and  Caesar  for  the  supremacy  of  the  world.  Hellas  fur- 
nished Pompey  with  every  possible  assistance,  and  a  great 
Hellenic  force  was  soon  collected.  Every  city  with  one  accord 
provided  him  with  men,  ships,  or  money.  These  sacrifices, 
unfortunately,  were  not  made  for  national  independence,  but 
for  settling  the  question  who  of  the  two  Roman  aspirants 
should  rule  the  universe.  The  man  for  whom  Hellas  showed 
so  great  a  devotion  was  not  long  after  conquered  by  his  op- 
ponent on  the  plains  of  Pharsalia  in  Thessaly,  on  the  6th  of 
June,  48  B.  c.  Caesar  happily  bore  no  malice  against  the 
Greeks  ;  he  only  asked  the  bitter  question,  "  How  often  will 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  263 

the  glory  of  your  ancestors  save  you  from  the  destruction 
which  you  bring  upon  yourselves  ?  " 

In  the  year  44,  toward  the  end  of  his  life,  that  great 
Roman  erected  for  himself  an  imperishable  trophy  by  re- 
building Corinth,  which  had  been  destroyed  a  hundred  years 
before  by  Mummius.  The  city,  rebuilt  after  a  new  plan, 
was  settled  by  the  descendants  of  freed  Romans,  who  were 
speedily  Hellenized.  Caesar  conceived  also  the  plan  of  cut- 
ting in  two  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  but  his  death  prevented 
its  execution.  Corinth  became  a  great  and  nourishing  city, 
and  the  bridge  as  it  were  of  the  commerce  between  the  East 
and  the  West.  It  was  also  the  seat  of  the  Roman  consul 
who  from  the  time  of  Augustus  ruled  Hellas. 

In  the  great  Roman  civil  wars  which  followed  Hellas  again 
became  the  theatre  of  contention.  Fickle  Athens  allied  herself 
with  Brutus  and  Cassius,  the  murderers  of  Caesar,  who  were 
defeated  at  Philippi  in  Macedonia  toward  the  end  of  42  by 
Caesar's  nephew  Octavius  and  his  ally  Antony.  Hellas  was 
thus  again  exposed  to  the  wrath  of  the  conquerors.  But 
Antony  was  in  his  youth  educated  at  Athens,  had  passed 
much  of  his  time  there,  and  had  thus  familiarised  himself 
with  the  customs  and  habits  of  the  Hellenes.  After  his  vic- 
tory he  returned  to  Hellas  and  abstained  from  any  act  of  op- 
pression, rejoicing  in  hearing  himself  called  a  Philhellenist, 
and  especially  Philathenian.  Sooris  afterward  Antony  and 
Octavius  became  enemies,  and  the  greater  part  of  Hellas 
declared  itself  for  Antony,  but  suffered  untold  miseries  on 
account  of  the  heavy  levies  he  demanded,  which  greatly  im- 
paired the  already  small  population  of  the  country.  There 
was  such  a  scarcity  of  sailors — formerly  the  strength  and 
boast  of  Hellas — that  the  admirals  of  Antony  were  forced  to 
seize  for  the  fleet  the  drivers  of  donkeys,  farmers,  travelers, 
and  even  boys.  Antony  was  defeated  in  the  memorable 
naval  battle  at  Actium  (2d  of  September,  31  B.  c.),  and  fled 
to  Egypt,  where  in  the  following  year  he  committed  suicide. 


264  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Octavius,  far  from  punishing  the  Hellenic  cities  which 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  his  opponent,  treated  them  -with 
great  kindness.  He  distributed  corn  to  many,  but  prohibited 
the  Athenians  from  granting  citizenship  for  money,  and  de- 
prived them  of  the  islands  of  -2Egina  and  Eretria.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  completed  the  stoa  of  Athene  Archegetes  or 
the  Leader,  and  encouraged  contributions  of  money  from 
Asiatic  princes  for  the  continuation  of  the  work  on  the  tem- 
ple of  the  Olympian  Zeus,  the  foundations  of  which  had  been 
laid  by  Peisistratus.  He  also  created  near  Actium  a  great 
city  which  he  called  Nikopolis,  and  granted  to  the  Lacedae- 
monians, who  had  from  the  outset  espoused  his  cause,  many 
advantages  and  rights.  But  the  greatest  of  his  benefits  was 
that  the  Roman  civil  wars,  from  which  Hellas  had  suffered 
so  much,  now  ceased.  Shortly  after  Octavius,  "first  Em- 
peror of  Rome,"  assumed  the  name  of  "  Augustus,"  and  re- 
duced Hellas  to  a  Roman  province  ;  but  whatsoever  might 
have  been  the  oppressions  of  his  proconsuls,  these  were  cer- 
tainly much  less  than  those  suffered  during  the  civil  wars. 

All  Hellas  was  not  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Ro- 
man proconsul  thereafter  sent  annually  to  rule  it.  Many 
cities  and  countries  continued  still  to  be  regarded  "  as  freed 
and  allied."  Strictly  speaking,  only  the  Achaean  confeder- 
acy and  its  two  allied  states,  Bceotia  and  Phokis,  which  had 
undertaken  the  last  wai  against  Rome,  were  under  the  Ro- 
man jurisdiction.  Accordingly,  the  subject  territory  was 
designated  by  the  name  of  Achaia,  as  if  it  did  not  form  an 
integral  part  of  "  free  Hellas."  These  free  autonomous  cit- 
ies did  not  cartainly  escape  the  Roman  censure  ;  their  liberty 
had  its  limits ;  the  emperors  of  Rome,  either  directly  or 
through  the  proconsuls,  interfered  in  their  internal  affairs  ; 
but  they  paid  no  regular  tribute,  were  not  occupied  by  Ro- 
man armies,  and,  as  they  were  governed  after  their  ancestral 
traditions,  they  preserved  to  some  extent  their  national  char- 
acter. 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  265 

The  Emperors. 

Tiberius,  who  ruled  next  to  Augustus  (A.  D.  14-37),  was 
kindly  disposed  toward  Hellas,  though  he  committed  many 
unjust  murders  in  Home.  During  his  reign,  both  Achaia 
and  Macedonia  became,  by  reason  of  the  harsh  treatment 
received  from  the  proconsuls,  Caesarean  instead  of  public 
provinces  ;  for  Augustus  had  divided  the  Roman  empire 
into  two  parts,  one  of  which  he  kept  for  himself,  and  another 
he  surrendered  to  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome.  This 
ordinance  respecting  Macedonia  and  Achaia  was  preserved 
until  the  year  44  ;  when,  during  the  reign  of  Claudius,  these 
provinces  were  again  surrendered  to  the  people. 

All  the  emperors  were  not  destined  to  show  the  same 
mildness.  It  is  strange,  however,  that  the  new  misfortunes 
of  Hellas  arose  from  the  fact  that  Nero  (54-68)  decided  in 
the  year  66  to  declare  the  country  autonomous.  That  mon- 
ster— who,  though  a  pupil  of  the  famous  philosopher  Sen- 
eca, murdered  his  own  mother  Agrippina,  sneered  at  every 
humane  sentiment,  and  in  fine  left  a  name  synonymous  with 
every  imaginable  crime — had  the  mania  to  take  part  in  pub- 
lic contests,  both  as  a  harpist  and  a  charioteer.  Nero  or- 
dered the  Greeks  to  delay  the  celebration  of  all  their  con- 
tests— the  Isthmian,  Pythian,  Nemean,  Olympian — until  his 
arrival.  He  came  with  a  large  multitude  of  attendants,  who 
instead  of  arms  carried  guitars,  plectra  (instruments  for  strik- 
ing the  lyre),  masks,  and  felt  shoes.  Nero  took  part  in  all 
the  games,  and  of  course  took  all  the  crowns  also,  for  he 
collected  as  many  as  seventy-five.  Who  could  dare  contest 
the  prize  with  him?  Although  he  proclaimed  the  Greeks 
"  free  and  autonomous,"  he  at  the  same  time  plundered  Hel- 
las, killed  men,  women,  and  children,  confiscated  property, 
stripped  Athens  and  the  temples  of  their  most  famous  works 
of  art,  outraged  the  Pythia,  slaughtered  a  large  number  of 
men  at  the  opening  whence  the  vapor  emerged,  and  indeed 


266  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

inflicted  far  greater  misfortunes  on  Hellas  than  those  sus- 
tained through  the  invasion  of  Xerxes. 

Not  long  after  Nero  returned  to  Rome,  where  he  was 
finally  murdered.  Hellas  in  the  mean  time  continued  much 
in  the  same  political  condition  until  Vespasian  ascended  the 
throne,  who  reduced  the  country  again  to  a  Roman  prov- 
ince, alleging  that  "  the  Greeks  had  unlearned  liberty."  * 

During  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  who  became  emperor  about 
forty  years  after  Vespasian,  the  Ephesian  Lollianus,  one  of 
the  most  noted  sophists  of  the  time,  had  charge  of  "the 
arms  "  at  Athens — a  burdensome  public  office,  given  gener- 
ally to  rich  citizens,  who  defrayed  all  its  expenses  through 
their  private  means.  About  that  time  a  direful  calamity 
occurred  at  Athens,  and  the  people  were  mainly  sustained 
through  the  liberality  of  this  sophist  general.  It  is  about 
this  period  also  that  we  notice  a  marked  change  in  the  an- 
cient laws  of  Hellas.  The  Amphiktyonic  Council  still  had 
charge  of  the  temple  at  Delphi ;  the  assembly  of  the  BOJO- 
tians,  Phokians,  and  Achseans  was  still  convened  ;  Hellas 
still  participated  in  the  Olympian,  Nemean,  Isthmian,  and 
Pythian  games  ;  and  the  olive-crown  was  still  deemed  the 
highest  honor  that  could  be  conferred  on  a  mortal.  The  vic- 
tories over  the  Persians  were  still  celebrated  by  sacrifices 
at  Marathon  and  Platffia,  by  orations  delivered  on  the  fields 
of  battle,  and  by  contests  carried  on  about  the  tombs  of  Le- 
onidas  and  Pausanias.  The  Messenians  still  commemorated 
the  career  of  the  hero  Aristomenes,  and  the  Sikyonians  that 
of  Aratus,  the  founder  of  the  Achaean  league.  But  all  these 
customs  had  no  longer  a  political  or  real  value.  The  Hel- 
lenes now  resorted  to  the  temple  at  Delphi,  not  to  ask  wheth- 
er they  should  declare  war  or  conclude  peace,  or  make  some 
material  change  in  the  constitution,  but  to  ascertain  whether 
they  ought  to  marry,  go  on  a  journey,  or  engage  in  traffic. 

*  'A.ironfnaffr)KfV{u  rfy  iKtvQtplav  rb  "E.\\i\vut6t>. 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  267 

But,  however  meaningless  these  customs  may  have  become, 
their  continued  observance  tended  to  some  extent  toward 
preserving  the  national  spirit  of  Hellenism,  which  even  now 
did  not  cease  to  produce  some  generous  results. 

The  Sophists. 

During  the  reign  of  Vespasian,  nearly  all  the  Greek  phi- 
losophers were  banished  from  Rome.  Let  no  one  suppose, 
however,  that  these  men  were  genuine  descendants  of  Plato, 
Aristotle,  Zeno,  and  the  other  fathers  of  philosophy.  Most 
of  them  belonged  to  the  so-called  sophists,  a  numerous  class 
characteristic  of  the  social  state  of  the  time.  The  word 
"  sophist  "  was  held  anciently  in  high  esteem,  and  Herodo- 
tus applies  the  name  both  to  Solon  and  Pythagoras.  But 
already  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century  B.  c.  sophistry  separated  from  true  wisdom, 
and  formed  a  science  or  art  by  itself,  which  thereafter  the 
genuine  ministers  of  philosophy  did  not  cease  severely  to 
stigmatize.*  Gorgias  the  Leontine,  who  flourished  during 
the  Peloponnesian  war,  is  considered  the  chief  of  the  soph- 
ists ;  he  was  the  first  who  boasted  that  he  knew  all  things, 
and  could  speak  extemporaneously  on  all  subjects.  But  the 
fact  that  men  like  Demosthenes  and  JEschines  did  not  dis- 
like to  be  called  "  sophists  "  shows  that,  although  sophistry 
was  not  distinguished  for  its  morality,  yet  for  its  dialectic 
power  it  was  by  no  means  an  art  wholly  worthless. 

From  the-  time,  however,  that  political  freedom  disap- 
peared and  the  serious  rhetorical  exercises  ceased  to  be  in 
vogue,  and  philosophy  fell  to  a  mere  repetition,  or  even  to 


*  Xenophon  says  :  Toi»s  TTJV  ffotpiav  apyvpiy  T<p  fiovXoufvy  iro\ovvras, 
ffofytffrb.s  a,ifOKa\ovffiv,  Plato  calls  them  trotptffTfys  vewi>  irKova'uav  tfifj.iffQos 
(hipevT"f>s.  Aristotle  says  of  them:  'Effriv  i]  <rotf)iffTiK^i  <paivo/j.ev7t  (rotyla, 
oiiffa  Se  fj.1)  '  Kal  6  (ro^or^s  xP77AwtT"rT''7r  &w&  ^aiwytej'Tjs  ffo^tas,  aAA'  OVK 
fl&rij.  Anciently,  the  most  eminent  philosophers  imparted  knowledge  gra- 
tuitously, and  nothing  seemed  so  contemptible  as  to  teach  philosophy  for  pay. 


268  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

the  systematic  distortion,  of  the  ancient  dogmas,  the  new- 
fledged  rhetoric  and  philosophy  sought  refuge  with  sophis- 
try. From  the  union  of  these  strange  elements  resulted  the 
later  philosophy,  whose  followers,  having  no  serious  object 
of  study,  professed  not  only,  like  the  more  ancient  sophists, 
that  they  were  ready  to  harangue  extemporaneously  on  any 
subject,  but  that  they  possessed  actual  experience  in  every 
art.  Dion  Chrysostomus,  who  flourished  about  the  end  of 
the  first  century  A.  D.,  and  who  was  one  of  the  few  really 
wise  men  of  that  epoch,  in  one  of  his  essays,  "  On  a  Philoso- 
pher," shows  distinctly  that  the  existing  philosophy  could 
reasonably  be  defined  as  the  perfection  of  everything  that  is 
unproductive  in  speech ;  for  the  art  of  speech  came  to  be 
regarded  as  an  end,  and  not  as  an  instrument. 

We  do  not  wish,  however,  to  say  that  the  Hellenic  people 
at  that  epoch  produced  only  those  empty  forms  of  rhetoric 
and  philosophy.  From  the  first  century  B.  c.  to  the  third 
A.  D.  ancient  Hellenic  literature  showed  forth  many  great 
works,  suflicient  in  themselves  to  impart  a  lasting  glory  to 
any  nation.  Then  flourished  Strabo,  the  great  geographer  ; 
the  learned  historian  Diodorus  Siculus ;  the  no  less  learned 
but  more  practical  Dionysius  of  Halikarnassus  ;  Plutarch  of 
Chseroneia,  whose  "  Parallel  Lives  "  and  "  Moral  and  Politi- 
cal Essays  "  we  have  had  occasion  so  often  to  cite  ;  Arrian, 
the  historian  of  Alexander  the  Great ;  Appianus  of  Alexan- 
dria, another  great  historian,  and  the  not  less  famous  Dion 
Cassius ;  Herodianus,  a  distinguished  writer  on  Roman  his- 
tory; Epiktetus  of  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia,  whose  wonder- 
ful discourses  on  the  Stoic  philosophy  the  historian  Arrian 
took  down  in  writing ;  Longinus  the  Athenian,  a  very  dis- 
tinguished rhetorician  and  philosopher,  whose  work  "  On  the 
Sublime  "  is  to  this  day  considered  inimitable  ;  and,  to  confine 
ourselves  to  the  most  prominent,  then  flourished  Lucian  of 
Samosata  in  Syria,  who  with  unsurpassed  grace  and  wit  stig- 
matized the  social,  moral,  and  religious  anarchy  of  his  time. 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  269 

But  the  works  of  these  men  resembled  the  few  warblings 
of  the  nightingale  which  one  may  hear  while  crossing  a  ra- 
vine, mingled  with  the  incessant  croaking  of  frogs.  The 
representative  literary  men  of  that  period  were  the  sophists. 
They  had  in  charge  the  education  of  the  youth  ;  they  taught 
at  Athens,  whither  flocked  men  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
to  be  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  Greek  letters,  arts,  and 
science  ;  they  became  rich  ;  they  were  esteemed  at  Olympia ; 
they  finally  penetrated  even  to  Rome,  as  the  educators  of 
that  community  which,  though  it  had  mastered  Hellas,  yet 
never  ceased  to  acknowledge  her  intellectual  supremacy. 
Unfortunately,  many  of  these,  by  turning  into  traffic  the 
sacred  work  of  a  teacher,  debased  both  their  profession  and 
the  Greek  name,  which  was  intimately  connected  with  that 
avocation.  Lucian  in  one  of  his  treatises  severely  stigma- 
tized the  life  which  these  men  passed  in  the  capital  of  the 
empire.  He  represented  in  inimitable  colors  the  servility  to 
which  they  stooped  in  order  to  gain  admittance  to  a  great 
and  wealthy  house  ;  he  related  the  many  contrivances  through 
which  the  rich  Kro3sus  of  Rome  limited  to  a  mere  pittance 
the  pay  of  these  men,  to  whom,  however,  they  acknowledged 
that  they  trusted  both  their  souls  and  those  of  their  chil- 
dren ;  he  ridiculed  the  really  degraded  condition  of  these 
sophists,  who,  while  they  constantly  repeated  the  sayings  of 
Plato  and  Aristotle,  and  delivered  eloquent  addresses  on  "  in- 
dependence," stooped  to  the  meanest  drudgery  conceivable 
before  the  grandees  of  Rome. 

Nor  did  these  servile  descendants  of  a  noble  race  even 
have  the  consolation  that  they  taught  anything  to  the  Ro- 
mans, from  whom  they  suffered  so  many  insults  ;  for  it 
appears  that  the  Romans  of  that  period  cared  for  nothing 
so  little  as  for  Hellenic  philosophy  or  education.  They 
maintained  the  sophists  in  their  houses  simply  as  a  piece 
of  furniture,  or  because  it  was  fashionable  to  have  a  learned 
Greek  in  their  retinue.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  life  of  such 


270  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

a  person,  we  may  relate  the  degradation  of  the  Stoic  The's- 
mopolis,  who  was  the  reputed  teacher  of  a  rich  and  fashion- 
able woman.  She  employed  this  successor  of  Zeno  to  keep 
her  little  dog,  from  which  the  philosopher  suffered  many  in- 
conveniences, and  was  called  by  the  other  servants  in  the 
house  "  a  Cynic  instead  of  a  Stoic  philosopher."  It  appears 
that  the  women  of  Rome  were  ambitious  to  be  called 
"  learned,"  and  to  be  spoken  of  as  composing  verses  not  in- 
ferior to  those  of  Sappho.  Accordingly,  many  employed 
orators,  grammarians,  and  philosophers.  But  they  listened 
to  them  only  while  arranging  their  hair  or  preparing  for 
supper,  for  they  could  not  spare  any  other  time.  It  would 
often  occur  that  while  the  philosopher  was  expounding  the 
principles  of  virtue  and  morality,  the  maid  would  rush  in 
with  a  love-letter,  and  then  the  words  of  wisdom  ceased  until 
the  mistress  could  answer  the  note  and  resume  attention. 

Had  the  sophists  confined  themselves  to  their  legitimate 
occupation,  the  emperors  would  not  probably  have  disturbed 
them.  But  many  thought  it  the  duty  of  philosophy  to  at- 
tack the  ruling  power,  arouse  the  multitude,  disturb  estab- 
lished customs,  and  introduce  innovations.  This  conduct 
forced  Vespasian  to  banish  the  sophists  from  Rome,  though 
it  would  seem  that  their  exile  was  not  lasting,  since  during 
the  reign  of  Domitian,  the  second  son  and  second  successor 
of  Vespasian,  the  philosophers  are  again  said  to  have  been 
driven  from  Rome,  when  a  few  also  were  killed.  Vespasian, 
however,  who  issued  the  first  decree  of  banishment,  was  the 
first  also  to  allow  regular  pay  to  the  orators ;  and  under  the 
immediate  successors  of  Domitian  Hellenic  learning  and  art 
obtained  from  the  rulers  of  Rome  considerable  protection 
and  encouragement. 

Trajan. 

We  now  enter  upon  perhaps  the  most  prosperous  period 
of  the  Roman  supremacy.  Trajan  (98-117)  proved  himself 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  271 

one  of  the  greatest  benefactors  of  the  Hellenic  nation.  Dur- 
ing his  reign  Maximus  was  sent  to  Hellas  as  the  plenipoten- 
tiary and  reorganizer  of  the  free  Hellenic  cities.  Pliny  the 
Younger,  the  minister  and  friend  of  Trajan,  gave  to  Maxi- 
mus instructions  which  amply  show  that  there  were  many 
Romans  who  revered  the  sacred  ruins  of  Hellas.  "  Fortu- 
nate Maximus,"  said  Pliny,  "the  emperor  sends  you  to  Achaia 
— the  true  Hellas,  the  land  of  beauty,  letters,  and  agriculture. 
The  emperor  lays  to  your  charge  free  cities  and  free  men, 
whose  virtues,  deeds,  alliances,  treaties,  and  religion  have  for 
their  object  the  preservation  and  defense  of  liberty,  the,  best 
and  most  sacred  right  of  nations.  Realize  the  greatness  of 
the  charge.  Honor  the  gods,  the  founders  of  the  country  of 
the  Athenians  ;  honor  the  ancient  renown  of  that  nation  of 
poets  and  warriors  ;  revere  the  sacred  antiquity  of  the  cities. 
Never  forget  that  we,  the  Romans,  received  from  Attica  our 
public  code  ;  that,  while  we  impose  on  the  conquered  na: 
tions  our  laws,  we  derive  from  the  Hellenes  the  laws  which 
they  gave  to  themselves.  Remember  that  you  rule  Athens 
and  Lacedgemon,  and  that  it  is  cruel  and  barbarous  to  insult 
the  shadow  of  lost  liberty.  Remember  rather  what  these 
cities  were  than  what  they  are." 

These  noble  instructions  seem  to  have  been  kept  by  Max- 
imus, judging  from  the  fact  that  the  Greeks  erected  a  statue 
of  Trajan  at  Olympia.  Trajan  increased  the  number  of  the 
-free  cities.  During  his  reign  was  built  on  the  hill  of  the 
Museum,  lying  toward  the  southwest  of  the  Acropolis,  the 
tomb  of  Philopappus  Besseus,  nephew  of  Antiochus  IV,  a 
descendant  of  the  famous  family  of  the  Seleukidse,  which  is 
preserved  to  this  day. 

Hadrian. 

The  conduct  of  Hadrian,  the  successor  of  Trajan  (117- 
138),  presents  us  with  a  strange  mixture  of  virtue  and  vice, 
wisdom  and  folly,  mildness  and  roughness.  He  visited 


272  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Athens  five  times,  and  for  a  considerable  period  resided 
there,  not  as  a  monarch,  but  as  a  private  citizen.  Hadrian 
was  twice  vested  by  the  Athenians  with  the  honorable  title 
of  "  archon  eponymus."  He  sought  to  ameliorate  the  condi- 
tion of  the  people  by  pecuniary  presents  and  annual  grants 
of  corn.  He  furthermore  munificently  rewarded  the  philos- 
ophers and  sophists  who  then  flourished  at  Athens,  the  most 
famous  of  whom  were  Favorinus  and  Herodes  the  Attic  (At- 
ticus).  The  Athenians  were  much  attached  to  Hadrian, 
and  they  were  perhaps  justified  in  their  devotion,  because, 
like  another  Perikles,  he  adorned  the  city  with  numerous 
splendid  and  imperishable  edifices.  The  inimitable  works 
of  Iktinus  and  Mnesikles  still  stood  intact  on  the  Acropolis, 
and  Hadrian  was  emulous  to  ornament  in  like  manner  the 
lower  city  by  new  and  costly  buildings.  By  his  orders  were 
erected  a  temple  to  Here,  another  to  Zeus  Panhellenic,  and 
a  third  "  common  to  all  the  gods "  ;  a  gymnasium,  and  a 
magnificent  stoa,  which  had  one  hundred  and  twenty  pillars 
of  Phrygian  stone,  the  remnants  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen 
in  the  market-place  of  modern  Athens.  On  the  southeast  of 
the  Acropolis,  near  the  shores  of  the  Ilissus,  he  founded  a 
new  city,  which  he  called  after  his  own  name.*  Not  far 
from  this  spot  fifteen  pillars  raise  to  this  day  their  lofty  and 
beautiful  heads,  and  about  them  are  scattered  the  ruins  of 
the  famous  Olympian  temple,  which  had  a  circumference  of 
four  stadia,  and  a  colonnade  round  the  building  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  pillars.f  Many  statues  of  the  gods  and  of 
Hadrian  himself  stood  in  this  temple,  the  most  famous  of 
which  was  that  of  Zeus,  constructed  of  ivory  and  gold. 

*  A  triumphal  arch  still  exists  near  that  spot,  bearing  the  inscription : 
A?3'  (iff"  'AOrjvcu  07j<rt'wr  r\  irplv  v6\is.  This  inscription  faces  toward  the 
northwest,  while  another  inscription,  on  the  same  arch,  but  facing  toward 
the  Ilissus,  reads  thus  :  AYS'  tier*  'ASpioj/oD,  ovxi  0T}(r/«s  W\w. 

f  The  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laid  six  hundred  and  fifty  years  be- 
fore by  Peisistratus,  but  it  was  completed  and  dedicated  to  the  first  of  the 
gods  by  order  of  Hadrian. 


AFFAIRS  IN  HELLAS.  273 

But  Hadrian's  sympathy  was  shown  not  merely  in  the 
temples  and  buildings  with  which  he  adorned  Athens  and 
other  cities  of  Hellas.  He  brought  to  Athens  the  water 
of  Kephissia,  and  to  Corinth  that  of  Lake  Stymphalus  ;  placed 
Hellenic  life  on  the  firm  basis  of  Roman  law,  without  how- 
ever abolishing  municipal  institutions  ;  and  gave  the  rights 
of  Roman  citizenship  to  the  Hellenes  nearly  a  century  be- 
fore Caracalla  gave  them  to  all  free  subjects  of  the  empire. 

Antoninus  Pius — Marcus  Aurelius. 

The  emperors  Antoninus  Pius  (138-161)  and  Marcus  Au- 
relius (161-180)  are  considered,  on  account  of  their  virtues 
and  political  wisdom,  among  the  best  rulers  the  human  race 
has  known.  Hellas  preeminently  flourished  during  their 
reigns  ;  for  we  are  told  that  several  new  cities  were  founded 
by  them,  several  were  enlarged,  and  many  that  had  been 
destroyed  were  rebuilt ;  liberty  and  autonomy  were  granted 
to  the  principal  cities  ;  and,  in  fact,  the  rule  of  these  em- 
perors was  full  of  mildness  and  paternal  solicitude.  The 
Hellenic  cities  were  replete  with  gymnasia,  fountains,  stose, 
temples,  manufactories,  and  schools.  Marcus  Aurelius,  who 
was  wholly  Hellenized,  and  even  wrote  in  Hellenic  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  reorganized  the  schools  of 
Athens  on  a  more  distinct  and  practical  basis. 

Nations,  however,  never  flourish  through  foreign  protec- 
tion and  beneficence.  As  no  art  nor  skill  can  for  a  long  time 
conceal  the  inevitable  fading  of  the  most  beautiful  woman, 
in  like  manner  Hellas,  notwithstanding  the  many  ornaments 
and  benefits  which  she  received  from  the  Trajans,  Hadrians, 
Antonines,  and  others,  continued  none  the  less  to  wither  and 
decline.  The  praises  of  the  sophists  for  the  apparent  pros- 
perity of  our  fathers  were  partly  flatteries  addressed  to  the 
emperors,  and  partly  the  vagaries  of  men  who  were  content 
with  a  superficial  view.  There  were  certainly  some  fine 
cities  built  during  the  Roman  rule,  such  as  Corinth,  Patrae, 


274  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Nikopolis,  and  others.  But  what  was  the  prosperity  of  these 
compared  with  the  desolation  of  the  rest  of  Hellas,  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, and  the  islands?  Pausanias  informs  us  that  in 
cities  once  flourishing  and  great  the  people  now  lived  in 
huts.  At  Thebes  only  a  few  temples  still  existed  amid  the 
desolation  and  ruin.  Pausanias  did  not  find  one  Delian  at 
Delos,  but  only  the  military  detachment  sent  from  Athens 
to  guard  the  temple.  During  the  time  of  Dion  Chrysosto- 
mus,  who  was  born  at  Prusa  in  Bithynia  about  the  middle 
of  the  first  century  of  our  era,  a  large  part  of  Euboea  was 
uninhabited.  The  great  and  rich  cities  of  that  island,  once 
so  flourishing  and  so  populous,  had  become  wellnigh  wild, 
and  vast  tracts  of  land  within  their  gates  were  allotted  for 
pasturage.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that,  according  to 
Plutarch,  entire  Hellas  could  not  furnish  three  thousand  hop- 
lites,  the  number  which  the  little  city  of  Megara  alone  sent 
to  the  battle  of  Platsea.  What  a  change  !  "  But  the  stonea 
and  the  ruins  of  thy  edifices  show  rather  thy  past  glory  and 
greatness,  O  Hellas,"  says  Dion  Chrysostomus.  Commerce 
had  wholly  ceased,  and  Rhodes  itself,  which  relatively  was 
still  flourishing,  could  send  only  two  small  merchant-vessels 
to  Corinth.  While  agriculture  and  commerce  were  in  such 
a  ruinous  condition,  society  required  its  devotees  to  lead  a 
costly  life  ;  and,  not  able  to  meet  their  expenses  with  their 
own  resources,  they  resorted  to  loans,  granted  mostly  by  for- 
eign capitalists  on  heavy  interest,  which  finally  brought  in- 
evitable ruin.* 

These  facts  conclusively  show  that  the  benefits  conferred 
by  the  Roman  emperors,  and  especially  those  of  the  second 
century,  were  not  sufficient  to  impart  to  Hellas  any  real 
vigor  and  strength.  Indeed,  all  the  splendid  edifices  of 
Hadrian  and  the  other  emperors  did  not  suffice  to  com- 
pensate for  the  wholesale  spoliations  committed  by  the  Ro- 
mans. But  while  the  monuments  suffered  much,  it  must  be 

*  Sec  Plutarch,  Utpl  TOV  ^  titty 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  275 

acknowledged  that,  after  a  servitude  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty  years,  Hellas  preserved  still  its  ancient  appearance  of  ex- 
ternal splendor.  The  land  was  still  classic,  and  many  a  city 
was  filled  with  masterpieces  of  art.  According  to  Pliny  the 
Elder,  about  the  end  of  the  first  century  A.  D.  there  stood 
still  at  Rhodes  three  thousand  statues,  and  not  less  than  that 
number  at  Athens,  Delphi,  and  Olympia.  Pausanias,  too, 
who  traveled  in  Hellas  during  the  second  century,  describes 
so  many  treasures  of  art  in  Athens,  Olympia,  Delphi,  Leba- 
deia,  and  Patrae,  that  the  mind  is  astonished  at  the  wealth  of 
the  country  in  this  respect.  Even  in  painting,  which  much 
more  than  sculpture  or  architecture  is  subject  to  the  destruc- 
tive influence  of  time,  there  existed  still  in  the  time  of  Pau- 
sanias many  fine  specimens,  especially  in  the  Stoa  Pcekile,  in 
the  Theseium,  in  the  Kerameikus,  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens, 
and  in  the  council-hall  of  the  Delphians.  The  saddest  mis- 
fortune of  Hellas,  which  deprived  her  even  of  her  external 
beauty,  which  she  preserved  long  after  her  heart  ceased  to 
beat  and  her  mind  to  create,  occurred  only  after  the  third  cen- 
tury. Then  her  material  destruction  was  completed  by  the 
barbarians,  who  overran  her  like  a  deluge,  and  whose  inva- 
sions we  now  proceed  to  relate. 


CHAPTER  IL 

% 

BARBARIANS    AND    CHRISTIANS. 

Invasions  of  the  Northern  Barbarians. 

DURING  the  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  a  move- 
ment of  the  barbarous  nations  living  in  the  northern  and 
central  parts  of  Europe  took  place,  whereby  the  eastern 


276  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  suffered  greatly.  That  em- 
pire was  gradually  wasting  under  the  influence  of  moral  and 
social  causes  not  unlike  those  which  caused  the  decline  of 
ancient  Hellenism.  Religion,  whose  foundations  philosophy 
undermined,  had  already  lost  its  hold,  especially  among  the 
higher  classes.  Besides,  in  the  Roman  empire,  as  formerly 
in  Hellas,  society  was  divided  into  two  classes,  the  free  and 
the  slaves — a  division  which  accelerated  the  decline  of  the 
empire.  The  free  citizens  alone  composed  the  active  part  of 
society,  for  they  alone  held  political  rights,  while  the  slaves 
were  debarred  from  every  career  of  energy,  either  political, 
moral,  or  social,  forming  in  these  respects  a  useless  and  dead 
capital.  Hence,  as  soon  as  the  free  citizens  began  to  neglect 
the  advantages  through  which  they  had  acquired  their  pow- 
er, the  empire,  which  was  composed  as  it  were  of  this  class 
alone,  withered,  faded,  and  declined. 

It  was  during  this  stage  of  decline  that  the  invasions  of 
the  northern  barbarians  began.  Had  they  made  their  attacks 
more  systematically  and  possessed  the  means  of  laying  sieges, 
such  as  the  ancient  civilised  world  employed,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  Roman  empire  would  have  been  at  once  ex- 
terminated. But  the  barbarians  came  in  disconnected  hordes  ; 
they  could  not  capture  any  of  the  fortified  towns,  and  for  a 
long  time  did  not  even  form  the  idea  of  erecting  a  new  em- 
pire on  the  ruins  of  the  old.  Allured  by  the  graces  of  civili- 
zation, they  often  made  treaties  with  the  Romans,  and  even 
entered  their  service,  so  that  the  empire  long  escaped  this 
imminent  danger.  In  the  mean  time  the  promulgation  of 
the  gospel  began  to  produce  its  first  noble  fruits ;  within 
the  ancient  diseased  community  a  new  and  healthier  society 
was  formed  ;  new  men,  distinguished  for  virtue,  valor,  and 
ability,  ascended  the  throne  ;  and  thus  the  decline  of  the 
empire  was  retarded  for  three  whole  centuries.  Finally  its 
western  part  fell,  but  the  eastern — the  one  composed  espe- 
cially of  Hellenic  elements — continued  to  flourish,  and  for  a 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  277 

long  time  to  occupy  a  leading  place  in  the  history  of  the 
world. 

Such  were  briefly  the  fortunes  of  the  barbaric  invasions 
which  began  about  the  end  of  the  second  century.  About 
this  time,  also,  as  if  the  other  causes  of  the  decline  of  the 
empire  did  not  suflice,  a  great  civil  strife  broke  out  for  "  the 
supreme  office."  After  the  death  of  Commodus  (192),  the 
depraved  son  and  unworthy  successor  of  Antoninus  the  Phi- 
losopher, five  men  strove  for  the  throne,  and  finally  Septimius 
Severus  prevailed  (193-211)  ;  but  the  empire  was  shaken 
from  its  very  foundations.  The  struggle  was  carried  on  for 
the  most  part  in  the  East,  and  the  Hellenic  cities  suffered 
much,  and  were  deprived  of  one  of  their  strongest  bulwarks, 
the  ancient  and  glorious  Byzantium.  Later,  also,  during 
the  reign  of  Caracalla,  the  cruel  and  relentless  son  of  Seve- 
rus (211-217),  the  invasions  of  the  Germanic  tribes  assumed 
a  more  extended  form. 

The  Germans  began  to  penetrate  into  the  northern  Hel- 
lenic provinces  during  the  reign  of  Philippus  (244-249),  who 
was  born  in  the  neighborhood  of  Palestine,  and  was  of  Ara- 
bian descent.  The  inhabitants  of  Dacia  and  Moesia  (which 
included  the  present  countries  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria)  were 
forced  to  pay  a  large  sum  of  money  to  these  ruthless  devas- 
tators, and  thus  finally  induced  them  to  depart.  During  the 
reign  of  Decius  (249-251),  the  successor  of  Philippus,  a  large 
combined  force  of  Goths  and  Germans  repeated  their  maraud- 
ing expeditions,  and  fairly  deluged  the  fertile  plains  of  Thrace 
and  Mcesia.  A  great  battle  was  fought  near  Philippi,  in 
which  the  Romans  were  defeated  ;  the  barbarians  captured 
the  city  by  assault,  and,  if  we  credit  the  exaggerated  reports 
of  the  historians,  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  of  the 
inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword.  Soon  after  Decius  was 
betrayed  by  his  generals,  and  perished  with  his  son  in  a  sec- 
ond battle  fought  toward  the  end  of  251.  His  base  betrayer 
and  successor  Gallus  (251-254)  finally  prevailed  upon  the  bar- 


278  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY, 

barians  to  return  home,  after  having  promised  to  them  tho 
payment  of  an  annual  tribute  and  permitted  them  to  carry 
away  their  booty  and  captives. 

This  disgraceful  treaty  retarded  only  for  a  few  months 
the  direful  misfortunes  which  the  Roman  empire  was  des- 
tined to  suffer.  A  numberless  host  of  barbarians — more  gen- 
erally called  Scythians — deluged  during  the  reigns  of  Gal- 
lienus  and  Valerianus  (253-260)  Illyria,  Thrace,  and  Moesia  ; 
pushed  their  work  of  plunder  and  devastation  to  the  coasts 
of  the  Euxine  ;  crossed  on  their  large  fleet  of  small  boats  to 
Asia  Minor,  captured  Pityus  and  Trapezus,  destroyed  the 
temples  and  edifices  of  many  other  Hellenic  cities,  murdered 
without  stint,  laid  waste  the  adjacent  districts,  and  finally 
returned  to  their  homes  loaded  with  a  rich  heterogeneous 
booty. 

During  the  last  year  but  one  of  the  reign  of  Gallienus 
(267),  a  vast  number  of  Goths  sailed  down  the  Euxine  on  a 
fleet  of  five  hundred  vessels,  seized  Byzantium  and  Chrysop- 
olis,  destroyed  the  famous  Kyzikus,  crossed  into  the  -ZEgean, 
occupied  the  islands  of  Lemnos  and  Skyros,  and,  having 
divided  here  into  many  bands,  made  almost  a  simultaneous 
attack  upon  the  southern  Hellenic  coasts.  They  invaded 
Attica  and  many  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus,  and  pillaged 
Corinth,  Sparta,  Argos,  Tegea,  and  Athens.  Death  and  de- 
struction followed  every  step  of  this  ruthless  horde.  The 
Greeks  were  terrified  and  fled  before  the  barbarians,  leaving 
their  homes  at  the  mercy  of  the  invaders,  until  finally  the 
learned  Dexippus  the  historian  collected  a  force  of  about  two 
thousand  citizens,  attacked  the  Goths  as  they  were  straggling 
about  the  country,  and  killed  a  large  number  of  them.  The 
terrified  barbarians  escaped  to  their  ships,  while  many  sought 
flight  by  land,  pursued  now  by  all  the  infuriated  Greeks. 
Two  Roman  armies  had  in  the  mean  time  entered  Epirus, 
Thessaly,  and  Illyria,  scoured  the  country,  and  caused  almost 
the  complete  destruction  of  the  Goths.  Those  who  escaped 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  279 

to  their  boats  nearly  all  perished  in  a  naval  engagement 
fought  with  the  Romans  near  the  Hellespont. 

Such  was  the  result  of  those  memorable  invasions  which 
occurred  in  the  year  267.  The  famous  temple  of  Artemis  in 
Ephesus,  which  had  been  many  times  before  destroyed  and 
as  often  more  gloriously  raised  from  the  ashes,  was  burned 
by  the  Goths,  and  for  ever  disappeared  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  That  wonder  of  the  universe  had  a  hundred  and 
twenty  pillars  of  Ionic  architecture,  each  having  a  height  of 
sixty  feet.  Many  masterpieces  of  art,  the  chief  of  which 
were  the  works  of  Praxiteles,  perished  with  it. 

The  barbarians,  however,  were  not  long  in  coming  back. 
Three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  warriors,  bringing  with 
them  their  wives,  children,  and  household  goods,  again  in- 
vaded Asia  Minor,  many  of  the  ^Egean  islands,  Hellas,  Thrace, 
and  Macedonia  ;  but  they  were  vigorously  pursued  by  the 
emperor  Claudius,  who  killed  a  large  number,  while  not  a 
few  perished  both  on  account  of  their  nautical  inexperience 
and  by  the  terrible  pestilence  which  ever  since  the  reign  of 
Gallienus  had  been  ravaging  the  East.  The  remaining  Goths 
surrendered  to  the  Romans,  who  settled  many  of  them  in 
Thrace,  and  drafted  the  sturdiest  into  their  legions.  These 
invasions,  however,  were  repeated  at  intervals  during  the 
reign  of  Aurelian  (270-275),  and  later  of  Probus  (276-282). 
The  barbarians  were  again  routed,  but  Probus  ceded  to  them 
vast  territories  in  Thrace,  and  admitted  them  to  all  the  priv- 
ileges and  rights  of  the  Roman  citizen.*  For  more  than  a 
century  after  that  epoch  no  invasions  of  foreign  nations  oc- 

*  It  is  reported  by  a  few  historians,  though  doubted  by  many,  that  the 
Hellenic  coasts  were  ravaged  about  that  time  by  another  Germanic  tribe,  the 
Franks.  The  Franks  lived  by  the  shores  of  the  Rhine,  and  made  frequent  in- 
cursions into  the  Roman  province  of  Gaul.  Probus,  having  defeated  them, 
established  many  of  them  near  the  Euxine  ;  but  they,  seizing  a  large  number 
of  boats,  decided  to  return  to  their  homes  on  the  Rhine.  While  passing 
through  the  ^Egean  and  the  Mediterranean,  they  are  said  to  have  laid  waeto 
the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  Hellas,  and  Sicily. 


280  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

curred  in  Hellas.  In  the  mean  time  the  great  religious  and 
moral  reform  was  accomplished,  which,  for  three  hundred 
years  silently  and  persistently  working  within  the  Koman 
empire,  finally  triumphed  during  the  fourth  century,  and  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  political  resurrection  of  the  Hellenic 
nation,  which  soon  after  took  place. 

Hellenism  the  First  Herald  of  Christianity. 

The  word  of  God  from  its  very  first  proclamation  assumed 
a  character  thoroughly  Hellenic.  Judaea  and  all  the  adjacent 
countries  abounded  in  Hellenic  schools,  magnificent  build- 
ings, theatres,  aqueducts,  gymnasia,  etc.  But  what  more 
especially  proves  the  complete  Hellenization  of  these  lands  is 
the  fact  that  the  two  most  noted  Hebrew  writers  of  the  first 
century,  Flavius  Josephus  and  Philo  Judaeus,  both  wrote  in 
Greek,  and  their  sentiments  were  entirely  Hellenic.  Philo, 
who  lived  during  the  reign  of  Caligula,  composed  many  the- 
ological and  philosophical  works,  by  which  he  sought  to 
reconcile  the  Sacred  Scriptures  with  the  Pythagorean,  Epicu- 
rean, and  Stoic  doctrines.  He  was  descended  from  a  priestly 
family,  was  a  Pharisee,  and  was  consequently  a  warm  ad- 
herent of  the  religion  of  his  fathers  ;  and  his  great  object 
was  to  represent  the  sacred  books  of  his  nation  as  the  most 
perfect  product  of  wisdom.  He  became,  however,  much 
attached  to  the  philosophic  system  of  Plato,  and  deemed  it 
the  most  consistent  with  the  fundamental  truths  of  the  Mo- 
saic revelation.  Josephus,  a  contemporary  of  Vespasian,  fol- 
lowed in  his  history  the  same  course  of  association,  because 
in  his  great  work,  "The  Jewish  Antiquities,"*  he  described 
the  best  known  nations  of  the  East,  and  especially  the  Hel- 
lenic, as  being  closely  related  to  the  Jewish,  which  formerly 
was  deemed  entirely  isolated. 

Again,  the  spirit  of  Hellenism  which  pervaded  the  East 

'Apx<uo\<ryla. 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  281 

may  be  perfectly  understood  when  we  consider  that,  with 
the  exception  of  Plutarch  of  Chaeroneia,  Longinus  the  Athe- 
nian, and  a  few  others,  the  eminent  men  whom  Hellenism 
produced  from  the  first  to  the  fourth  century  of  our  era,  in 
the  various  branches  of  intellectual  pursuit,  belonged  not  to 
Greece,  but  to  the  new  and  greater  Asiatic  Hellas.  Diony- 
sius,  who  flourished  during  the  reign  of  Augustus,  and  who 
is  so  well  known  through  his  historical  and  critical  works, 
was  born  at  Halikarnassus  ;  his  contemporary  Nikolaus,  whose 
most  important  production  was  his  "  Universal  History,"  was 
a  native  of  Damaskus  ;  the  well-known  Arrian,  who  lived 
during  the  time  of  Hadrian,  was  a  native  of  Nikomedeia  in 
Bithynia ;  Dion  Cassius,  who  flourished  during  the  third 
century,  was  from  Nikaea  in  Bithynia  ;  Claudius  Ptolemseus, 
the  celebrated  mathematician,  astronomer,  and  geographer — 
best  known  through  his  astronomical  work  and  his  historic 
geography — was  from  Pelusium  in  Egypt ;  Galen  (Claudius 
Galenus),  the  greatest  medical  writer  in  antiquity,  was  born 
at  Pergamus,  A.  D.  130  ;  Dion  Chrysostomus,  the  most  fa- 
mous of  sophists,  was  a  native  of  Bithynia  ;  Lucian,  the  most 
witty  of  the  Greeks,  was  a  Syrian ;  Epiktetus  was  a  Phry- 
gian ;  Plotinus,  who  in  the  third  century  sought  to  unite  the 
various  doctrines  of  the  ancient  philosophers  into  one,  and 
associated  with  them  the  dogmas  of  the  Eastern  nations — a 
system  known  as  the  JVeoplatonic  or  the  Alexandrine  phi- 
losophy— was  born  at  Lykopolis  in  Egypt,  about  A.  D.  203  ; 
Theon,  the  famous  mathematician,  was  from  Smyrna  ;  Strabo, 
the  celebrated  geographer,  was  a  native  of  Amasia  in  Pontus. 
This  catalogue,  which  could  be  further  prolonged,  shows 
that  Hellenism  flourished  more  in  the  East  during  the  Roman 
supremacy  than  in  Hellas  itself.  These  countries  politically 
belonged  to  Rome,  but  socially,  morally,  and  intellectually 
they  were  thoroughly  Hellenic. 

Oriental  Hellenism,  however,  not  only  throve  in  a  liter- 
ary point  of  view,  but  also  produced  many  eminent  prac- 
33 


282  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

tical  men.  Demosthenes,  the  brave  general  and  commander 
of  Caesareia,  which  had  a  population  of  four  hundred  thou- 
sand, distinguished  himself  by  his  daring  and  wisdom  in  the 
wars  against  the  Persians.  Zenobia,  the  queen  of  Palmyra 
(a  city  replete  with  Hellenic  architecture,  magnificent  tem- 
ples, and  other  costly  edifices),  famous  for  her  beauty,  wis- 
dom, and  learning,  and  in  whose  court  both  the  Hellenic 
and  the  Asiatic  tongues  were  spoken,  ruled  over  Syria  and 
many  countries  of  Asia  Minor ;  she  fought  most  daringly 
against  the  Romans,  but  was  finally  defeated,  and  is  said  to 
have  died  a  prisoner  in  Italy.  Many  other  examples  could 
be  adduced  to  show  the  wonderful  vigor  of  Hellenism  in 
every  sphere  of  action. 

Such  was  Hellenism  in  the  East  at  and  after  the  time  when 
the  incarnation  of  Christ  was  made  known.  As  Alexander 
the  Great  three  centuries  and  a  half  before,  raising  the  flag  of 
Hellenism,  had  marched  from  Macedonia  to  the  conquest  of 
the  East,  so  the  Christian  religion,  assuming  the  panoply  of 
the  Hellenic  tongue,  argument,  and  administration,  sallied 
forth  from  Palestine  for  the  subjugation  of  the  West. 

The  word  of  God,  through  which  the  world  was  destined 
to  be  reformed  religiously,  morally,  and  socially,  was  first 
preached  and  believed  in  Palestine  and  Syria.  In  the  Hel- 
lenic cities  of  Damaskus,  Beroea,  and  Antiocheia,  noted 
Christian  churches  were  from  the  outset  established,  and 
almost  at  the  same  time  seven  churches  flourished  in  Asia 
Minor.  The  new  religion  began  to  spread  on  the  one  hand  in 
Kyprus,  Krete,  and  Alexandria,  and  on  the  other  in  Thrace, 
Macedonia,  and  Hellas.  No  one  worked  for  its  success  with 
greater  wisdom,  energy,  and  devotion  than  the  truly  inspired 
Paul.  He  was  born  at  Tarsus  in  Kilikia,  a  city  whose  Hel- 
lenic schools  were  held  in  higher  repute  than  those  of  Athens. 
The  apostles  in  the  beginning  preached  Christ  only  to  the 
Jews,  and  the  believers  of  the  Mosaic  revelation  were  alone 
accepted  into  the  bosom  of  the  church.  The  spirit  of  the 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  283 

new  religion  was  in  its  infancy  extremely  conservative,  the 
Jews  wishing  to  hold  Christianity  fettered  within  the  Mosaic 
dogmas.  But  from  the  moment  Paul  became  one  of  the 
apostles,  Christianity  shattered  the  barriers  within  which 
Judaism  wished  to  limit  it,  and  received  a  cosmical  charac- 
ter ;  for  the  new  apostle  became,  as  he  has  been  truly  called, 
the  teacher  of  nations.  The  new  preaching  was  based  on 
the  principles  of  equality,  liberty,  love  of  one's  neighbor, 
the  immortality  of  the  soul,  judgment,  and  reward  ;  where- 
fore it  responded  to  the  yearnings  and  to  the  moral  and  ma- 
terial needs  of  humanity. 

Paul  went  about  the  year  53  or  54  to  Macedonia.  He  vis- 
ited on  Saturdays  the  synagogues  of  the  Jews,  and  preached 
Christ.  Many  believed  and  were  baptized,  but  the  Jews 
traduced  him  to  the  magistrates  for  acting  contrary  to  the 
authority  of  the  Caesar,  and  for  declaring  another  (Jesus)  to 
be  the  King.  Paul  was  scourged  publicly  without  trial, 
though  a  Roman  citizen,  and  was  cast  into  prison.  Perse- 
cuted, he  came  to  Athens,  where  "his  spirit  was  stirred  in 
him,  when  he  saw  the  city  wholly  given  to  idolatry."  Paul 
appears  to  have  remained  a  long  time  at  Athens,  and  it  is  sup- 
posed by  some  that  from  that  city  he  addressed  his  two  let- 
ters to  the  Thessalonians.  Then  he  went  to  Corinth,  where  he 
remained  eighteen  months,  was  again  persecuted,  and  finally 
returned  to  Asia,  after  causing  many  to  believe  in  Christ. 
A  Christian  Jew,  Apollos  by  name — a  man  of  great  learning 
and  well  versed  in  the  Scriptures — continued  his  work  in 
these  countries.  But  Paul  again  returned  to  Macedonia  and 
Hellas.  He  sent  to  the  Corinthians  the  Greek  Timotheus,  a 
dear  pupil  of  his,  and  two  letters  to  appease  the  difficulties 
which  troubled  the  newly  established  church.  In  his  second 
letter,  with  a  just  consciousness  of  his  sufferings,  he  says : 
"  Thrice  was  I  beaten  with  rods,  once  was  I  stoned,  thrice  I 
suffered  shipwreck,  a  night  and  a  day  I  have  been  in  the 
deep  ;  in  journeyings  often,  in  perils  of  waters,  in  perils  of 


284  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

robbers,  in  perils  by  mine  own  countrymen,  in  perils  by  the 
heathen,  in  perils  in  the  city,  in  perils  in  the  wilderness,  in 
perils  in  the  sea,  in  perils  among  false  brethren  ;  in  weariness 
and  painfulness,  in  watchings  often,  in  hunger  and  thirst,  in 
fastings  often,  in  cold  and  nakedness." 

By  such  struggles,  agonies,  and  dangers  were  the  first 
Christian  churches  established  in  the  Hellenic  countries,  both 
in  Europe  and  Asia.  The  gospel  was  in  the  mean  time 
preached  in  the  East  as  far  as  the  confines  of  the  Indus,  and 
in  the  West  as  far  as  Spain.  Christianity  obtained  many 
more  followers  in  Macedonia  and  the  great  Hellas  of  the 
East  than  in  the  ancient  hearth  of  Hellenism  ;  and  the  num- 
ber of  the  Christians  in  general  was  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century  greater  than  that  of  the  heathen. 

Constantino  the  Great  would  not  have  allied  himself  with 
the  Christians,  nor  would  have  assumed  openly  the  defense 
of  the  new  religion,  had  not  the  Christians  excelled  their  op- 
ponents, if  not  numerically,  at  least  socially  and  morally. 
Various  causes  wrought  this  moral  and  social  supremacy. 
Equality,  liberty,  love  toward  one's  neighbor,  the  doctrine 
of  a  future  life,  the  care  for  the  poor,  the  sick,  the  orphans, 
and  the  widows — the  salutary  principles  of  the  gospel  which 
tend  to  strengthen  the  soul,  elevate  the  mind,  and  ennoble 
life — all  these  poured  a  divine  strength  and  energy  into  the 
veins  of  the  new  society ;  while  the  ancient  was  oppressed 
and  withered  by  a  senseless  idolatry,  by  dry  philosophical 
researches,  or  by  the  extreme  moral  degradation  which  the 
want  of  religion  caused.  Moreover,  the  political  organiza- 
tion of  the  new  religion  steadily  gained  strength  on  account 
of  its  democratic  doctrines.  Therefore,  although  pagan  so- 
ciety received  the  powerful  protection  of  the  Roman  mon- 
archy, it  was  daily  losing  ground  ;  while  the  Christian, 
though  sustained  by  its  own  force  and  resources  only,  was 
daily  extended  and  strengthened.  The  necessary  result  is 
easily  perceived.  No  physical  force  can  replace  for  a  long 


BARBARIANS  AND  CHRISTIANS.  285 

time  the  indispensable  internal  requirements  for  the  growth 
of  a  social  body,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  inner  conditions 
inevitably  beget  the  necessary  physical  strength.  In  the 
midst  of  the  great  anarchy  which  prevailed  in  pagan  society, 
the  Christian  churches,  like  oases  in  a  desert,  presented  an 
entirely  different  aspect ;  for  while  about  them  the  laws  were 
neglected,  while  numerous  self -elected  emperors  were  fight- 
ing among  themselves,  while  numberless  hordes  of  barbarians 
pillaged  and  plundered,  the  Christian  alone  knew  who  was  his 
commander  ;  he  alone  felt  that  he  was  protected,  supported, 
and  led.  In  every  city  was  found  a  man  whose  power  was 
uncontested  among  the  energetic  part  of  society  ;  he  was 
neither  the  leader  of  ancient  life  nor  the  minister  of  the  em- 
peror ;  he  was  the  representative  of  Christ.  In  every  land 
there  existed  a  common  bond  which  held  together  the  Chris- 
tian inhabitants  of  the  East  and  the  West ;  this  was  neither 
the  withered  sentiment  of  ancient  patriotism  nor  the  fading 
devotion  to  the  emperor,  but  the  faith  in  the  principles  and 
teachings  of  the  new  religion.  Philosophy  and  rhetoric, 
which  had  long  since  lost  their  ancient  claim  and  power, 
reappeared  vested  with  a  vigorous  life  in  the  pulpits,  which 
had  succeeded  to  the  bema,  and  had  drawn  to  themselves 
the  audiences  of  the  sophistic  chairs.  In  every  city  existed 
two  societies,  one  full  of  vigor  and  youth,  and  the  other  old 
and  dying.  Could  they  long  remain  at  peace?  The  Ro- 
mans displayed  at  first  an  indifference  toward  the  new  doc- 
trines ;  but  finally  the  struggle  between  the  two  became 
unavoidable. 

Nero  was  the  first  of  the  emperors  who  exercised  his 
cruelty  upon  the  Christians.  During  his  reign,  in  A.  D.  64, 
a  great  conflagration,  lasting  for  six  days  and  nights,  con- 
sumed most  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  the  people  suspected 
the  emperor  as  the  cause  of  the  misfortune.  Nero  sought  to 
escape  the  odium  of  suspicion  by  blaming  the  Christians  as 
the  authors  of  the  fire.  No  proof  appeared,  but  the  Chris- 


286  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

tians  were  condemned  by  the  common  aversion  of  the  hu- 
man race,  as  Tacitus,  the  Roman  historian,  says.  Both  the 
apostles  Peter  and  Paul  are  said  to  have  suffered  death  dur- 
ing this  persecution.  The  second  persecution  occuiTed  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Domitian  (81-96).  John,  the  beloved  dis- 
ciple of  Christ,  was  then  imprisoned  at  Patmos,  where  he 
wrote  his  Revelation.  During  the  reigns  of  Decius  and  Dio- 
cletian the  church  again  suffered  new  misfortunes.  In  fact, 
persecution  upon  persecution  followed,  and  nothing  which 
the  depraved  imagination  of  the  emperors  and  the  idolaters 
could  devise  was  neglected.  The  Christians  were  deprived 
of  every  political  right ;  they  were  banished,  their  property 
confiscated,  and  many  were  put  to  death.  The  empire  was 
filled  with  victims,  and  thousands  of  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren met  bravely  a  martyr's  death  in  behalf  of  the  new  faith. 
Their  sufferings  finally  moved  to  pity  even  the  followers  of 
the  ancient  religion,  and  aroused  everywhere  a  protest  against 
this  heart-rending  cruelty.  In  the  midst  of  this  terrific  storm, 
Constantino  the  Great  appeared. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CONSTANTINE     THE     GREAT. 

Division  of  Imperial  Power. 

THE  emperor  Diocletian  understood  that  amid  these  per- 
secutions he  would  be  unable  alone  to  direct  his  vast  empire, 
which  externally  was  continually  attacked  by  foreign  foes,  and 
internally  was  torn  by  constant  turmoils.  Accordingly,  in  the 
third  year  of  his  reign  (286),  he  took  as  associate  the  rough 
Maximian,  "who  had  long  hated  the  Christians,  and  who 
delighted  in  acts  of  blood  and  violence."  Later  Diocletian 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  287 

deemed  it  best  to  share  still  further  the  cares  of  the  sovereign 
power,  and  in  291,  in  addition  to  Maximian,  he  appointed 
two  Caesars — Constantius  of  Dardania,  surnamed  Chlorus, 
and  Galerius  (who  entertained  the  most  implacable  aversion 
for  the  name  and  religion  of  the  Christians)  ;  but  he  de- 
clared that  the  office  of  "  Caesar "  was  second  to  that  of 
"  Augustus,"  which  title  he  himself  shared  with  Maximian. 
The  Roman  territories  were  divided  among  these  four,  Dio- 
cletian retaining  the  chief  power  and  the  government  of  the 
eastern  provinces,  with  Nikomedeia  for  his  capital.  Con- 
stantius, though  a  near  relative  of  the  emperor  Claudius, 
was  then  a  simple  general,  and  had  married  a  girl  of  low 
rank,  Helena  by  name,  afterward  so  famous  as  the  mother  of 
Constantine,  who  was  born,  according  to  the  best  authority, 
at  Naissus  in  Dacia  in  274. 

Raised  to  the  rank  of  Caesar,  Constantius  was  forced  by 
Diocletian  to  leave  his  wife  Helena,  marry  a  relative  of  Max- 
imian, and  give  his  son  Constantine  as  a  hostage  to  the  em- 
peror. Diocletian  became  strongly  attached  to  this  young 
man,  and  took  him  in  296  to  Palestine,  whither  he  had  gone 
to  subdue  a  local  revolution.  Constantine  stood  on  the  right 
of  the  emperor,  and  all  admired  his  tall  stature,  the  refine- 
ment of  his  appearance,  the  strength  of  his  body,  and  the 
royal  bearing  which  was  delineated  in  all  his  movements. 
Diocletian,  struck  with  these  traits,  soon  raised  him  to  the 
rank  of  commander  of  a  thousand  men.  Constantine  was  in 
the  palace  at  Nikomedeia  when  Galerius  issued  his  edict  of 
persecution  against  the  Christians.  He  was  a  witness  of  these 
bloody  proceedings,  and  declared  openly  his  utter  disapproba- 
tion of  them.  Galerius  was  much  incensed  against  Constan- 
tine, and  soon  found  an  occasion  to  show  his  enmity.  In  305 
the  two  emperors  (Diocletian  and  Maximian),  desirous  of 
committing  to  other  hands  the  work  of  persecution,  divested 
themselves  of  the  imperial  purple,  and  Galerius  and  Constan- 
tius Chlorus  were  raised  to  the  throne  ;  but,  instead  of  giv- 


288  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

ing  Constantino  the  rank  of  a  Caesar,  Galerius  caused  one 
Severus,  a  disreputable  man  of  obscure  rank,  and  Maximin, 
the  son  of  his  own  sister — a  boon  companion  of  Severus — to 
be  appointed. 

Constantino  concealed  his  indignation,  but  decided  to 
avail  himself  of  the  first  opportunity  to  escape  from  Niko- 
medeia.  Learning  that  his  father,  who  ruled  the  western 
provinces  of  the  empire,  was  sick,  he  obtained  permission 
from  Galerius  to  go  to  him  ;  but  shortly  after  his  arrival 
Constantius  died  in  the  city  of  Eboracum  (York)  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  army  immediately  proclaimed  his  son  "  Augus- 
tus." Galerius  refused  to  recognize  him  as  such,  and  Con- 
stantine,  who  knew  how  to  moderate  his  passions,  expressed 
himself  satisfied  with  the  rank  of  Csesar  only.  But  other 
circumstances  were  destined  to  bring  about  a  new  and  com- 
plete separation  of  the  men  who  ruled  the  fortunes  of  the 
world. 

In  311  Galerius  died  of  a  painful  disease,  after  having, 
amid  the  tortures  of  his  illness,  revoked  his  edict  of  persecu- 
tion against  the  Christians.  His  empire  was  divided  between 
Maximin  and  the  Illyrian  Licinius,  whom  Galerius  had  pro- 
claimed Augustus  in  307  ;  while  at  Rome  the  people,  becom- 
ing dissatisfied  with  the  maladministration  of  Galerius  and 
Severus,  had  proclaimed  Maxentius,  the  son  of  the  old  Max- 
imian,  emperor  of  the  "West. 

Conversion  of  Constantine. 

Maxentius,  dreaming  of  the  subjection  of  all  the  western 
provinces,  announced  that  he  intended  to  avenge  his  father, 
whom  Constantine  had  put  to  death  in  311,  on  the  ground  of 
plotting  against  him.  Constantine  hastened  to  anticipate  his 
opponent,  and  made  preparations  to  invade  Italy.  Reaching 
the  foot  of  the  Alps,  he  was  in  great  perplexity,  not  knowing 
what  to  do.  The  army  of  Maxentius  was  far  more  numer- 
ous than  his  own  ;  the  omens  were  unpropitious,  the  gener- 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  289 

als  were  murmuring,  and  the  undertaking  seemed  altogether 
hopeless.  It  is  no  wonder  therefore  that  Constantine,  with 
so  small  a  force  and  with  the  omens  of  the  old  faith  against 
him,  felt  the  need  of  some  other  protection  to  strengthen  him 
in  his  enterprise.  During  his  short  career,  he  had  seen  that 
the  men  who  held  the  highest  offices  of  the  empire,  trusting 
to  their  gods,  had  nearly  all  met  an  unfortunate  end.  Con- 
stantius  alone,  his  father,  who,  if  he  did  not  believe  in  the 
God  of  the  Christians,  at  least  acted  reverentially  toward 
Him,  ended  his  life  in  peace.  Constantine  therefore  decided 
to  seek  the  help  of  the  God  whom  his  father  honored.  It  is 
related  that,  while  he  was  praying  and  urgently  beseeching 
God  to  lend  him  his  assistance,  a  most  wonderful  manifesta- 
tion took  place  ;  for,  in  one  of  the  marches  of  Constantine, 
he  is  reported  to  have  seen  with  his  own  eyes  the  luminous 
trophy  of  the  cross,  placed  above  the  meridian  sun,  and  in- 
scribed with  the  following  words  :  'EN  TOTTQ  NI'KA  (  Un- 
der this  standard  thou  shall  conquer).  This  amazing  object 
in  the  sky  astonished  the  whole  army,  as  well  as  the  emperor 
himself,  who  was  yet  undetermined  in  the  choice  of  a  reli- 
gion ;  but  his  astonishment  was  converted  into  faith  by  the 
vision  of  the  ensuing  night.  Christ  appeared  before  his 
eyes,  and,  displaying  the  same  celestial  sign  of  the  cross, 
directed  Constantine  to  frame  a  similar  standard,  and  to 
march,  with  an  assurance  of  victory,  against  Maxentius  and 
all  his  enemies. 

Early  in  the  morning  Constantine  communicated  to  his 
friends  the  apparition,  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  a  stand- 
ard of  the  cross  to  be  made,  exactly  as  it  had  appeared  on 
the  sky,  and  to  be  adorned  with  gold  and  precious  stones. 
This  first  Christian  flag  is  described  as  a  long  gilded  pike 
intersected  by  a  transverse  beam,  making  the  shape  of  a 
cross.  The  summit  of  the  pike  supported  a  crown  of  gold 
studded  with  precious  stones,  which  inclosed  the  mysteri- 
ous monogram,  at  once  expressive  of  the  figure  of  the  cross 


290  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

and  the  initial  letters  of  the  name  of  Christ  written  in 
Greek,  i.  e.,  X-P,  linked  together,  and  which  the  emperor 
thereafter  carried  always  on  his  crown.  A  purple  silken 
veil  hung  down  from  the  beam,  on  which,  curiously  in- 
wrought with  gold  and  precious  stones,  were  the  images  of 
the  reigning  monarch  and  his  children.  This  first  flag  was 
preserved  for  many  centuries,  up  to  the  ninth,  and  was  called 
the  Labarum — a  strange  name,  the  etymology  and  meaning 
of  which  remain  yet  unknown. 

It  will  ever  be  a  memorable  incident  in  the  history  of  the 
Hellenic  nation,  that  the  first  Christian  flag  was  adorned  with 
Hellenic  and  not  Latin  letters  ;  as  if  Constantino  had  the 
feeling  that  he  was  destined  to  become  the  founder  of  a  new 
race  of  emperors,  who,  gradually  separating  from  the  ancient 
metropolis  of  the  Romans,  were  to  rule  over  Hellenic  coun- 
tries and  through  the  Hellenic  tongue. 

Proclaiming  this  standard  as  a  positive  means  of  success, 
he  invaded  Italy,  full  of  confidence  ;  and  having  routed,  on 
the  28th  of  October,  312,  the  forces  of  the  enemy  in  a  great 
battle,  in  which  Maxentius  himself  was  killed,  he  entered  on 
the  following  day  the  capital  of  the  world,  radiant  with  vic- 
tory, and  admired  and  applauded  by  the  enthusiastic  populace 
on  account  of  his  genius,  manly  appearance,  and  wonderful 
achievements.  Constantine  at  once  issued  an  edict  which 
provided  for  the  restitution  of  all  the  civil  and  religious 
rights  of  which  the  Christians  had  been  so  unjustly  deprived, 
and  at  the  same  time  enacted  that  the  places  of  worship  and 
public  lands  which  had  been  confiscated  should  be  restored 
to  the  church,  without  dispute,  without  delay,  and  without 
expense.  Maximin,  who  governed  the  eastern  countries  of 
the  empire,  forthwith  declared  his  intention  to  yield  to  the 
requirements  of  the  edict.  But  this  was  simply  a  pretense  ; 
for,  availing  himself  of  the  absence  of  Licinius,  his  co-em- 
peror and  Constantino's  ally,  he  hastened  to  occupy  Byzan- 
tium. Licinius,  however,  soon  came  up,  and  compelled  him 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  291 

to  retreat  to  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  where  finally,  in  his 
despair,  he  put  an  end  to  his  life. 

But  peace  could  not  long  be  maintained ;  for  Constan- 
tine,  in  the  consciousness  of  his  power,  saw  with  vexation 
the  constantly  increasing  strength  of  Licinius.  When  final- 
ly, in  314,  hostilities  broke  out  between  the  two,  Constantine 
compelled  Licinius  to  surrender  to  him  Illyria,  Macedonia, 
Dardania,  Hellas,  and  a  part  of  Moasia. 

This  new  triumph  of  Constantine  was  followed  by  nine 
years  of  peace,  such  as  the  empire  had  not  for  a  long  time 
enjoyed.  The  emperor  regulated  all  the  political  and  penal 
laws  according  to  the  principles  of  the  gospel ;  and  though 
it  may  be  true  that,  in  his  excessive  zeal,  he  often  had  re- 
course to  tortures,  yet  his  laws  were  by  far  more  philan- 
thropic than  those  which  preceded  them.  Polytheism,  in- 
deed, had  not  yet  entirely  disappeared,  but  it  became  daily 
more  limited  and  as  it  were  besieged  within  its  ancient 
shrines.  If  the  trunk  of  idolatry  still  raised  its  head,  its 
various  branches  were  daily  cut  off,  and  its  far-spreading 
shadow  was  gradually  contracted.  Private  superstition,  sor- 
cery, witchcraft,  and  the  use  of  any  kind  of  drugs,  potions, 
or  spells,  which  formed  the  living  part  of  idolatry,  were 
strictly  prohibited. 

Constantine  sole  Emperor. 

While  the  new  religion  was  thus  strengthened  in  the 
European  countries,  in  Asia  Minor,  where  Licinius  ruled,  it 
suffered  much  through  his  edicts  of  persecution.  Licinius,  see- 
ing his  opponent  sustained  chiefly  by  the  Christians,  deemed 
it  his  interest  to  draw  to  himself  as  much  as  possible  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  ancient  religion.  He  expelled  many  of  the 
Christians  from  the  court  and  the  army,  deprived  them 
of  their  religious  rights,  and  even  ordered  some  of  their 
churches  to  be  destroyed.  When  finally  he  thought  him- 
self sufficiently  strong  to  engage  in  hostilities,  he  declared 


292  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

war  against  Constantino.  The  forces  which  both  combat- 
ants mustered  were  enormous.  According  to  Zosimus,  the 
army  of  Constantino  was  composed  of  twelve  myriads  of 
infantry,  ten  thousand  cavalry,  two  hundred  triremes,  and 
two  thousand  transport-vessels  ;  while  that  of  Licinius  con- 
sisted of  fifteen  myriads  of  foot-soldiers,  fifteen  thousand 
horse,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  war- vessels.  This  great 
contest  was  to  be  decided  within  the  Hellenic  countries. 
Indeed,  the  naval  force  of  Constantine  was  mainly  composed 
of  Hellenic  vessels,*  and  was  commanded  by  Crispus,  his 
eldest  son. 

On  the  3d  of  July,  A.  r>.  323,  the  two  armies  met  in  battle 
near  Adrianopolis  ;  and,  after  a  desperate  encounter,  Licinius 
was  forced  to  retreat  as  far  as  Byzantium.  Here  he  was 
closely  besieged  by  Constantine,  who  at  the  same  time  or- 
dered Crispus  to  hasten  with  his  fleet  from  the  Peiraeus, 
where  he  had  been  stationed.  This  order  obliged  Crispus  to 
cross  the  Hellespont,  which  was  held  by  the  much  greater 
force  of  Licinius.  Crispus,  however,  though  very  young,  dis- 
played on  this  occasion  remarkable  bravery  and  military 
ability.  Leading  his  Greeks,  who  had  not  yet  forgotten  the 
naval  trophies  which  they  had  formerly  erected  in  these  seas, 
he  routed  the  fleet  of  Licinius,  crossed  the  Hellespont,  and 
appeared  victorious  before  Byzantium.  This  feat  decided 
the  fortune  of  the  war  ;  for  Licinius  was  again  completely 
defeated,  and  escaped  to  Nikomedeia.  He  surrendered  him- 
self afterward  to  Constantine,  on  condition  that  he  would 
pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  peace  in  Thessaly  ;  but  be- 
fore the  expiration  of  one  year  he  was  put  to  death  by  order 
of  the  emperor.  Many  writers  of  the  early  church  sought  by 
eloquent  arguments  to  conceal  or  mitigate  this  violation  of 
promise.  St.  Jerome  alone  condemned  conscientiously  this 
violent  act.  It  is  a  fact  that,  next  to  the  disciples  of  Christ, 
no  one  has  done  more  for  the  establishment  and  strength- 

*  Zosimus  :  Karck  rb  Tr\fov  ix  rrjt  ' 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  393 

ening  of  the  Christian  religion  than  Constantine  ;  but,  born 
and  brought  up  as  he  was  in  an  age  of  violence,  it  is  no 
wonder  that  sometimes  he  failed  in  Christian  virtues  ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  astonishing,  and  shows  the  strength  of  his  char- 
acter, that,  having  overcome  so  many  temptations,  he  finally 
came  to  understand  and  to  confess,  if  not  always  to  maintain, 
the  principles  of  the  gospel. 

Thus,  about  the  end  of  323,  when  forty-nine  years  old, 
Constantine  became  master  of  the  whole  Roman  empire. 
The  first  of  his  acts  was  to  restore  the  Christians  of  the  East 
to  the  same  position  which  they  had  occupied  before  the  time 
of  Licinius.  And,  though  Constantine  was  unwilling  to  en- 
gage in  open  warfare  against  idolatry,  the  vicious  and  im- 
moral acts  perpetrated  by  the  idolaters  finally  necessitated 
the  intervention  of  political  influence  for  the  sake  of  public 
morality.  From  that  time  onward  we  may  consider  Chris- 
tianity as  definitely  and  positively  prevailing  throughout  the 
empire.  The  ancient  mode  of  life,  however,  was  not  des- 
tined without  battle  to  surrender  its  aims  to  the  younger. 
Among  the  various  classes  of  pagan  society  there  was  one 
composed  of  most  learned  men,  who  stood,  as  it  were,  on  the 
boundaries  of  the  two  religions,  striving  to  render  logical 
everything  unreasonable  which  polytheism  professed,  and  to 
explain  philosophically  everything  surpassing  the  strength  of 
human  understanding  with  respect  to  the  divine  character  of 
Christianity.  This  party  produced  by  its  various  philosophi- 
cal discussions  the  first  great  dispute  concerning  the  nature 
of  the  Trinity. 

Arius. 

About  the  year  319  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  a 
mild  and  virtuous  man,  heard  that  among  the  priests  of  his 
diocese  various  opinions  prevailed  concerning  the  nature  of 
the  second  person  of  the  Trinity.  It  was  claimed,  for  in- 
stance, that  the  Son  was  indeed  the  first  born  of  beings,  but 
was  created  like  all  the  rest,  and  did  not  exist  from  eternity. 


294  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

The  bishop  ascertained  that  these  innovations  were  propa- 
gated by  Arius,  one  of  the  elders  of  Alexandria,  and  well 
versed  in  the  Scriptures.  If  the  Father  begat  the  Son,  said 
Arius,  the  progenitor  must  have  existed  before  the  one  born, 
and  hence  the  Son  could  not  have  existed  from  eternity. 

This  discussion  created  a  great  scandal  in  Egypt,  which 
the  weak  hand  of  Alexander  could  not  suppress.  He  had 
by  him,  however,  an  excellent  assistant  —  a  young  deacon  of 
small  stature,  but  possessing  within  a  weak  body  a  luminous 
soul,  the  flames  of  which  shone  from  his  very  eyes.  This 
young  deacon,  then  hardly  twenty,  was  Athanasius,  des- 
tined to  fill  the  Christian  world  with  his  fame.  He  had 
already  achieved  considerable  reputation  by  his  two  great 
addresses  *  against  the  idolaters.  Both  these  orations  show 
a  deep  mind,  powerful  reasoning,  broad  science,  and  to  some 
extent  that  flowing  style  which  the  fathers  of  the  church 
did  not  hesitate  to  draw  from  the  oratorical  wealth  of  the 
older  Greeks.  The  soul  of  Athanasius  was  filled  with  the 
principles  and  precepts  of  the  gospel,  and  he  possessed  a 
keen  intelligence,  a  practical  mind,  and  a  wonderful  courage. 
He  understood  from  the  first  the  imminent  danger  threaten- 
ing the  Christian  religion  ;  he  was  persuaded  that  Arius, 
either  not  daring  to  explain  himself  clearly,  or  not  conscious 
of  the  ultimate  consequences  of  his  syllogisms,  tended  none 
the  less  to  deny  the  divine  nature  of  the  Saviour,  by  placing 
his  teaching  in  the  rank  of  human  dogmas,  and  surrendering 
it,  without  the  panoply  of  revelation,  to  all  the  attacks  of  the 
philosophical  mind.  Considering  these  dangers,  he  rushed  to 
the  contest,  dedicating  his  life  and  strength  to  the  defense 
of  the  Trinity,  with  so  strong  a  religious  belief  and  so  fear- 
less a  courage,  that  he  became  the  foremost  of  the  defenders 
of  Christianity. 

Led  by  this  young  man,  Alexander  began  to  act  ener- 


*  A.6yos  Korck  'E\\:f)vuv,  and  Tltpl  TJJI  ivavdpuirlifffus  rov  (Qtov)  A^-you  »cal 
TTJS  5io  (Tui/xaToj  irpbs  rj^as  tirifyavtias  avrov. 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  295 

getically  against  Arius,  who  now  did  not  hesitate  to  assert 
that  the  Word  of  God  was  not  sinless — a  confession  which 
forced  Alexander  to  excommunicate  both  him  and  those  ac- 
cepting his  dogmas,  eleven  deacons  and  two  bishops  besides 
Arius.  But  Arius  was  a  learned,  intelligent,  and  energetic 
man,  and  soon  organized  a  large  number  of  followers  in  the 
East,  among  whom  was  Eusebius,  one  of  the  lights  of  the 
church. 

Thus  matters  stood  when  Constantine,  after  defeating 
Licinius,  reached  Nikomedeia,  then  the  capital  of  the  East. 
The  emperor  was  exceedingly  wroth,  not  because  he  real- 
ized the  danger  of  the  church,  but  because  he  had  hoped 
that  the  laws  already  enacted  would  restore  peace  in  the 
empire,  which  he  now  saw  again  disturbed  by  civil  strifes 
among  the  Christians.  These  discussions  led  Constantine  to 
the  convocation  of  the  first  general  council  of  the  Christian 
church,  which  assembled  at  Nikaea  (Nice),  a  city  of  Bithy- 
nia,  in  A.  D.  325.  This  council  must  be  regarded  as  entirely 
Hellenic,  for,  although  invitations  were  issued  to  all  the 
bishops  of  Christendom,  the  emperor  promising  to  pay  all 
their  expenses,  out  of  the  three  hundred  or  more  who  assem- 
bled hardly  three  or  four  came  from  western  Europe,  while 
the  bishop  of  Rome  was  represented  only  by  two  of  his  church 
dignitaries.  Constantine,  indeed,  delivered  the  address  in 
Latin,  but  his  words  were  translated  into  Hellenic  as  fast  as 
they  were  uttered  ;  and  later,  when  he  took  part  in  the  dis- 
cussions, he  spoke  in  Greek — for,  says  Eusebius,  "he  was 
not  ignorant  of  it."  The  synod  lasted  only  about  twenty 
days,  and  within  this  very  short  space  of  time  the  difficult 
questions  which  divided  the  church  were  solved,  by  sanc- 
tioning the  principles  of  the  orthodox  faith  and  creed,  and 
excommunicating  those  of  contrary  mind.  Arius  was  ban- 
ished into  Galatia,  one  of  the  remote  provinces  of  Asia  Mi- 
ner ;  his  person  and  disciples  were  branded  by  law  with  the 
odious  name  of  Porphyrians — from  Porphyrius,  one  of  the 


296  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

followers  of  the  Neoplatonic  philosophy  ;  his  writings  were 
condemned  to  the  flames,  and  capital  punishment  was  de- 
nounced against  those  in  whose  possession  they  should  be 
found. 

More  than  fifteen  »hundred  years  have  passed  since  that 
period.  The  empire  over  which  Constantine  ruled  and  in 
which  the  council  of  Nice  was  held  long  since  passed  away  ; 
various  other  kingdoms  were  raised  on  its  ruins  ;  new  na- 
tions have  been  formed,  new  languages  created,  new  conti- 
nents discovered  ;  new  arts  and  sciences  have  been  invented  ; 
new  constitutions  have  regulated  the  fortunes  of  the  people  ; 
the  social  and  political  aspect  of  our  world  has  been  changed 
completely  ;  and  yet  in  what  part  of  this  earth  has  not  re- 
sounded, and  does  not  resound  daily,  the  creed  of  our  Lord 
as  defined  at  Nice  by  the  representatives  of  Hellenic  Chris- 
tianity ?  Certainly  the  Hellenes  of  to-day  owe  many  bene- 
fits to  their  heathen  ancestors,  who  by  their  masterpieces  de- 
fined the  principles  of  the  beautiful  and  the  lofty — laws  still 
admired,  and  destined  to  be  admired  as  long  as  there  exist 
noble  souls  in  this  world  ;  but  do  they  owe  any  less  grati- 
tude to  those  others — their  Christian  ancestors — who  by 
their  truly  inspired  discussions  and  resolutions  defined  the 
rules  concerning  the  nature  of  Divinity  ? 

Constantine  now  decided  to  return  to  Rome,  the  only 
capital  city  in  the  empire  where  idolatry  still  continued  to  be 
recognized  as  the  religion  of  the  community.  He  entered 
that  stronghold  of  ancient  traditions  and  customs  in  July, 
326.  Eight  days  had  not  passed  when  differences  of  senti- 
ment between  the  people  and  the  emperor  became  manifest. 
The  emperor  refused  to  take  part  in  any  of  the  pagan  fes- 
tivals, and  even  scoffed  at  a  certain  sacrifice  which  was  in- 
tended to  be  offered  to  Jupiter  at  the  Capitol.  This  excited 
the  popluace,  and  curses  were  hurled  against  him  by  the 
enraged  multitude  as  he  was  going  through  the  streets  of 
the  city,  while  at  the  same  time  serious  disturbances  broke 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  297 

out  in  his  own  family.  Constantine  had  by  the  second  mar- 
riage of  his  father  three  brothers,  toward  all  of  whom  he  ever 
behaved  coldly,  yielding,  as  it  is  said,  to  the  wishes  of  his  own 
mother  Helena.  Amid  the  agony  of  mind  which  he  suffered, 
both  on  account  of  the  seditious  spirit  so  prevalent  at  Rome, 
and  the  troubles  which  had  broken  out  in  his  family,  Con- 
stantine, yielding  to  the  nefarious  accusations  of  his  second 
wife  Fausta — who  sought  the  promotion  of  her  own  chil- 
dren, the  youngest  of  whom,  Constantine  and  Constans,  al- 
ready held  prominent  positions  in  the  empire — ordered  the 
death  of  his  son  Crispus,  who  had  so  eminently  distinguished 
himself  in  the  war  against  Licinius.* 

Helena,  the  aged  mother  of  Constantine,  came  from  the 
East,  where  she  then  resided,  to  express  her  indignation 
and  sorrow  at  the  death  of  Crispus,  to  whom  she  was  espe- 
cially attached.  The  words  of  that  reverend  woman  finally 
opened  the  eyes  of  Constantine,  and  he  hastened  to  depart 
from  the  ancient  capital  of  the  empire,  to  which  he  never 
afterward  returned,  and  went  to  the  East,  having  in  mind 
other  plans  for  the  future  fortunes  of  the  world,  f 

Foundation  of  Constantinople. 

Constantine  departed  from  Rome — which  seems  neither 
to  have  understood  nor  realized  the  great  change  which  the 
Christian  religion  had  wrought  on  the  world — for  the  pur- 

*  We  are  told  by  some  ancient  writers  that,  Crispus  having  conceived  a 
passion  for  his  step-mother  Fausta,  she  accused  him  to  Constantine  of  an  in- 
cestuous attempt  on  her  chastity,  and  thus  easily  obtained  an  order  of  death 
against  him.  But  this  is  simply  a  myth — altogether  unfounded;  and  we 
are  inclined  to  believe  that  Fausta,  disliking  Crispus,  whom  she  considered 
with  reason  as  the  most  formidable  rival  of  her  own  children,  finally  pre- 
vailed upon  Constantino  to  order  the  death  of  his  innocent  and  brilliant  son. 

f  "We  are  told  by  some  writers  that  as  soon  as  Constantine  discovered 
the  truth,  he  again  stained  his  hands  by  ordering  the  death  of  Fausta.  But 
we  are  inclined  to  believe  with  Gibbon,  who  sustains  his  opinion  by  well-au- 
thenticated facts  and  arguments,  that  this  new  crime  is  highly  improbable. 


298  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

pose  of  establishing  his  throne  in  the  midst  of  those  Hellenic 
cities  in  which  the  gospel  had  so  greatly  flourished,  and  also 
of  erecting  a  great  edifice,  the  bulwark,  as  it  were,  of  the  re- 
deemed world. 

This  was  the  critical  moment  in  the  life  of  Constantine. 
He  could  have  followed  any  policy  with  respect  to  Christi- 
anity ;  he  could  have  protected  or  persecuted  it ;  yet  Chris- 
tianity would  have  finally  prevailed.  But  the  slightest  mis- 
take respecting  the  choice  of  position  for  his  capital  would 
have  resulted  more  seriously  both  for  the  fortunes  of  the 
world  and  the  fate  of  Hellenism.  To  Constantinople  alone 
are  due  both  the  political  resurrection  of  the  Hellenic  nation 
in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  and  the  preservation  of 
its  autonomy  for  about  one  thousand  years.  These  results 
followed,  not  because  there  was  erected  in  Hellenic  territory 
a  new,  powerful,  and  well-fortified  city,  but  because,  on 
account  of  its  peculiar  advantages,  it  seemed  especially 
adapted  for  the  center  and  capital  of  a  great  monarchy. 
Situated  on  the  forty-first  degree  of  latitude,  the  imperial 
city  commanded,  from  her  seven  hills,  the  opposite  shores 
of  Europe  and  Asia.  The  climate,  says  Gibbon,  "was 
healthy  and  temperate,  the  soil  fertile,  the  harbor  secure  and 
capacious,  and  the  approach  on  the  side  of  the  continent  was 
of  small  extent  and  easy  defense.  The  Bosporus  *  and  the 
Hellespont  may  be  considered  as  the  two  gates  of  Constan- 
tinople, and  the  prince  who  possessed  those  important  pas- 
sages could  always  shut  them  against  a  naval  enemy  and 
open  them  to  the  fleets  of  commerce.  Whatever  rude 
commodities  were  collected  in  the  forests  of  Germany  and 
Scythia,  as  far  as  the  sources  of  the  Tanais  and  the  Borys- 
thenes ;  whatsoever  was  manufactured  by  the  skill  of  Eu- 
rope or  Asia ;  the  corn  of  Egypt,  and  the  gems  and  spices 
of  farthest  India,  were  brought  by  the  varying  winds  into 

*  The  navigation  from  the  outlet  of  the  Bosporus  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Hellespont  is  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles. 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  299 

the  port  of  Constantinople,  which  for  many  ages  attract- 
ed the  commerce  of  the  ancient  world."  Like  the  great 
city  of  Alexander,  thus  this  glorious  edifice  of  Constantine 
passed  through  the  various  vicissitudes  of  centuries  ;  but 
both  evinced  the  wonderful  genius  of  those  inspired  minds, 
for  both  cities  are  to  this  day  the  great  centers  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  East. 

The  city  was  dedicated  on  the  llth  of  May,  A.  D.  330 — 
the  twenty-fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Constantine.  The 
dedication  was  accompanied  and  followed  by  solemn  reli- 
gious ceremonies  as  well  as  other  festivities,  distribution  of 
corn  and  provisions,  and  games,  all  of  which  lasted  for  forty 
days,  for  the  most  part  celebrated  in  the  vast  and  world-re- 
nowned race-course.  An  edict  also,  engraved  on  a  column  of 
marble,  bestowed  the  title  of  SECOND  or  NEW  ROME  on  the 
city  of  Constantine ;  but  the  name  of  Constantinople  has 
prevailed  over  that  epithet,  and  after  fifteen  centuries  still 
perpetuates  the  fame  of  its  author. 

The  last  Seven  Years  of  the  Reign  of  Constantine. 

The  last  seven  years  of  the  reign  of  Constantine  present  us 
with  a  state  of  affairs  entirely  at  variance  with  his  former  ca- 
reer. Arius  and  his  associates  were  recalled  from  exile,  and 
were  treated  with  the  respect  which  would  have  been  due  to 
innocent  and  oppressed  men.  Alexander,  archbishop  of  Alex- 
andria, had  died  in  325,  and  in  the  following  year  Athanasius 
was  elected  as  his  successor.  "  The  immortal  name  of  Atha- 
nasius," says  a  historian,  "will  never  be  separated  from  the 
catholic  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  to  whose  defense  he  conse- 
crated every  moment  and  every  faculty  of  his  being.  .  .  . 
He  filled  the  eminent  station  [of  archbishop  of  Alexandria] 
above  forty-six  years,  and  his  long  administration  was  spent 
in  a  perpetual  combat  against  the  powers  of  Arianism.  Five 
times  was  Athanasius  expelled ;  twenty  years  he  passed  as 
an  exile  or  a  fugitive ;  and  almost  every  province  of  the 


300  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Roman  empire  was  successively  witness  to  his  merit  and 
his  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  the  orthodox  faith.  Amid  the 
storms  of  persecution,  the  archbishop  of  Alexandria  was  pa- 
tient of  labor,  jealous  of  fame,  careless  of  safety ;  and  he 
displayed  abilities  which  would  have  eminently  fitted  him  for 
the  government  of  a  great  monarchy." 

After  the  recall  of  Arius  Constantine  seemed  still  anxious 
to  repair  the  injustice  done  to  him,  and  accordingly  issued 
an  absolute  command  that  he  should  be  solemnly  admitted  to 
the  communion  in  the  cathedral  of  Constantinople.  We  are 
told  that,  on  the  same  day  which  had  been  fixed  for  the  tri- 
umph of  Arius,  he  suddenly  died  (A.  D.  336)  of  a  most  repul- 
sive disease  ;  but  his  death,  which  was  regarded  by  the  ortho- 
dox as  a  direct  judgment  from  heaven,  was  attributed  by  his 
friends  to  poison. 

The  death  of  Arius  caused  great  trouble  and  anxiety  to 
the  emperor,  which  gradually  increased  to  a  lamentable  state 
of  mental  suffering.  He  had  hoped  to  eradicate  the  last  ves- 
tiges of  contention,  but  already  every  corner  of  Christendom 
was  agitated  with  religious  discussions ;  he  had  hoped  to 
defend  orthodoxy,  and  already,  through  his  concessions  to 
the  Arians,  he  came  into  open  warfare  with  the  most  sacred 
principles  of  religion.  Thus  troubled,  he  decided  in  336  to 
divide  his  vast  empire  among  his  sons,  expecting  that  this 
course  would  at  least  prevent  dispute  respecting  the  succes- 
sion. He  granted  to  Constantine,  the  eldest,  the  provinces 
beyond  the  Alps — Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain ;  to  Constans, 
the  youngest,  he  surrendered  the  middle  provinces — Italy, 
Illyria,  and  Africa ;  while  to  Constantius,  the  second,  whom 
he  loved  above  all,  he  left  the  East — i.  e.,  Asia  Minor,  Syria, 
and  Egypt.  Having  thus  destroyed  with  his  own  hands  the 
union  of  the  empire,  in  behalf  of  which  he  had  so  long  la- 
bored, he  now  prepared  for  death  ;  for  we  are  told  that  he 
had  for  a  long  time  had  a  presentiment  of  his  approaching 
end,  which  indeed  was  not  long  in  coming.  He  expired  on 


CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  301 

the  21st  of  May,  A.  D.  337,  when  about  sixty-four  years  old, 
and  was  buried  with  all  the  pomp  suitable  to  his  great  rank. 

Remarks  on  the  Life  of  Constantine. 

The  ancient  world  during  the  long  reign  of  Constantine 
changed  both  in  appearance  and  spirit.  The  empire,  freed 
from  its  various  external  wars  and  civil  strifes,  enjoyed  un- 
der the  protection  of  his  strong  arm  the  blessings  of  a  last- 
ing peace.  Christianity,  delivered  from  its  fearful  persecu- 
tors, was  secured  and  protected  ;  and  furthermore,  the  con- 
stitution of  the  empire  was  regulated  after  the  salutary  prin- 
ciples of  the  spirit  of  the  gospel.  Is  it  possible,  therefore,  to 
deny  "  greatness  "  to  the  man  who  so  earnestly  contributed 
to  the  reformation  of  the  world  ?  And  yet  many  noted  his- 
torians have  slighted  and  despised  that  great  man,  and  even 
characterized  him  as  a  malefactor.  Gibbon  and  Voltaire, 
for  instance,  both  of  whom  belong  to  that  modern  school  of 
philosophy  which  despises  every  religion,  and  especially  the 
Christian,  naturally  attacked  Constantine,  who  devoted  so 
much  of  his  life  to  the  propagation  and  strengthening  of  this 
new  faith.  They  pass  over  his  many  virtues,  especially  from 
the  time  he  espoused  Christianity,  exaggerate  and  misrepre- 
sent his  failings,  mock  at  his  convictions,  and  ridicule  every 
religious  and  political  regulation  made  by  him. 

But  modern  historic  science,  correcting  the  many  blun- 
ders of  the  past,  has  gradually  dissolved  the  fog  covering 
the  memory  of  Constantine,  and  presented  us  with  his  true 
picture — a  picture  bearing,  indeed,  a  few  spots,  but  never- 
theless grand  and  worthy  of  esteem.  Constantine  stands  on 
the  boundaries  of  two  worlds,  the  ancient  and  the  modern — 
that  of  the  pagans  and  that  of  the  Christians.  He  was 
born  and  educated  within  the  former ;  he  acted  and  died 
within  the  latter.  It  is  not  possible,  therefore,  to  judge  him 
absolutely  from  the  standpoint  of  either ;  but  the  various 
fortunes  of  his  life  should  be  examined  according  to  their 


302  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

individual  circumstances.  Constantino  resembles  those  fruit- 
ful trees  into  which  has  been  grafted  the  sap  of  other  plants, 
in  consequence  of  which  their  fruit  possesses  the  peculiarity 
of  both  tastes.  Christianity,  which  he  espoused  at  a  ripe  age, 
did  not  completely  change  his  nature  ;  while  his  mind  under- 
stood the  lofty  truths  of  Christianity,  and  accurately  mea- 
sured the  benefits  which  they  promised  to  humanity,  his  heart 
— we  do  not  deny  it — remained  pagan,  and  it  never  cast  off 
the  impression,  traditions,  and  customs  of  the  ancient  religion. 
But  this  very  struggle  of  heart  and  mind,  in  which  the  for- 
mer finally  triumphed,  may  show  the  greatness  of  his  good 
and  noble  nature.  Few,  indeed,  having  to  contend  with  so 
many  moral,  political,  private,  and  social  difficulties,  have 
acted  with  more  clearness,  and  united  their  names  with  a  more 
glorious  reformation  in  both  theoretical  and  practical  life. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  WORK   OF  REFORMATION. 

Constantius. 

MUCH  anarchy  followed  the  death  of  Constantine.  Con- 
stantius, alleging  that  his  father  had  been  poisoned  by  his 
own  brothers,  not  only  killed  his  two  uncles,  but  also  seven 
of  his  cousins  and  many  other  prominent  men.  Gallus  and 
Julian,  however,  sons  of  Julius  Constantius,  the  half-brother 
of  Constantine  the  Great,  escaped.  At  the  same  time  Con- 
stantine II  sought  to  seize  upon  the  inheritance  of  his  young- 
est brother  ;  but  he  was  murdered  on  the  9th  of  April,  340, 
and  thus  Constans  became  master  of  the  middle  and  west- 
ern provinces  of  Europe.  Ten  years  later  he  was  himself 
murdered  by  Magnentius,  chief  of  his  body-guards,  and  thus 


THE  WORK  OF  REFORMATION.  303 

Constantius  remained  the  absolute  ruler  of  the  empire  until 
his  death  in  November,  361.  During  his  reign  the  provinces 
of  the  East  were  afflicted  by  a  Persian  war.  Sapor  II,  king 
of  Persia,  defeated  the  forces  of  Constantius  in  Mesopotamia, 
and  Asia  was  then  saved  only  through  the  long  and  stubborn 
resistance  of  the  ancient  city  of  Nisibis,  which  thrice  repulsed 
the  attacks  of  Sapor. 

Meanwhile  the  great  question  of  religious  reformation 
continued  to  agitate  the  minds  of  the  people  ;  just  as,  after 
the  death  of  Alexander,  the  Hellenization  of  Asia  was  not  re- 
tarded on  account  of  the  civil  struggles  among  the  successors. 
The  ancient  beliefs  gradually  crumbled  away,  not  so  much 
from  any  direct  attack  as  from  their  own  loss  of  vitality  ; 
while  the  new  continued  to  prosper  and  to  flourish  even  in 
the  midst  of  almost  daily  strifes  and  contentions.  The  sons 
of  Constantine,  indeed,  enacted  special  laws  against  the  an- 
cient religion — prohibiting,  for  instance,  nocturnal  sacrifices, 
and  ordering  the  destruction  of  the  temples  ;  but  these  laws 
were  never  rigorously  enforced.  Indeed,  we  are  told  that 
Constantius  shortly  before  his  death  took  under  his  special 
protection  the  ornaments  and  temples  of  antiquity.  But,  for 
all  this,  the  temples  were  falling  to  ruin,  and  the  faith  was 
withering  and  dying  ;  but  it  was  wasting  its  life  slowly, 
rather  through  an  organic  mortal  disease  than  from  hostile 
wounds. 

Julian  the  Apostate. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  during  the  general  slaugh- 
ter of  the  relatives  of  Constantine  two  of  his  cousins,  Gallus 
and  Julian,  escaped  death.  The  former  was  at  that  time 
twelve  years  old,  and  the  latter  six.  In  351  Constantius 
deemed  it  best  to  grant  to  Gallus  the  title  of  Caesar,  with  the 
sovereignty  of  Asia,  and  Antiocheia  for  his  capital.  Gallus 
evinced  no  ability  whatever,  committed  many  acts  of  cruelty, 
and  was  finally  put  to  death  in  354.  Julian  would  have 


304  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

shared  the  same  fate  had  not  the  good  and  noble  Queen 
Eusebia  prevailed  upon  Constantius  to  spare  his  life,  and  to 
assign  to  him  the  city  of  Athens  for  his  place  of  habitation. 

Athens  had  long  since  lost  her  political  greatness  ;  but 
the  luster  with  which  this  capital  of  ancient  Hellenism  was 
surrounded,  the  splendid  monuments  with  which  she  was 
adorned,  the  reverence  in  which  the  Eleusinian  mysteries 
were  still  held,  and  the  sense  of  gratitude  which  Hellenism 
bore  to  her,  rendered  this  city  even  in  its  decline  an  object 
of  respect  to  the  emperors  of  Rome,  and  an  attraction  to  the 
learned  men  of  the  world.  Above  all,  Athens  was  consid- 
ered as  the  last  great  asylum  of  ancient  beliefs,  and  large 
throngs  flocked  thither,  much  in  the  same  way  as  the  Chris- 
tians in  the  East  to  this  day  flock  to  Jerusalem. 

Julian,  who  was  ordered  to  repair  to  Athens,  was  what 
we  may  call  a  half  Greek ;  for  he  was  born  at  Byzantium, 
and  the  Hellenic  was  his  native  tongue.  It  is  no  wonder, 
therefore,  that  from  his  earliest  youth  he  loved  that  lan- 
guage, and  studied  and  admired  all  its  intellectual  produc- 
tions. Deep  also  were  the  impressions  which  the  monuments 
and  customs  of  the  ancient  world  made  on  his  sensitive  soul. 
He  knew  that  his  cousin  Constantius  had  inaugurated  his  im- 
perial career  by  the  slaughter  of  his  relatives  ;  he  knew  that 
Eusebius  of  Nikomedeia,  one  of  the  highest  ministers  of  the 
Christian  religion,  was  said  to  have  instigated  this  lament- 
able tragedy  ;  he  saw  the  new  faith  divided  into  two  oppo- 
site camps,  the  contests  of  which  were  not  limited  to  the- 
oretical discussions,  but  had  resulted  in  exiles,  persecutions, 
murders,  and  revolts.  He  did  not  understand,  or  would  not 
understand,  the  seriousness  of  the  discussions  ;  yet  he  knew 
that  the  prevailing  party — the  Arians — used  the  new  religion 
to  satisfy  human  passions  and  interests.  Julian  had  not  only 
accepted  holy  baptism,  but  had  shown  for  some  time  an  ex- 
cellent zeal  in  behalf  of  Christianity.  Gradually,  however, 
a  change  of  sentiments  and  thoughts  began  to  take  place  in 


THE  WORK  OF  REFORMATION.  305 

him.  By  comparing  the  present  with  the  past,  he  arrived 
first  at  the  conclusion  that  Christianity  was  the  cause  of  this 
strange  decline,  or  at  least  that  Christianity  was  not  adapted 
to  prevent  the  demoralization  of  the  empire  ;  and  he  gradu- 
ally came  to  a  second  conclusion,  that  this  change  of  affairs 
resulted  from  the  debasement  of  the  ancient  religion  and 
life,  and  that  the  reformation  of  the  world  could  only  be 
accomplished  through  their  reestablishment. 

This  hallucination  of  Julian's  is  easily  explained.  He 
possessed  many  of  the  advantages  through  which  men  suc- 
ceed in  the  world,  and  accomplish  great  deeds.  He  had 
intelligence,  education,  morality,  courage,  and  fortune.  He 
lacked  only  one  thing — which  indeed  men  of  genius  and 
energy  too  seldom  possess — "  a  practical  mind."  The  practi- 
cal mind  of  men  like  Constantine  and  Athanasius  understood 
that  no  law  carried  into  effect  through  men  oan  possibly  es- 
cape the  influence  of  human  weakness  and  individuality  ;  and 
that,  when  it  has  passed  through  many  trials,  it  finally  pro- 
duces its  best  fruits.  On  this  account,  therefore,  they  per- 
severed in  the  midst  of  misfortunes,  believing  that  the  days 
were  nigh  at  hand  when  finally  Christianity,  cleansed  from 
the  rust  with  which  it  necessarily  came  in  contact,  would 
pour  on  the  world  its  pure  and  bountiful  blessings.  Has  not 
the  same  thing  occurred  with  reference  to  other  laws  in  their 
first  application  ?  Did  not  constitutional  government  even 
in  England  produce  during  its  earlier  stages  constant  civil 
wars,  slaughters,  confiscations,  and  a  moral  and  social  debase- 
ment of  which  we  read  to  this  day  with  disgust?  How, 
then,  can  we  be  at  a  loss  to  understand  why  Christianity 
passed  through  similar  trials  ? 

Julian  was  sustained  in  his  views  by  the  Neoplatonists, 
the  most  famous  of  whom  were  at  that  time  ^Edesius,  Chry- 
santhius,  and  Maximus.  As  long  as  the  discussions  of  the 
Neoplatonists  were  limited  to  philosophical  theories  concern- 
ing the  Most  High,  or  to  attempts  to  unravel  the  mystery 
34 


306  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

of  the  allegories  which  were  supposed  to  be  concealed  be- 
hind the  Hellenic  myths,  these  discussions  could  at  least 
please  if  not  instruct  the  learned  public  to  which  they  were 
addressed.  But  the  ambition  of  the  new  heresiarchs  was 
not  content  with  this ;  they  sought  to  exert  a  more  direct 
influence,  and  to  establish  even  a  new  religion.  Perceiving 
that  philosophical  and  theological  arguments  were  not  suffi- 
cient to  convince  the  masses,  the  Neoplatonists  contrived  to 
draw  to  their  assistance  the  gods  and  demons  of  idolatry, 
and  to  astound  the  credulity  of  the  ochlos  by  a  complex  sys- 
tem of  magic  and  sorcery.  Availing  themselves  of  the  mys- 
teries of  the  ancient  religion,  they  claimed  that  they  could 
penetrate  into  the  secrets  of  the  future,  impose  their  will  on 
the  gods  below,  communicate  with  the  gods  in  heaven,  and, 
freeing  the  soul  from  its  material  fetters,  bring  it  into  direct 
communion  with  the  highest  divine  mind.  It  may  easily 
be  understood  what  a  strange  confusion  of  ideas  resulted 
from  this  union  of  philosophy,  mythology,  and  thaumaturgy. 
Julian,  who  considered  the  precepts  of  the  gospel  unreason- 
able, became  a  victim  of  this  monstrous  complication  of 
ideas  ;  and  while,  on  the  one  hand,  he  confessed  the  existence 
of  some  Supreme  Being,  invisible,  complete,  and  incompre- 
hensible to  human  intelligence,  on  the  other  he  professed  that 
this  Most  High  Being  produced  many  inferior  gods — Ares, 
Hermes,  Athene,  Aphrodite,  and  the  other  known  gods  of 
antiquity  ;  that  to  these  latter  deities  the  Most  High  allotted 
the  creation  of  man  and  the  government  of  the  terrestrial 
world.  In  a  word,  he  seriously  believed  that  the  commonest 
opinions  of  the  old  faith  could  be  reconciled  with  the  most 
philosophical  comprehension  of  the  Divinity. 

Thus  disposed,  Julian  reached  Athens  in  May,  355.  Ev- 
erything now  tended  to  strengthen  him  in  his  opinions  :  the 
Bight  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  ancient  monuments,  and 
of  statues  whose  exquisite  symmetry  and  grace  influenced 
souls  and  minds  less  susceptible  than  his  ;  the  discourses  of 


THE  WORK  OF  REFORMATION.  307 

the  most  eloquent  orators  ;  and,  finally,  the  Eleusinian  mys- 
teries, still  regarded  with  the  deepest  reverence  and  awe. 
Urged  by  these  combined  influences,  he  decided  on  the  first 
opportunity  to  raise  the  standard  of  the  ancient  religion,  and 
to  recall  the  glorious  days  of  the  past.  For  the  present, 
however,  he  concealed  his  purpose,  knowing  well  that  the 
slightest  promulgation  of  his  true  opinions  would  cause  Con- 
stantius  to  put  an  end  to  all  his  glorious  dreams ;  but  the 
trouble  of  his  heart  and  conscience  was  betrayed  by  his  looks 
and  movements.  There  happene.d  to  be  at  that  time  in 
Athens,  as  fellow  students  and  associates  of  Julian,  two 
young  men,  Gregory  Nazianzen  and  Basil — names  destined 
for  centuries  to  resound  throughout  the  Christian  world. 
They  came  to  Athens,  not  to  strengthen  their  convictions  in 
idolatry,  but  in  order  to  derive  from  ancient  philosophy  and 
eloquence  the  arms  by  aid  of  which  they  afterward  fought 
so  gloriously  for  the  new  faith.  Julian  never  communicated 
his  thoughts  to  them,  but  it  would  appear  that  Gregory  at 
least  understood  from  the  outset  the  plans  of  his  fellow  stu- 
dent.* 

Julian  remained  at  Athens  only  about  six  months,  be- 
cause in  November,  355,  Constantius  deemed  it  best  to  grant 
to  him  the  title  of  Caesar  and  the  government  of  Gaul.  This 
province  was  severely  oppressed  by  the  Germans,  and  needed 
the  protecting  hand  of  a  strong  leader.  Julian  succeeded 
within  five  years,  not  only  in  driving  the  Germans  beyond 
the  Rhine,  but  also  in  defeating  and  humbling  them  in  their 
own  country.  Constantius,  envious  of  the  laurels  won  by 
Julian,  ordered  his  victorious  legions  to  repair  to  Asia  and 
fight  against  the  restless  Sapor.  The  legions  disobeyed,  and 
declared  Julian  their  emperor.  Julian  sought  to  make  peace 
with  Constantius,  but  the  latter  haughtily  rejected  his  pro- 
posals. Julian  therefore  led  his  forces  against  Constantino- 

*  See  the  description  Gregory  gives,  in  the  second  trrr)\iTfvTiKc?  KCIT&  j8cw<. 
'lovKiwov,  concerning  Julian. 


308  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

pie,  but  civil  war  was  prevented  by  the  death  of  Constantius, 
which  occurred  on  the  3d  of  November,  361,  and  the  people 
forthwith  recognized  Julian  as  their  ruler,  while  he  was  still 
on  his  way  to  the  capital. 

The  Reign  of  Julian. 

Julian  was  about  thirty  years  old  when  he  acquired  un- 
disputed possession  of  the  Roman  empire.  On  the  very 
same  day  on  which  he  had  broken  off  with  Constantius,  he 
had  also  renounced  his  faith  in  Christianity,  declared  his 
allegiance  to  the  immortal  gods,  and  become  an  apostate 
and  parabates  (transgressor)  of  the  religion  of  Christ,  by 
which  names  he  is  generally  known  in  history.  The  main 
object  of  Julian  on  entering  Constantinople  was  the  resto- 
ration of  the  ancient  religion — a  foolish  dream,  for  the  reali- 
zation of  which  he  consumed  in  vain  treasures  of  practical 
energy. 

The  hierophant  or  initiating  priest  of  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries  was  sent  with  many  presents,  in  company  with 
Chrysanthius  and  Maximus,  the  boldest  and  most  skillful 
masters  of  the  theurgic  art,  to  assume  the  direction  of  the 
temples  of  Hellas  ;  while  Oribasius,  the  physician  and  friend 
of  Julian,  hastened  by  his  order  to  restore  the  temple  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  But  the  decline  of  this  once  so  rich  and 
glorious  temple  is  manifest  from  the  following  oracle  given 
to  the  representative  of  the  emperor  : 

"  Say  thou  to  the  king  that  the  curiously  wrought  court  has  fallen. 
No  longer  has  Phoebus  a  temple,  nor  the  prophetess  any  bay-tree, 
Or  any  speaking  spring.  The  murmuring  water  has  also  ceased."* 

Do  we  not  seem  to  hear  in  this  the  last  farewell  of  Pythia, 
and  the  inscription,  as  it  were,  which  she  herself  ordered  to 
be  inscribed  on  her  tomb?  Numerous  temples,  however, 

*  This  oracle  is  preserved  to  us  by  George  Kedrenus,  a  Byzantine  chro- 
nographer. 


THE  WORK  OF  REFORMATION.  309 

began  to  be  erected  and  adorned  in  Macedonia,  Epirus,  and 
the  Peloponnesus ;  Nikopolis  and  Eleusis  emerged  more 
splendid  from  their  ruins ;  the  ancient  mode  of  life  at 
Athens,  which  had  never  wholly  disappeared,  became  infused 
with  new  vigor  ;  the  games  and  festivities  at  Delphi,  Argos, 
Olympia,  and  elsewhere  were  celebrated  with  their  pristine 
magnificence ;  the  gymnasia  were  filled  with  athletes ;  and 
the  schools  of  philosophy  were  especially  protected  by  the 
emperor,  who,  in  his  encomium  of  Queen  Eusebia,  compared 
the  philosophy  of  Hellas  to  the  never-failing  sources  of  the 
Nile.  The  emperor  treated  the  Christians  with  moderation 
and  mildness,  much  as  his  uncle  Constantine  the  Great  acted 
toward  the  unconverted  ;  but  he  always  admired  and  re- 
warded the  perseverance  of  those  pagans  who  had  remained 
steadfast  in  their  faith,  and  his  enthusiasm  prompted  him  to 
embrace  the  worshipers  of  Jupiter  as  his  personal  friends 
and  brethren.  We  can  not,  however,  accept  the  opinion  of 
some  historians  that  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish  temple, 
which  was  effected  by  Julian,  was  secretly  connected  with 
the  ruin  of  the  Christian  faith.  On  the  contrary,  we  look 
upon  this  as  a  conclusive  evidence  of  the  freedom  of  reli- 
gious worship,  which  the  emperor  continued  to  maintain ; 
yet  the  force  of  circumstances  drove  him  to  many  acts  of 
cruelty. 

Julian  ardently  admired  Hellenic  learning,  and  wrote  in 
Greek.  It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  all  the  Roman  emper- 
ors who  undertook  any  important  reformation  in  the  empire 
used  the  Hellenic  as  the  organ  of  their  plans.  Marcus  Au- 
relius,  who  hoped  to  educate  the  world  morally  after  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  wrote  in  Hellenic.*  The  great 
Constantine,  who  raised  the  flag  of  Christianity,  inscribed  it 
with  Hellenic  letters  and  planted  it  within  a  Hellenic  city. 
Finally,  Julian,  who  dreamed  of  the  restoration  of  the  ancient 
world,  composed  all  his  works  in  the  language  of  the  Hel- 


310  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

lenes.  But  he  sought  to  render  the  Hellenic  learning  and 
language  the  exclusive  possession  of  himself  and  his  adher- 
ents, deeming  the  Christians  thoroughly  barbarized  on  ac- 
count of  their  aversion  to  the  religion  of  ancient  Hellenism. 
Regarding  idolatry  as  a  synonym  for  the  rarest  advantages 
of  culture,  he  said  ironically  to  the  Christians  :  "  To  us  be- 
long eloquence  and  the  arts  of  Hellas,  as  well  as  the  adora- 
tion of  her  immortal  gods  ;  but  your  share  is  ignorance  and 
barbarism."  Sustaining  his  arguments  on  this  sophism,  he 
prohibited  them  from  teaching  the  arts  of  grammar  and  rhet- 
oric, on  the  ground  that,  if  they  refused  to  adore  the  gods 
of  Homer  and  Demosthenes,  they  ought  to  content  them- 
selves with  expounding  Luke  and  Matthew  in  the  church  of 
the  Galileans,  as  he  was  wont  to  call  the  followers  of  Christ. 
No  other  ordinance  of  Julian  could  have  inflicted  so  severe 
a  wound  on  Christianity,  and  no  other  moved  more  bitterly 
the  indignation  of  the  Christians  against  him — an  indigna- 
tion strongly  expressed  by  Gregory  Nazianzen  in  his  fa- 
mous apostrophe  found  in  his  first  address  against  Julian.* 
The  emperor,  furthermore,  decreed  that  the  Christians  should 
pay  the  losses  sustained  by  the  destruction  of  the  temples 
during  the  preceding  reigns,  and  especially  during  that  of 
Constantino  the  Great.  The  execution  of  such  an  edict 
would  certainly  have  caused  a  general  civil  war.  But  Ju- 
lian did  not  live  to  carry  it  out.  Desirous  of  crushing 
Sapor,  who  in  the  reign  of  Constantius  had  inflicted  such 
signal  misfortunes  on  the  Roman  empire,  he  invaded  Per- 
sia with  a  large  army,  and  defeated  him  in  many  engage- 
ments ;  but  having  once,  on  account  of  the  heat  of  the 
weather,  laid  aside  his  cuirass,  he  was  mortally  wounded  by 
a  javelin.  He  died  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age, 
after  a  reign  of  one  year  and  eight  months  from  the  death 
of  Constantius  (June  26,  363).  It  is  said  that  when  dying 
he  took  with  one  hand  the  blood  from  his  wound,  and  sprink- 


JOVIAN  TO  THEODOSIUS  I.  311 

ling  it  in  the  air  said  :  "  Thou  hast  conquered,  Christ ;  be 
thou  pleased,  Nazarene."  His  body  was  brought  to  Tarsus 
and  buried  in  one  of  its  suburbs. 

Zosimus  calls  Julian  a  great  man,  while  the  Christian 
chronographers  have  heaped  upon  him  the  worst  of  insults. 
Had  he  lived  during  the  acme  of  the  ancient  world,  since  his 
mind  would  have  been  in  a  congenial  atmosphere,  he  would 
certainly  have  left  in  history  an  eminent  name.  As  it  was, 
his  merits  became  unproductive,  and  might  have  proved  sub- 
versive of  order  and  progress. 


CHAPTER  V. 

JOVIAN     TO     THEODOSIUS     I. 

Peace  with  the  Persians. 

THE  unexpected  death  of  Julian  left  the  empire  without 
a  master  and  without  an  heir,  "  in  a  state  of  perplexity  and 
danger  which  had  not  been  experienced  since  the  election  of 
Diocletian."  But  we  are  told  that,  while  the  generals  were 
debating  in  regard  to  a  successor,  a  few  voices  saluted  Jo- 
vian, who  was  no  more  than  chief  of  the  domestics,  with  the 
names  of  Imperator  and  Augustus.  The  first  act  of  the 
newly  elected  sovereign  was  to  make  peace  with  the  Per- 
sians, and  he  accordingly  granted  to  them  the  provinces  be- 
yond the  Tigris  and  the  impregnable  city  of  Nisibis,  which 
had  repulsed  thus  far  every  effort  of  Sapor's  arms.  Jovian 
at  the  same  time  abolished  the  decrees  enacted  by  Julian  in 
behalf  of  idolatry,  and  seemed  favorably  inclined  to  Chris- 
tianity. But  he  died  suddenly  in  the  obscure  town  of  Da- 
dastana,  while  on  his  march  back  to  Constantinople. 


312  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Ten  days  after  the  death  of  Jovian,  Valentinian,  an  offi- 
cer in  the  army,  was  elevated  to  the  throne.  Thirty  days 
after  his  election  he  bestowed  on  his  brother  Valens  the 
title  of  Augustus,  as  well  as  the  government  of  the  East, 
from  the  lower  Danube  to  the  confines  of  Persia  ;  while  he 
reserved  for  his  own  sovereignty  the  western  provinces  of 
Illyria,  Italy,  and  Gaul.  Valentinian  permitted  "freedom 
of  worship,"  while  Valens  in  the  East  at  once  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Arians.  The  allegation  that  Valens  severely 
persecuted  the  Christians  is  probably  unfounded  ;  indeed,  as 
a  mark  of  his  moderation,  he  allowed  Athanasius  to  return 
to  his  flock,  where  he  finally  died  in  peace  in  May,  373,  after 
forty-six  years  of  a  most  eventful  archbishopric. 

Basil  and  Gregory, 

.About  the  time  "  the  sun  of  orthodoxy,"  Athanasius,  be- 
gan to  set,  two  new  stars,  Basil  the  Great  and  Gregory  the 
Theologian,  shone  on  the  ecclesiastical  horizon.  Both  these 
Christian  orators  were  of  about  the  same  age,  for  they  were 
born  between  329  and  331,  were  trained  in  the  same  liberal 
studies  in  the  school  of  Athens,  conducted  by  the  most 
famous  sophists  of  that  time,  and  were  united  by  ties  of 
the  strictest  friendship.  The  Hellenic  tongue,  as  if  obedient 
to  their  wishes,  expresses  the  new  doctrines  of  Christianity 
with  all  the  purity  of  the  style  of  Lysias  and  Plato,  or  at 
least  of  their  earliest  imitators.  The  ancient  force  and 
beauty  of  the  language  is  preserved  in  its  entirety,  gilded  as 
it  were  by  some  Eastern  tinge,  yet  always  clear  and  harmo- 
nious. 

Basil,  on  his  return  from  Athens,  taught  rhetoric  and 
practiced  law  in  his  native  city  Caesareia.  He  achieved 
great  eminence  both  as  a  teacher  and  a  lawyer,  but  aban- 
doned these  pursuits,  because  the  example  of  his  father, 
mother,  and  sister,  as  well  as  his  own  nature  and  ambition, 
called  him  to  the  service  of  God.  Having  dispossessed  him- 


JOVIAN  TO  THEODOSIUS  I.  313 

self  of  all  his  private  property,  much  of  which  he  spent  in 
eleemosynary  bequests,  he  visited  the  most  famous  churches, 
situated  both  in  the  great  cities  of  the  East  and  in  the  des- 
ert. Returning  home,  he  chose  an  isolated  habitation  in  the 
province  of  Pontus,  not  as  a  hermit,  but  as  a  man  full  of 
love  for  mankind,  and  simply  contented  with  this  mode  of 
life,  which  he  rendered  productive  of  good  by  study  and 
charity. 

In  370  Archbishop  Eusebius  died,  and  Basil  was  ap- 
pointed his  successor  in  the  see  of  Constantinople.  Having 
reached  one  of  the  most  exalted  stations  of  the  church,  he 
did  not  suffer  the  reverses  of  fortune  on  account  of  which 
the  history  of  Athanasius  became  so  dramatic,  but  obtained 
the  respect  both  of  his  contemporaries  and  of  those  after 
him.  Basil  was  the  true  minister  of  the  gospel,  the  father 
of  the  people,  the  friend  of  the  unfortunate,  unshaken  in  his 
faith,  and  inexhaustible  in  his  charity.  Remarkable  indeed 
is  the  simplicity  with  which  he  surrounded  the  science  which 
he  had  learned  at  Athens,  in  order  to  teach  the  people  of 
Caesareia  to  raise  themselves  to  God  by  contemplating  na- 
ture and  the  wonders  of  creation.  The  mild  and  graphic 
imagination  of  Basil  is  apparent  in  nearly  all  his  writings. 
An  ardent  lover  of  ancient  rhetoric  and  poetry,  he  wished  to 
inspire  the  young  with  admiration  for  those  inimitable  mas- 
terpieces. In  his  enthusiasm  for  the  productions  of  the 
Hellenic  intellect,  he  deems  all  deserving  of  the  study  of 
Christians  ;  he  claims  the  highest  virtue  for  the  poetry  of 
Homer,  and  recommends  Solon,  Euripides,  and  Plato.  Basil's 
source  of  eloquence  was  the  Old  Testament,  the  poetry  of 
which  he  readily  borrowed — a  poetry  at  once  bold  and  de- 
scriptive ;  but  in  the  vivid  pictures  of  the  Hebraic  muse 
he  mingles  those  mild  sentiments  of  humanity  and  that  gen- 
tleness of  enthusiasm  which  are  so  strikingly  beautiful  in 
the  New  Testament.  Hence  the  power  which  his  words  had 
over  the  minds  of  the  people  ;  and  when  he  died  (January  1, 


314  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

379),  pagans,  Jews,  and  Christians  alike  followed  him  to  the 
grave  and  bewailed  the  loss  of  a  common  benefactor. 

Gregory  was  not  equal  to  Basil  in  greatness  of  mind 
and  heart,  but  his  imagination  possessed  a  peculiarity  more 
resplendent  and  graceful.  He  attended  the  Hellenic  schools 
of  Caesareia,  Alexandria,  and  Athens,  having  like  Basil 
sailed  on  the  ocean  of  Hellenic  philosophy  before  reach- 
ing the  safe  harbor  of  the  gospel.  Toward  the  last  years 
of  Valens  he  took  an  energetic  part  in  the  struggle  against 
Arianism.  But  the  time  was  near  at  hand  when  the  church 
was  destined  to  triumph  definitely  by  the  inflexible  will  of 
Theodosius  the  Great,  and  by  the  sword  of  the  barbarians, 
who  were  about  to  mingle  their  savage  passions  in  the  so- 
lution of  a  problem  which  they  seemed  utterly  unsuited  to 
decide. 

New  Invasions  of  the  Barbarians. 

The  Huns,  starting  from  the  eastern  extremities  of  Asia, 
were  now  marching  into  Europe,  having  as  their  forerunners 
the  fear  and  fright  which  their  savage  appearance  and  cruel 
customs  everywhere  inspired.  One  tribe  of  the  Goths  which 
had  been  long  since  established  on  the  northern  shores  of  the 
Danube,  fearing  lest  they  should  have  to  meet  alone  that 
fierce  torrent,  sought  and  obtained  permission  from  the  Ro- 
mans to  cross  the  river  and  settle  in  some  other  province  of 
the  empire.  A  dispute,  however,  having  arisen  between  these 
and  the  Romans,  the  emperor  Valens  in  person  marched 
against  them,  leading  all  the  legions  of  the  East ;  but  in  a 
severe  engagement  fought  on  the  9th  of  August,  378,  the 
Romans  were  utterly  defeated,  and  the  emperor  himself  and 
most  of  his  generals  perished.  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and  Thes- 
saly  were  overrun  by  the  Goths,  who  ravaged  the  country, 
killing  the  inhabitants  and  destroying  the  cities  that  were  not 
strongly  fortified. 

Valentinian  I,  who  ruled  the  West,  died  in  375,  and  his 


JOVIAN  TO  THEODOSIUS  I.  315 

son  Gratian  succeeded  him,  taking  as  his  associate  his  brother 
Valentinian  II,  then  a  child.  The  death  of  his  uncle  Valens 
made  Gratian  also  emperor  of  the  East.  The  empire  was 
now  in  extreme  peril ;  and  Gratian,  feeling  that  he  was  not 
equal  to  the  task  of  defending  it,  although  he  was  certainly 
not  without  ability,  wisely  granted  the  rule  of  the  eastern 
countries  in  January,  379,  to  that  Theodosius  afterward  called 

the  Great. 

Theodosius  I. 

Theodosius  was  the  son  of  a  general  of  the  same  name, 
who  had  greatly  distinguished  himself  during  the  reign  of 
Valentinian,  but  had  been  traduced  and  put  to  death.  The 
young  Theodosius  was  educated  by  skillful  preceptors,  and 
was  instructed  in  the  art  of  war  by  the  care  and  severe 
discipline  of  his  father.  Under  the  standard  of  such  a  leader, 
young  Theodosius  sought  glory  and  knowledge  in  the  most 
distant  scenes  of  military  action,  inured  his  constitution  to 
the  differences  of  seasons  and  climates,  displayed  his  valor 
by  sea  and  land,  and  observed  the  various  modes  of  warfare 
of  the  Scots,  the  Saxons,  and  the  Moors. 

Theodosius  first  directed  his  attention  to  the  pacification 
of  the  Goths,  and  succeeded  within  the  space  of  four  years 
in  rendering  them,  if  not  fully  submissive  to  his  scepter,  at 
least  anxious  to  seek  terms  of  peace.  Soon  after  this  was 
accomplished  Gratian  was  murdered  (A.  D.  383),  and  one 
Maximus,  a  native  of  Spain — the  countryman,  fellow  soldier, 
and  rival  of  Theodosius,  whose  elevation  he  had  not  seen 
without  envy  and  resentment — assumed  the  imperial  title. 
Valentinian  II,*  brother  of  the  murdered  emperor,  was  forced 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  Maximus  in  Gaul,  Spain,  and 
Britain  ;  and  Theodosius,  being  much  harassed  by  the  Gothic 
war  and  by  other  weighty  considerations,  was  compelled  to 
dissemble  his  resentment  and  to  accept  the  alliance  of  the 
usurper. 

•"*  He  ruled  over  Italy  and  Africa. 


316  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

In  the  mean  time  Theodosius  sought  to  put  an  end  to 
all  the  ecclesiastical  dissensions  which  for  the  last  half  cen- 
tury had  troubled  the  consciences  of  the  Christians.  In 
the  year  380  he  dictated  a  solemn  edict,  which  proclaimed 
the  Athanasian  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  branded  all  who  de- 
nied it  with  the  name  of  heretics,  and  handed  over  the 
churches  in  Constantinople  to  the  exclusive  use  of  the  ortho- 
dox party,  who  formed  only  a  small  portion  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  city.  A  few  months  afterward  (May,  381),  Theo- 
dosius convened  at  Constantinople  a  synod  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  bishops  (the  second  general  council  of  the  Christian 
church),  which  completed  the  theological  system  established 
by  the  council  of  Nice. 

"While  Theodosius  was  thus  occupied  with  the  Gothic 
war,  the  strengthening  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  the 
eradication  of  Arianism,  he  did  not  neglect  the  affairs  of  the 
West.  In  387  Maximus,  who  aspired  to  the  conquest  of 
Italy,  secretly  crossed  the  Alps,  fell  upon  Valentinian,  and 
drove  him  out  of  the  country.  Hereupon  Theodosius  has- 
tened to  his  aid,  killed  Maximus  in  a  great  and  decisive  battler 
almost  annihilated  his  army,  and  in  June,  388,  surrendered 
to  Valentinian  the  government  of  the  West.  Four  years 
later,  on  the  15th  of  May,  392,  Valentinian  was  murdered  by 
his  chief  adviser  Arbogastes,  a  Frankish  general,  who,  wish- 
ing to  reign  under  the  name  of  some  dependent  Roman, 
bestowed  the  purple  on  the  rhetorician  Eugenius,  whom  he 
had  already  raised  from  the  place  of  his  domestic  secretary 
to  the  rank  of  master  of  the  offices.  In  the  summer  of  39 1 
Theodosius  marched  against  the  usurper,  defeated  him,  and 
united  all  the  Roman  world  under  his  scepter.  He  did  not, 
however,  long  enjoy  this  last  triumph.  He  died  at  Milan 
four  months  later  (January  17,  395),  of  dropsy,  at  the  age 
of  fifty,  having  again  confirmed  the  division  of  the  Eastern 
and  Western  empires  by  granting  the  East  to  his  elder  son, 
Arcadius,  and  the  West  to  his  younger,  Honorius. 


ARCADIUS  AND  HONORIUS.  317 

Theodosius  was  called  the  Great.  He  is  to  some  extent 
entitled  to  this  appellation,  which  in  the  history  of  the  mon- 
archs  of  the  Eastern  Empire  we  have  applied  only  to  the 
founder  of  Constantinople.  In  his  private  relations,  Theodo- 
sius was  confessedly  better  than  Constantine  the  Great ;  for 
he  was  an  affectionate  husband,  a  good  father  and  broth- 
er, and  a  grateful  friend.  As  a  public  man,  he  committed 
many  mistakes.  By  entering  into  alliance  with  the  Goths, 
instead  of  completely  reducing  them,  he  gave  rise  to  many 
misfortunes  in  the  empire,  setting  an  example  which,  fol- 
lowed by  many  other  emperors,  tended  to  degenerate  the 
character  of  the  Constantinopolitan  monarchy,  which  could 
otherwise  have  become  much  more  Hellenic.  But  Theodo- 
sius, by  protecting  orthodoxy,  which  was  wellnigh  submerged 
by  Arianism,  by  defending  and  securing  the  symbols  of  the 
faith,  linked  his  name  with  one  of  the  greatest  events  in  the 
history  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

AECADIUS     AND      HONORIUS. 

Barbarian  Incursions. 

AECADIUS,  who  was  then  about  eighteen  years  old,  reigned 
over  the  East,  while  his  brother  Honorius,  in  the  eleventh 
year  of  his  age,  nominally  assumed  the  government  of  the 
West ;  but  the  real  rulers  of  the  empire  were  Rufinus  in  the 
East  and  Stilicho  in  the  West.  Stilicho  was  noted  for  his 
military  virtues,  and  his  praises  have  been  celebrated  by  the 
muse  of  Claudian  ;  but  Rufinus  became  notorious  only  for 
his  wickedness,  which  led  to  many  disasters  in  the  East.  He 
aspired  to  marry  his  daughter  Maria  to  the  young  emperor 
Arcadius,  a  feeble  youth,  "  whom  the  imperious  prefect  con- 


318  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

sidered  as  his  pupil  rather  than  as  his  sovereign."  But  this 
dream  was  not  to  be  realized.  Eutropius,  a  eunuch,  and  the 
great  chamberlain  of  the  palace,  persuaded  Arcadius  to  marry 
the  fair  Eudoxia,  the  daughter  of  Bauto,  a  Frankish  general 
in  the  Roman  service.  Rufinus,  enraged,  planned  the  de- 
struction of  the  empire  itself.  He  is  said  to  have  called  in 
the  Huns,  who  in  395  laid  waste  many  provinces  in  Asia,  and 
to  have  committed  many  atrocities,  until  finally  he  was  mur- 
dered by  Gainas,  the  general  of  the  Goths.  The  unmanly 
Arcadius,  after  the  death  of  Rufinus,  surrendered  himself 
entirely  to  the  hands  of  Eutropius,  who  soon  acquired  the 
chief  influence  in  the  empire. 

Rufinus  is  said  before  his  death  to  have  persuaded  Alaric, 
the  daring  general  of  the  Goths,  to  invade  Hellas,  having 
called  his  attention  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  which 
for  a  long  time  had  been  free  from  the  incursions  of  barba- 
rians. Alaric,  with  whom  not  a  few  monks  joined  themselves 
— believing,  in  their  fanaticism,  that  since  the  war  was  mainly 
directed  against  the  pagans,  the  cause  of  religion  would  gain 
thereby — invaded  Hellas,  plundering  and  destroying  whole 
districts  and  cities,  slaughtering  the  men,  and  carrying  away 
the  women  and  children.  Stilicho,  however,  entered  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, vigorously  attacked  the  Goths,  and  forced  them  to 
retreat  into  Epirus,  whence,  four  years  later,  Alaric  led  his 
warriors  against  Italy,  where  he  continued  for  a  long  time 
his  career  of  devastation. 

Eutropius  was  beheaded  in  399,  and  the  government 
passed  virtually  into  the  hands  of  Eudoxia,  who  managed  the 
affairs  of  the  empire  with  great  moderation  until  her  death, 
which  occurred  shortly  before  that  of  Arcadius,  in  408.  The 
whole  machinery  of  the  government  was  by  this  time  in  the 
hands  of  the  barbarians,  who  had  acquired  great  preponder- 
ance in  the  East ;  for  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  not  only 
Alaric  and  Gainas  were  Goths,  but  Eudoxia  herself  was  the 
daughter  of  a  Frankish  general. 


ARCADIUS  AND  HONORIUS.  319 

What,  then,  became  of  that  Hellenic  nation  which,  resus- 
citated by  Christianity,  seemed  destined  to  establish  a  new 
and  great  empire  in  the  East  ?  Did  it  surrender  itself  to  the 
barbarians  without  battle  and  in  silence  ?  No,  certainly ! 
The  Hellenic  nation  in  the  East,  after  long  and  incessant 
combats,  finally'  drove  away  the  barbarians.  The  kingdom, 
the  language,  philology,  art,  law,  and  government,  all  came 
out  of  the  struggle  Hellenic ;  perhaps  somewhat  mutilated 
and  bearing  deep  scars,  but,  like  the  wounds  of  veterans,  re- 
dounding to  its  honor. 

John  Chrysostom. 

John,  who  on  account  of  his  inimitable  eloquence  was 
surnamed  Chrysostom  or  the  Golden-mouthed,  was  born  in 
344,  of  a  prominent  family  in  Antioch.  He  studied  rhetoric 
with  the  famous  sophist  Libanius,  a  faithful  adherent  of  the 
ancient  religion,  who  vainly  strove,  through  the  Homeric 
hymns,  which  he  explained  with  rare  eloquence,  to  induce 
his  pupil  to  abandon  the  Christian  religion.  Chrysostom  at 
first  practiced  law  in  Antioch,  but  soon  entered  the  service 
of  the  church.  Deeming  himself  unprepared  for  duties  so 
responsible,  he  abandoned  the  world  and  spent  six  years  in  the 
desert  in  prayer  and  meditation.  He  had  already  acquired 
great  renown  by  his  learning,  piety,  and  goodness  ;  and  on 
his  return  to  Antioch,  the  bishop  gladly  permitted  him  to 
preach  the  word  of  God  in  that  great  and  flourishing  city,  in- 
habited alike  by  Christians,  Jews,  and  idolaters,  all  of  whom 
spoke  the  Hellenic  tongue.  Like  the  people  of  ancient  Hel- 
las, the  Christian  communities  were  effectively  swayed  by  the 
power  of  speech  ;  and  the  brilliant  interpreter  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, with  his  fiery  imagination  and  allegorical  art,  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  Hellenes,  both  Christian  and  pagan. 
His  discourses  form  a  complete  system  of  moral  instructions, 
imbued  with  his  brilliant  genius,  deep  knowledge  of  the  hu- 
man heart,  and  truly  evangelical  goodness.  Furthermore, 


320  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

they  depict,  as  if  on  successive  mirrors,  the  society  of  the 
times,  standing  as  it  were  on  the  boundaries  of  Christianity 
and  idolatry.  His  preaching  created  such  enthusiasm  that 
great  numbers  of  the  people,  abandoning  every  career  of 
activity,  devoted  themselves  to  the  service  of  God.  Chry- 
sostom,  unfortunately,  did  not  understand  the  danger  aris- 
ing from  this  movement,  and  did  not  attempt  to  check  the 
irresistible  current  he  had  himself  set  in  motion.  He  stig- 
matized severely  the  abuses  which  many  committed  under 
cover  of  the  monastic  garb,  but  did  not  strongly  oppose 
retirement  from  the  world.  He  sought  rather  to  arouse  in 
the  hearts  of  his  people  the  sentiments  of  philanthropy  and 
piety,  firmly  believing  that  these  virtues  alone  would  inevi- 
tably produce  others  tending  to  the  preservation  of  the  com- 
munity. No  other  orator,  minister,  or  moralist  ever  repre- 
sented so  forcibly  and  so  eloquently  the  misfortunes  of  man, 
or  more  strongly  moved  or  more  persuasively  called  forth  his 
best  impulses.  The  preaching  of  Chrysostom,  while  learned, 
was  at  the  same  time  popular.  He  knew  how  to  take  hold 
of  the  souls  of  his  hearers  by  pictures  of  their  daily  life  ;  he 
was  the  public  counselor,  the  guide  and  comforter  of  every 
citizen,  the  type  and  example  of  religious  eloquence  and  min- 
isterial office,  remaining  to  this  day  unsurpassed  even  by  the 
most  distinguished  of  divines. 

In  397  Nectarius,  archbishop  of  Constantinople,  died,  and 
both  the  emperor  and  the  people  with  one  accord  named  as 
his  successor  the  greatest  orator  of  Christianity.  All  the 
excesses  and  abuses  which  Chrysostom  had  for  so  many 
years  stigmatized  in  Antioch  appeared  before  him  in  all 
their  brazen  effrontery  in  the  queen  of  cities.  The  levity 
and  sumptuousness  of  the  court  beggar  description  ;  the 
magistrates  spent  their  resources  in  the  races  ;  the  multitude 
idly  passed  their  time  there  ;  the  profanity  and  immorality 
of  the  drama  and  song  in  the  theatres  surpassed  all  bounds  ; 
and  many  of  the  monks,  leaving  their  retreat,  filled  the  streets 


ARCADIUS  AND  HONORIUS.  321 

and  houses  of  Constantinople,  plotting  and  committing  every 
kind  of  crime.  It  is  evident  that  in  such  a  society,  in  tho 
presence  of  these  impious  violators  of  the  most  sacred  ordi- 
nances, Chrysostom  could  not  long  remain  silent.  He  was 
the  best,  the  mildest,  and  most  patient  of  men,  whenever  he 
had  to  advise  the,  many — those  who,  either  from  ignorance 
or  weakness,  had  violated  their  duty.  But  in  the  presence 
of  hardened  wickedness,  before  haughty  sin  and  base -hy- 
pocrisy, and  especially  before  the  audacious  sacrilegiousness 
of  the  monks,  this  same  Chrysostom  became  inflexible,  im- 
patient, severe. 

The  pastoral  labors  of  the  archbishop  of  Constantinople 
naturally  provoked  and  gradually  united  against  him  two 
classes  of  enemies  :  the  aspiring  clergy,  who  envied  his  suc- 
cess, and  the  ministers  and  ladies  of  the  court,  who  were 
offended  by  his  reproofs.  The  empress  Eudoxia,  also  an- 
gered by  his  course,  secretly  planned  for  his  exile,  and  to 
this  end  communicated  with  Theophilus,  archbishop  of  Alex- 
andria, who,  we  are  told,  had  been  exasperated  by  some  per- 
sonal disputes  with  Chrysostom.  By  the  private  invitation 
of  the  empress,  Theophilus  landed  at  Constantinople  with  a 
stout  body  of  Egyptian  mariners,  to  overpower  the  populace, 
and  a  train  of  dependent  bishops,  to  secure  by  their  voices 
the  majority  of  a  synod,  which  was  convened  in  the  sub- 
urb Chalkedon.  A  bishop  and  a  deacon  accused  the  arch- 
bishop of  Constantinople  ;  but  as  Chrysostom  refused  to 
trust  either  his  person  or  his  reputation  to  his  implacable 
enemies,  they  condemned  his  contumacious  disobedience, 
and  hastily  pronounced  a  sentence  of  deposition.  The  arch- 
bishop was  rudely  arrested  and  conducted  through  the  city 
by  one  of  the  imperial  messengers,  who  landed  him,  after  a 
short  voyage,  near  the  entrance  of  the  Euxine,  from  which 
place,  before  the  expiration  of  two  days,  he  was  gloriously 
recalled  (A.  D.  403). 

The  first  astonishment  of  his  faithful  people  had  been 


322  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

mute  and  passive  ;  but  they  soon  rose  with  unanimous  and 
irresistible  fury.  Theophilus  escaped,  but  the  promiscuous 
crowd  of  monks  and  Egyptian  mariners  was  slaughtered 
without  pity  in  the  streets  of  Constantinople.  The  torrent 
of  sedition  rolled  onward  to  the  gates  of  the  palace  ;  and 
the  empress,  agitated  by  fear  and  remorse,  threw  herself  at 
the  feet  of  Arcadius,  and  confessed  that  the  public  safety 
could  be  purchased  only  by  the  restoration  of  Chrysostom. 
The  Bosporus  was  covered  with  innumerable  vessels,  and 
the  acclamations  of  a  victorious  people  accompanied  from 
the  port  to  the  cathedral  the  triumphant  return  of  the  arch- 
bishop. 

Ignorant  or  careless  of  impending  danger,  Chrysostom 
declaimed  against  the  profane  honors  which  were  addressed, 
almost  in  the  precincts  of  St.  Sophia,  to  the  statue  of  the  em- 
press. His  fearless  policy  (which  some  western  writers  call 
imprudence)  tempted  his  enemies  to  inflame  the  haughty 
spirit  of  Eudoxia,  by  reporting,  and  perhaps  inventing,  the 
famous  exordium  of  a  sermon  :  "  Herodias  is  again  furious  ; 
Herodias  again  dances  ;  she  once  more  requires  the  head  of 
John."  *  This  allusion  enraged  Eudoxia,  and  Arcadius  was 
prevailed  upon  to  convoke  a  numerous  council  of  the  eastern 
prelates,  who  confirmed  the  validity  of  the  former  sentence 
without  examining  into  its  justice.  A  detachment  of  barba- 
rian troops  was  introduced  into  the  city  to  suppress  the  resis- 
tance of  the  people  ;  and  on  the  vigil  of  Easter,  404,  Chry- 
sostom was  carried  to  the  remote  and  desolate  town  of  Cu- 
cusus,  among  the  ridges  of  Mount  Taurus,  in  Lesser  Armenia. 
After  remaining  there  three  years,  an  order  was  dispatched 
for  his  instant  removal  to  the  desert  of  Pityus  ;  and  his 
guards  so  faithfully  obeyed  their  cruel  instructions,  that  be- 
fore he  reached  the  sea-coast  of  the  Euxine  he  expired  at 
Comana,  in  Pontus,  in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age,  a  few 
months  before  his  bitter  enemy  Eudoxia. 

*  Gibbon. 


THEODOSIUS  II.  323 

Such  was  the  end  of  this  brilliant  and  inspired  man. 
About  four  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  discourses  are  extant, 
which  justly  proclaim  him  the  greatest  of  preachers.  Thirty 
years  later,  at  the  request  of  the  people  of  Constantinople, 
his  remains  were  brought  to  the  city,  and  the  emperor  The- 
odosius  II,  advancing  as  far  as  Chalkedon,  received  them,  and 
prayed  for  the  forgiveness  of  his  dead  parents  Arcadius  and 
Eudoxia. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THEODOSIUS    II. 

Pulcheria  and  Athenais. 

AECADIUS  died  A.  D.  408,  in  the  thirty-first  year  of  his 
age,  after  a  nominal  reign  of  thirteen  years.  He  was  succeed- 
ed by  his  son  Theodosius  II,  surnamed  Mikros  or  the  Small, 
in  contrast  with  his  great-grandfather.  As  he  was  only 
seven  years  of  age,  the  government  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  prefect  Anthemius,  a  man  distinguished  for  wisdom,  ex- 
perience, and  courage.  Owing,  however,  to  the  jealousy  of 
the  other  prefects,  Pulcheria,  the  sister  of  Theodosius,  who 
was  only  two  years  older  than  her  brother,  received  at  the 
age  of  sixteen  the  title  of  Augusta,  and  virtually  assumed 
the  government  of  the  empire.  Pulcheria  embraced  a  life  of 
celibacy,  and  "  dedicated  her  virginity  to  God."  Indeed,  we 
are  told  that  she  renounced  all  vanity  in  dress,  interrupted 
by  frequent  fasts  her  simple  and  frugal  diet,  and  devoted 
several  hours  of  the  day  and  night  to  the  exercises  of  prayer 
and  psalmody.  But  the  education  which  she  gave  her  broth- 
er, who  continued  until  his  death  to  be  a  cipher  in  the  gov- 
ernment, plainly  showed  that  Pulcheria  wished  to  restrict  to 
herself  the  absolute  command  of  the  empire.  Instead  of 


324  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

devoting  his  energies  to  public  affairs,  Theodosius  passed  his 
days  in  riding  and  hunting,  and  his  evenings  in  prayer,  in 
modeling,  and  in  copying  sacred  books  ;  and  he  acquired 
such  dexterity  in  this  latter  art  that  the  people  bestowed  upon 
him  the  ironical  name  of  Kalligraphos,  the  fine  writer  or 
teacher  of  writing. 

Affairs  accordingly  passed  exclusively  into  the  hands  of 
Pulcheria,  and  during  her  long  reign  of  nearly  forty  years 
(414-453)  the  empire  was  governed  more  wisely  than  could 
have  been  hoped,  considering  the  internal  and  external  diffi- 
culties with  which  she  had  to  contend.  The  throne  of  Con- 
stantinople had  been  hitherto  occupied  by  empresses  of  for- 
eign descent  ;  but  during  the  reign  of  Theodosius  Mikros 
the  royal  purple  was  worn  by  a  genuine  Helleness,  the  famous 
Athenais,  daughter  of  the  Athenian  philosopher  Leontius, 
who  had  educated  her  in  the  religion  and  sciences  of  the 
Greeks.  Leontius  had  three  children,  two  sons  and  one 
daughter,  Athenais,  distinguished  for  her  beauty  and  intelli- 
gence, as  well  as  for  her  accomplishments  in  rhetoric  and 
philosophy.  But,  while  she  had  received  many  evidences  of 
paternal  love  and  solicitude,  she  was  at  her  father's  death, 
apparently  without  cause,  disinherited  by  his  will  of  nearly 
all  the  property  which  he  left.  Finding  herself  without  re- 
sources, she  repaired  to  Constantinople  to  submit  her  rights 
to  Pulcheria,  who  was  so  much  attracted  by  the  grace  and 
talent  of  Athenais  that  forthwith  she  determined  to  make 
her  the  wife  of  Theodosius.  She  accordingly  spoke  to  her 
brother  of  the  daughter  of  Leontius,  whom  she  described  as 
a  Grecian  maiden,  well  arrayed,  of  delicate  features,  with 
skin  white  as  snow,  large  eyes,  golden  hair,  well-shaped  feet, 
and  most  admirably  educated.  Theodosius  was  curious  to 
see  this  excellent  creature,  and,  standing  behind  a  curtain, 
feasted  his  eyes  on  the  charms  of  Athenais,  says  one  of  the 
ancient  chroniclers,  and  at  once  decided  to  make  her  his  wife. 
The  nuptials  were  celebrated  magnificently.  Athenais  was 


THEODOSIUS  II.  325 

easily  persuaded  to  renounce  the  errors  of  paganism,  and 
received  at  her  baptism  the  Christian  name  of  Eudokia. 
The  title  of  Augusta,  however,  was  given  to  her  only  in 
the  following  year,  when  she  bore  to  the  emperor  a  daugh- 
ter Eudoxia,  who  when  fifteen  years  old  espoused  Valen- 
tinian  III,  the  emperor  of  the  West. 

In  the  luxury  of  the  palace  Eudokia  still  cultivated  those 
arts  which  had  led  to  her  greatness,  and  by  her  learning 
and  poetical  productions  she  contributed  much  to  the  re- 
finement of  the  court  of  Constantinople.  Forgetting,  how- 
ever, her  obligations  to  Pulcheria,  she  sought  to  obtain  the 
direction  of  the  Eastern  Empire ;  and  this  unwarranted 
ambition  caused  her  downfall.  Feeling  that  she  had  lost 
the  affection  of  Theodosius,  she  requested  permission  to  re- 
tire to  the  distant  solitude  of  Jerusalem ;  but  the  vindic- 
tive spirit  of  Pulcheria,  as  well  as  the  violent  jealousy  of 
Theodosius,  aroused  by  false  aspersions  against  the  honor  of 
his  wife,  caused  the  unhappy  Eudokia  to  suffer  still  greater 
misfortunes.  Stripped  of  the  honors  of  her  rank,  she  was 
disgraced,  and  spent  sixteen  years  in  exile  and  devotion. 
After  experiencing  the  various  vicissitudes  of  human  life, 
the  daughter  of  the  philosopher  Leontius  died  at  Jerusalem 
in  460,  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  her  age,  declaring  to  the 
last  her  innocence  of  the  charges  against  her. 

Ancient  Hellenism  in  the  mean  time  continued  to  wither 
in  Hellas,  while  the  modern  began  to  spread  and  strengthen 
itself  in  Constantinople.  Yet  from  this  time  onward  Hel- 
lenic literature  produced  none  of  those  works  by  which  the 
memory  of  nations  is  honored  and  perpetuated.  How  are 
we  to  explain  this  long  intellectual  sterility  in  a  people  to 
whom  many  failings  may  be  attributed,  but  never  worthless- 
ness  in  the  productions  of  the  mind  ?  Why  did  Christian 
Hellenism,  which  even  during  the  fourth  century  brought 
forth  orators  and  poets  to  this  day  admired  and  extolled, 
suddenly,  like  a  noble  tree  struck  by  a  violent  wind,  cease  to 


326  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

bear  its  precious  fruits  ?  This  intellectual  decline  is  mainly 
due  to  the  incursions  of  the  barbarians,  by  which  society  was 
shaken  from  its  very  foundations,  and  the  genius  and  enter- 
prise of  the  nation  almost  paralyzed. 

Ne8toriusy  Patriarch  of  Constantinople. 

Nestorius  was  born  in  Germanikeia  of  Syria,  and  was 
made  patriarch  of  Constantinople  on  the  10th  of  April,  428. 
Influenced  by  philosophical  investigations,  he  propounded  a 
doctrine  much  like  that  of  the  Arians  ;  for  Nestorius  thought 
that  we  ought  to  distinguish  between  the  divine  and  human 
natures  of  Christ.  He  revered  Mary  as  the  mother  of  Christ, 
but  would  not  accept  her  as  T7teotokos,  or  the  progenitrix  of 
God ;  for  he  deemed  the  human  nature  of  Christ  to  be  the 
cloak,  the  organ,  the  temple,  as  it  were,  of  his  divine  nature. 
It  is  evident  that  this  belief  tended  to  represent  the  Savionr 
as  a  man — sharing,  indeed,  in  the  divine  nature,  but  not  the 
less  a  man,  and  not  identical  with  the  Father. 

Through  the  watchful  energy  of  Pulcheria,  a  royal  decree 
was  issued  in  430,  by  which  all  the  archbishops  of  the  em- 
pire were  invited  to  come  to  Ephesus  during  the  Pentecost 
of  the  following  year.  The  synod  began  its  sessions  June 
22d.  About  two  hundred  archbishops  were  present,  all  of 
whom  condemned  the  heresy  of  Nestorius  ;  but,  as  he  refused 
to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  council,  he  was  by  a  royal 
edict  banished  to  an  oasis  in  the  Libyan  desert. 

Theodosius  died  in  450,  and  Pulcheria  continued  the 
sovereignty  in  her  own  name  and  in  that  of  her  nominal 
husband,  Marcian,  who  had  sworn  to  respect  the  promise 
made  to  God  of  passing  her  life  in  celibacy.  Pulcheria,  even 
in  her  foreign  relations,  preserved  to  a  great  extent  the  glory 
of  the  Eastern  Empire.  The  successor  of  Yezdegerd,  king 
of  the  Persians,  had  ordered  a  fierce  persecution  against  the 
Christians  ;  wherefore  war  was  declared  between  the  two  em- 
pires, in  which  the  Persian  troops  were  repeatedly  worsted. 


THEODOSIUS  II.  327 


Attila. 

But  the  greatest  and  most  direful  event  of  the  reign  of 
Pulcheria  was  the  destructive  invasion  of  the  Huns.  In  424 
the  fierce  and  avaricious  Attila,  the  "  SCOURGE  OF  GOD,"  ob- 
tained the  chief  command  of  the  Huns.  His  features  bore 
the  stamp  of  his  national  origin  ;  and  the  portrait  of  Attila 
exhibits  the  genuine  deformity  of  a  modern  Calmuck — a  large 
head,  a  swarthy  complexion,  small  deep-set  eyes,  a  flat  nose, 
a  few  hairs  in  place  of  a  beard,  broad  shoulders,  and  a  short, 
square  body,  of  nervous  strength,  though  of  a  dispropor- 
tioned  form.*  Led  by  such  a  warrior,  the  Huns  ravaged 
without  resistance  and  without  mercy  the  suburbs  of  Con- 
stantinople (the  city  itself  was  protected  by  a  wall),  and  the 
provinces  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia,  until  finally  Theodosius 
was  induced  to  solicit  the  clemency  of  Attila,  who  imperi- 
ously dictated  most  harsh  and  humiliating  terms. 

•Shortly  after  this  inglorious  peace  Theodosius  died  ;  and 
when  Attila  haughtily  demanded  the  fulfillment  of  the 
treaty,  Marcian  responded  that  he  did  not  intend  to  abide  by 
such  an  agreement,  and  forthwith  declared  war.  Attila,  how- 
ever, soon  afterward  started  on  his  great  western  expedi- 
tion, during  which  he  was  defeated  in  Gaul  in  451  by  the 
brave  Ae'tius,  and  his  death,  which  occurred  two  years  later 
(453),  freed  the  Eastern  Empire  from  a  terrible  danger. 

Marcian  died  in  457,  leaving  the  public  treasury  in  a 
flourishing  condition.  With  the  death  of  Pulcheria,  which 
had  occurred  three  years  before,  and  that  of  Valentinian  III, 
the  nephew  and  successor  of  Honorius  in  the  West,  the  fam- 
ily of  Theodosius  the  Great  for  ever  disappeared. 

*  Gibbon. 


328  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

END   OF  TUB   BOMAN   BULE. 

Leo  the  Thracian. 

MABCIAN  was  succeeded  by  Leo  Thrax  (the  Thracian), 
whom  Aspar,  the  richest  and  most  powerful  man  in  the  East, 
placed  upon  the  throne  ;  for,  being  an  Arian,  and  unwilling 
to  abjure  his  belief,  he  did  not  dare  to  mount  the  throne 
himself.  Later,  however,  he  was  put  to  death  by  Leo  on 
the  ground  of  treason.  Leo  was  the  first  emperor  who  re- 
ceived the  diadem  from  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  as 
formerly  the  emperors  were  elected  by  the  political  and  mili- 
tary rulers  of  the  empire.  Gibbon  blames  this  practice  ;  but 
with  the  Greeks  this  ceremony  is  purely  religious,  and  has 
no  political  significance  whatever.  Its  sole  purpose  is  to  call 
the  blessing  of  God  on  the  highest  political  magistrate,  and 
to  receive  from  him  the  assurance,  made  in  the  presence  of 
God,  that  he  will  observe  both  the  duties  intrusted  to  him 
by  the  community  and  the  regulations  and  doctrines  of  re- 
ligion. 

The  most  noteworthy  event  of  the  reign  of  Leo  was  his 
disastrous  expedition  against  the  Vandals  in  Africa.  The 
fleet  that  sailed  from  Constantinople  to  Carthage  consisted 
of  eleven  hundred  and  thirteen  ships,  and  the  number  of  sol- 
diers and  mariners  exceeded  one  hundred  thousand.  Basi- 
liscus,  the  brother  of  the  empress  Verina,  was  intrusted  with 
this  important  command,  but  shortly  afterward  returned  to 
Constantinople  with  the  loss  of  more  than  half  of  his  fleet 
and  army.  Soon  afterward  northern  barbarians,  taking 
courage  at  this  disaster,  invaded  anew  the  Eastern  Empire, 
and  Leo  was  forced  to  make  peace  with  them,  granting  terri- 
tory and  acknowledging  them  as  his  allies.  But,  although 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.          329 

Leo  failed  in  his  warlike  undertakings  as  well  as  in  the  for- 
mation of  a  strong  national  army,  he  is  justly  considered  one 
of  the  benefactors  of  the  Eastern  Empire  ;  for  he  not  only 
greatly  diminished  the  tax  of  Antioch,  which  city  had  suf- 
fered from  a  most  disastrous  earthquake,  but  also  exempted 
from  taxation  the  citizens  who  rebuilt  their  houses. 

Leo  died  in  474.  •  Two  years  later  the  last  Roman  em- 
peror, who  had  the  strange  name  of  Romulus  Augustulus, 
was  dethroned.  In  476  Odoacer,  a  German,  was  proclaimed 
king  of  Italy,  and  from  that  year  onward  all  political  relations 
between  Rome  and  the  Eastern  Empire  ceased.  It  is  true 
that  the  emperors  of  the  East  continued  to  be  styled  em- 
perors of  the  Romans,  but  legislation,  government,  and  cus- 
toms became  thoroughly  Hellenized. 

Zeno — Anastasius — Justin  I. 

Leo  left  no  sons,  but  only  daughters,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
Ariadne,  married  Zeno  the  Isaurian,  by  whom  she  had  a  son, 
who  was  proclaimed  Augustus  as  Leo  II.  The  sovereignty, 
however,  soon  passed  into  the  hands  of  Zeno,  because  Leo  II 
survived  his  grandfather  only  by  four  years.  The  first  em- 
peror of  the  independent  Eastern  Empire  therefore  was  an 
Isaurian,*  but  completely  Hellenized,  and  forced  to  accept  a 
Hellenic  name  f  and  the  Hellenic  religion.  He  died  in  491, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Anastasius,  a  friend  of  Ariadne, 
whom  he  married  shortly  after  ascending  the  throne.  The 
only  noteworthy  feature  of  his  career  is  the  successful  wars 
he  waged  against  the  Isaurians  ;  for  he  is  said  to  have  com- 
pletely defeated  them,  and  to  have  razed  all  their  castles 
and  fortifications. 

Anastasius  died  in  518  without  leaving  any  issue,  and 
Justin,  the  chief  of  the  body-guards,  was  proclaimed  emperor. 

*  Isauria  was  a  mountainous  district  of  Asia  Minor,  little  known,  lying 
between  Lykaonia,  Phrygia,  Pisidia,  and  Kilikia. 
f  Hia  Isaurian  name  is  not  known. 
35 


330  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

lie  was  born  near  the  ruins  of  Sardica,  the  modern  Sophia, 
in  A.  D.  482  or  483,  of  an  obscure  race  of  barbarians,  the 
inhabitants  of  a  wild  and  desolate  country,  to  which  the 
names  Dardania,  Dacia,  and  Bulgaria  have  been  successively 
applied.  He  was  the  progenitor  of  a  dynasty  which  lasted 
only  sixty  years,  but  exercised  a  great  influence  on  the  for- 
tunes of  the  Eastern  Empire.  According  to  the  rhetori- 
cian Prokopius,  he  was  so  ignorant  that  he  could  not  write 
the  word  legi,  meaning  "  I  have  read,"  which  the  emperors 
of  the  East  were  wont  to  inscribe  on  the  edicts  issued.  He 
certainly  possessed  much  military  ability,  and  secured  his 
empire  against  the  invasions  of  northern  barbarians ;  but 
he  could  not  have  conceived  the  idea  of  the  great  political 
changes  with  which  the  name  of  his  family  is  linked,  if  he 
had  not  had  for  co-worker  his  nephew  and  successor  Jus-. 

tinian. 

Justinian  I. 

Justinian  (527-565)  was  also  born  in  Dardania,  and  ac- 
quired through  the  care  of  his  uncle  varied  and  extensive 
learning.  He  was  naturally  of  a  thoughtful  disposition,  but 
he  possessed  such  extraordinary  energy  and  strength,  that 
often  one  hour's  sleep  was  enough  to  rest  his  body,  while  the 
remainder  of  the  night  was  given  to  incessant  study.  The 
mainspring  of  his  success  in  life  was  an  unrestrained  desire 
for  great  deeds,  and  his  wonderful  good  fortune  in  the  choice 
of  his  ministers.  Hence,  many  of  the  events  of  Justinian's 
reign  are  indeed  wonderful :  his  expeditions  to  Africa,  Italy, 
and  Spain,  the  rebuilding  of  St.  Sophia,  the  codification  of 
the  laws,  and  the  construction  of  the  numerous  fortifications 
with  which  he  strengthened  his  empire  against  foreign  inva- 
sion. Justinian  has  been  often  extolled  by  historians  in  the 
most  lavish  terms,  and  as  often  unsparingly  condemned. 
He  was  at  times  forced  to  bear  the  defects  of  the  creators 
of  his  own  glory,  and  hence  committed  blunders  which  ob- 
scured the  most  splendid  pages  of  his  rule.  He  constantly 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.  331 

suspected  the  fidelity  of  his  generals,  and  especially  of  the 
most  distinguished  of  them  all,  the  great  Belisarius.  He 
was  exceedingly  vainglorious,  and  erected  edifices  dispro- 
portionate to  the  resources  and  requirements  of  the  empire. 

His  wife  Theodora  contributed  much  to  the  strengthen- 
ing and  splendor  of  his  rule.  The  life  of  this  woman  pre- 
sents a  curious  illustration  of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  a  man  who  earned  his  living  by 
taking  care  of  the  wild  beasts  maintained  by  one  of  the  fac- 
tions at  Constantinople,  and  passed  her  early  youth  in  un- 
checked immorality.  Impelled  by  some  better  impulse,  she 
suddenly  reformed,  and  dedicated  her  life  to  the  saving  of 
women  of  her  former  class.  Then  Justinian  saw  her,  and 
fell  so  madly  in  love  with  her  that,  in  spite  of  her  previous 
career,  he  married  her.  It  is  not  difficult  to  explain  the 
passion  of  the  young  man,  judging  from  the  still  extant 
pictures  of  Theodora,  which  represent  her  as  a  blooming 
woman,  possessed  of  fine  features,  piercing  eyes,  and  a  most 
captivating  expression. 

In  527  Justin  died,  and  Justinian  celebrated  magnifi- 
cently his  accession  to  the  throne.  Splendid  victories  over 
the  Persians,  whom  he  compelled  to  sue  for  peace,  glorified 
his  early  years.  Belisarius,  the  general  who  imparted  such 
eminent  distinction  to  the  reign  of  Justinian,  began  his  career 
in  this  war.  He  was  born  in  Thrace,  of  an  obscure  family, 
but  through  his  rare  military  talents  soon  reached  the  rank 
of  general  of  the  Byzantine  army.  In  the  mean  time  Justin- 
ian occupied  himself  with  the  creation  of  his  most  glorious 
and  useful  memorials,  for  he  ordered  the  composition  of  the 
celebrated  collection  of  laws  comprising  the  Institutes,  the 
Digest  or  Pandects,  and  the  Code.  The  work  was  intrusted 
to  ten  law-teachers,  over  whom  the  famous  Tribonian  pre- 
sided. He  was  a  native  of  Side  in  Pamphylia,  and  at  first 
practiced  law  ;  but  the  unerring  eye  of  Justinian  discovered 
him,  and  he  was  finally  made  minister  of  justice,  an  office 


332  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

then  much  more  exalted  than  at  present.  Gibbon  does  not 
hesitate  to  compare  the  mind  of  Tribonian  with  that  of  Ba- 
con ;  for,  like  that  of  the  English  philosopher,  it  embraced 
all  the  business  and  knowledge  of  the  age.  He  wrote  both 
in  prose  and  poetry  on  numerous  subjects — philological, 
poetical,  philosophical,  political,  and  physical.  He  busied 
himself  with  various  arts,  and  especially  political  science,  of 
which  his  head  was  the  completest  library  of  those  times. 
His  vast  learning,  like  that  of  Bacon,  was  adorned  with  elo- 
quence, wisdom,  moderation,  and  that  address  which  disarms 
hostility  and  enchants  both  the  lowly  and  the  great.  Un- 
fortunately, he  had  not  only  the  virtues  of  Bacon,  but  also 
one  of  his  vices  ;  for  he  is  said  to  have  often  used  his  exalted 
position  and  vast  learning  in  satisfying  the  ignoble  passion 
of  avarice. 

But,  while  Justinian  was  occupied  with  these  great  works, 
he  almost  lost  his  throne  in  532,  through  an  outbreak  which 
occurred  among  the  so-called  parties  of  the  race-course. 
Chariot-racing  always  formed  the  principal  part  of  the  Hel- 
lenic festivals,  the  most  famous  of  which  were  the  Isthmian, 
Nemean,  Pythian,  and  Olympian.  These  celebrations  were 
transplanted  after  the  spread  of  Hellenism  to  the  most  noted 
cities  of  the  East.  The  chariot-races  of  Constantinople  are 
especially  worthy  of  mention,  and  were  at  first  conducted 
much  after  the  Roman  fashion.  The  race  in  its  first  institu- 
tion, as  Gibbon  says,  was  a  simple  contest  of  two  chariots, 
whose  drivers  were  distinguished  by  white  and  red  liveries  ; 
two  additional  colors,  a  light  green  and  a  cerulean  blue, 
were  afterward  introduced ;  and  as  the  races  were  repeated 
twenty-five  times,  one  hundred  chariots  contributed  to  the 
pomp  of  the  circus.  But  at  the  same  time  as  many  parties 
were  formed,  whose  turbulent  and  bloody  strifes  often  trou- 
bled the  city.  If  these  races,  however,  were  organized  after 
the  Roman  type,  the  Hellenic  character  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Constantinople,  and  the  recollections  by  which  they  were 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.          333 

surrounded,  modified  much  the  spirit  of  this  celebration. 
The  hippodrome,  or  race-course  (now  called  the  At  Meidan 
or  Horse  Square),  was  adorned  with  many  statues  of  the 
Homeric  gods  and  heroes,  as  well  as  with  a  vast  number  of 
others  representing  both  heathen  and  Christian  emperors, 
philosophers,  physicians,  and  charioteers.  Among  the  other 
works  of  Hellenic,  Roman,  and  Egyptian  art  collected  there, 
special  admiration  was  excited  by  the  bronze  Hercules,  "  the 
first  and  last  work  "  *  of  Lysippus  ;  the  Kalydonian  Kapros, 
also  of  bronze  ;  and  the  bronze  eagle  which  stood  at  the  gate, 
with  outstretched  wings,  tearing  a  serpent  with  its  claws. 
But  it  would  be  impossible  to  give  a  full  description  of  this 
magnificent  race-course.  We  may  simply  add  that  the  hip- 
podrome represented  exactly  the  noblest  elements  of  which 
the  Eastern  Empire  was  composed  ;  because  one  could  here 
see  the  Roman,  Eastern,  heathen,  Christian,  and,  above  all, 
the  Hellenic  traditions  ;  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  Constanti- 
nople could  not  remain  indifferent  to  their  ancestral  glory 
before  so  many  masterly  representations  of  it. 

About  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Justinian  a  long 
and  bloody  strife  arose,  caused  probably  by  one  of  the  fac- 
tions of  the  race-course,  which  sought  to  place  on  the  throne 
a  nephew  of  Anastasius.  For  the  space  of  four  days  the 
capital  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  factionists  ;  and,  as  it 
usually  happens  on  such  occasions,  they  committed  number- 
less atrocities,  burning,  pillaging,  and  killing.  The  Byzan- 
tine palace  enjoyed  a  free  communication  with  the  sea ; 
vessels  lay  ready  at  the  garden  stairs,  and  a  resolution  was 
already  formed  by  Justinian  to  convey  his  family  and  trea- 
sures to  a  safe  retreat  at  some  distance  from  the  capital,  when 
the  firmness  of  his  wife  Theodora  and  of  Belisarius  inspired 
the  emperor  with  the  determination  to  remain  and  crush  out 
the  revolution.  The  fidelity  of  the  army  was  doubtful ; 
but  the  body-guard  of  Justinian  consisted  of  three  thou- 

*  "Epyov  irpurov  /col  vffraroy. 


334  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

sand  veterans,  who  had  been  trained  to  valor  and  discipline 
in  the  Persian  and  Illyrian  wars  under  the  illustrious  Beli- 
sarius.  Led  by  him  and  by  Mundus,  an  Illyrian,  they  silently 
marched  in  two  divisions  from  the  palace,  forced  their  way 
through  narrow  passages,  expiring  flames,  and  falling  edi- 
fices, and  burst  open  at  the  same  moment  the  two  opposite 
gates  of  the  hippodrome.  A  large  multitude  had  collected 
there,  which  at  once  attacked  them;  but  Belisarius  and  Mun- 
dus charged  in  military  order,  and  the  battle  soon  became  a 
carnage,  lasting  for  several  hours,  and  causing  the  death,  as 
it  is  supposed,  of  thirty  thousand  men.  Thus  ended,  after  a 
week's  duration,  this  bloody  revolt. 

Among  other  memorable  events  which  signalized  the  reign 
of  Justinian,  the  successful  wars  which  he  waged  against  the 
Vandals  in  Africa  and  the  Goths  in  Italy,  and  his  expeditions 
to  Sicily  and  Spain,  during  which  his  victorious  armies  were 
commanded  by  Belisarius,  are  of  special  importance.  In  the 
midst  of  his  victorious  career  in  the  West,  Belisarius  was 
summoned  to  fresh  victories  over  the  Persians  in  Asia.  He 
had  already  forced  the  brave  Chosroes  to  retreat  when  he 
was  again  called  to  another  field  of  action.  Hereupon  the 
Persian  armies  renewed  their  attacks,  and  the  contest  contin- 
ued for  about  twenty  years  with  indifferent  success,  when 
finally  both  parties,  exhausted,  concluded  in  562  a  peace  of 
fifty  years.  Chosroes  agreed  to  abandon  considerable*  claims 
of  territorial  aggrandizement,  and  Justinian  to  pay  a  yearly 
tribute  of  thirty  thousand  pounds. 

In  the  mean  time  other  misfortunes  occurred  by  reason  of 
northern  invasions  in  the  European  provinces  of  the  empire.* 

*  In  the  relation  of  the  foreign  invasions  which  occurred  during  the  reign 
of  Justinian,  we  have  for  the  most  part  followed  the  testimony  of  contempo- 
rary writers,  of  the  Illyrian  Markellinus,  of  Prokopius,  Agathias,  and  Male- 
las  ;  and  not,  as  many  modern  historians  have  done,  of  Theophanes,  Zonaras, 
Kedrenus,  Nikephorus,  Gregoras,  and  other  more  recent  writers,  who  not  only 
confound  the  dates  and  events,  but  have  always  a  tendency  to  represent  them 
rather  tragically. 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.  335 

As  early  as  499,  an  army  of  Bulgarians,  a  nation  of  the  Fin- 
nish race,  entered  the  empire  by  way  of  the  Danube,  and  later 
established  themselves  in  the  territory  between  the  Danube 
and  Mount  Hamius.  During  their  first  invasion  they  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  Illyria,  and,  as  they  were  returning  home 
through  Thrace,  were  attacked  by  the  Illyrian  general  Aris- 
tus,  leading  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ;  but 
he  was  utterly  defeated,  lost  four  thousand  men,  and  had  most 
of  his  officers  killed.  In  502  the  Bulgarians  again  ravaged 
Thrace,  and  in  517  they  penetrated  as  far  as  Macedonia, 
Thessaly,  and  ancient  Epirus.  The  emperor  Anastasius  sent 
to  the  governor  of  Illyria  one  thousand  pounds  of  gold  (equal 
to  1,300,000  drachmae),  with  which  to  liberate  the  prisoners 
of  war ;  but  this  sum  was  not  sufficient  to  ransom  all  the 
captives.  The  invasions  ceased  during  the  reign  of  Justin, 
because  that  warrior  strongly  fortified  those  parts  of  the  em- 
pire ;  but  after  his  death  they  were  repeated  not  only  by  the 
Bulgarians,  but  by  other  barbarians.  Shortly  after  the  acces- 
sion of  Justinian,  the  Antes,  a  Slavonic  tribe,  having  crossed 
the  Danube  with  a  large  army,  entered  Thrace,  but  suffered 
a  crushing  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Germanus,  the  imperial 
commander  in  that  region.  The  destruction  of  the  Antes  was 
succeeded  by  a  long  respite  from  northern  invasion.  Chil- 
budius,  the  successor  of  Germanus  (531),  inspired  the  bar- 
barians with  such  terror  that  for  three  years  they  not  only 
durst  not  cross  the  Danube,  but  they  were  often  defeated  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  in  their  own  territories.  Unfor- 
tunately, in  534,  in  one  of  these  expeditions,  Chilbudius  was 
killed  ;  and  accordingly  in  540,  and  again  in  546,  many  north- 
ern barbarians  committed  fearful  ravages. 

Finally,  in  the  thirty-second  winter  of  Justinian's  reign 
(559),  the  Danube  was  deeply  frozen,  and  Zabergan  led  the 
cavalry  of  the  Bulgarians  and  a  promiscuous  multitude  of 
Slavonians  as  far  as  Thrace.  Dividing  his  army  into  three 
parts,  he  dispatched  one  against  Hellas,  another  against  the 


336  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

Thracian  Chersonese,  and  the  third,  composed  of  seven  thou- 
sand horse,  he  led  in  person  against  the  capital,  plundering 
and  sacking  everything  on  his  way.  It  would  naturally  be 
supposed  that  the  long  walls  of  the  Queen  City  would  have 
defended  the  territory  of  Constantinople.  But  the  works  of 
man  are  impotent  against  the  assaults  of  nature.  A  recent 
earthquake  had  shaken  the  foundations  of  the  walls,  and  the 
forces  of  the  empire  were  employed  on  the  distant  frontiers 
of  Italy,  Africa,  and  Persia.  The  tents  of  Zabergan,  we  are 
told,  were  pitched  at  the  distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the 
city,  on  the  banks  of  a  small  river  which  encircled  Me- 
lanthias  and  afterward  fell  into  the  Propontis.  Justinian 
trembled  ;  by  his  command  the  vessels  of  gold  and  silver 
were  removed  from  the  churches  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
even  from  the  suburbs,  of  Constantinople  ;  the  ramparts  were 
lined  with  frightened  spectators  ;  the  Golden  Gate  was 
crowded  with  useless  generals  and  tribunes  ;  and  the  sen- 
ate shared  the  apprehensions  of  the  populace.*  In  this  crisis 
both  the  emperor  and  the  people  remembered  a  feeble  vet- 
eran, the  old  Belisarius,  who,  recalled  ten  years  previously 
from  the  army  in  Italy,  lived  at  Constantinople  as  a  private 
citizen,  neglected  by  the  government.  The  glory  he  had 
gained  from  almost  uninterrupted  victories  in  Asia,  Africa, 
and  Europe  ;  the  great  riches  he  had  amassed  from  Persian, 
Vandal,  and  Gothic  booty ;  the  influence  he  had  acquired 
both  in  the  army  and  the  community — all  these  causes  had 
excited,  if  not  the  envy,  at  least  the  suspicion  of  the  emperor. 
But  the  extreme  danger  with  which  Justinian  was  threatened 
compelled  him  to  intrust  again  to  that  veteran  the  safety  of 
all.  Accordingly  Belisarius,  summoning  his  old  comrades, 
mustered  a  small  force  of  three  hundred  horsemen,  and,  hav- 
ing drawn  the  enemy  into  a  narrow  pass  where  their  multi- 
tudes availed  them  nothing,  forced  them  to  seek  safety  in 
flight,  and  thus  Constantinople  was  saved.  The  enthusiasm 

*  Gibbon. 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.  337 

which  this  victory  kindled  at  Constantinople  excited  anew 
the  envy  of  his  enemies,  and  they  represented  to  the  emperor 
the  dangers  which  might  result  to  the  throne  should  Belisa- 
rius  achieve  any  new  successes.  He  was  therefore  hastily 
recalled  ;  and  Zabergan,  who  after  his  defeat  had  withdrawn 
to  a  respectful  distance,  continued  for  a  long  time  to  ravage 
the  territories  west  of  Constantinople. 

Such  were  the  misfortunes  inflicted  on  the  European 
provinces  of  the  empire  ;  and  since,  according  to  the  popular 
proverb,  "  an  evil  never  comes  alone,"  terrible  earthquakes 
destroyed  many  cities,  and  in  some  instances  the  sea,  swelling 
up,  completely  inundated  whole  regions.  Koroneia,  Anti- 
och,  Constantinople,  Nikomedeia,  and  many  other  cities  suf- 
fered greatly.  In  Antioch  alone  two  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand persons  are  said  to  have  perished  by  the  earthquake  of 
May  20,  528.  But  still  worse  misfortunes  were  caused  by  the 
great  plague  which  began  in  531,  and  continued  with  short 
intervals  for  upward  of  fifty  years.  This  destructive  disease 
appeared  first  in  Egypt,  and  thence,  tracing  as  it  were  a  dou- 
ble path,  it  spread  to  the  East,  over  Syria,  Persia,  and  the  In- 
dies, and  penetrated  to  the  West,  along  the  coast  of  Africa 
and  over  the  continent  of  Europe.  Prokopius,  in  the  twenty- 
second  chapter  of  his  second  book,  describes  the  disease  with 
a  minuteness  worthy  of  Thucydides.  In  fact,  exactly  the 
same  scenes  took  place  in  the  Byzantine  empire  as  later  in 
1720  at  Marseilles,  when  the  plague  so  severely  attacked  that 
city.  The  French  physicians  would  not  believe  that  the  dis- 
ease was  contagious,  and  hence  at  Marseilles  alone,  out  of  a 
population  of  eighty  thousand,  fifty  thousand  are  said  to 
have  perished. 

The  Eastern  Empire,  accordingly,  during  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, and  especially  during  the  reign  of  Justinian,  suffered 
extraordinary  disasters — invasions,  destructions,  earthquakes, 
plagues,  and  a  fearful  famine  occasioned  by  the  accumula- 
tion of  so  many  evils.  But  we  must  not  accept  to  the  letter 


338  THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY. 

what  both  ancient  and  modern  writers  have  said  concerning 
the  enormous  destruction  of  human  beings.  Furthermore, 
we  must  not  forget  that  our  principal  source  of  information 
is  Prokopius,  and  that  in  his  work  entitled  "  Anekdota  "  he 
is  no  longer  a  historian,  but  an  intoxicated  maniac,  striving 
to  represent  Justinian  as  a  monster,  during  whose  reign,  on 
account  of  his  evil  courses,  the  human  race  was  almost  en- 
tirely wiped  out.  That  Gibbon  should  have  been  misled  by 
Prokopius  is,  to  say  the  least,  extremely  surprising.  For 
what  does  the  "  ten  thousand  myriads  of  myriads  "  whom 
Prokopius  declares  to  have  perished  mean  ?  If  we  accept  it 
as  a  rhetorical  figure,  simply  representing  the  great  number 
of  the  lost,  then  it  has  no  numerical  value  whatever.  But  if 
we  account  it  a  definite  sum,  we  confess  that  we  are  as- 
tounded at  the  absurdity  of  the  man  ;  for  he  asserts  that 
the  loss  exceeded  by  millions  the  population  of  our  globe 
to-day  !  Professor  Fallmerayer  of  Munich,  probably  basing 
his  calculations  on  the  assumptions  of  Prokopius,  amazed  the 
world  in  1830  by  announcing  his  wonderful  discovery  that 
the  modern  Greeks  are  not  Greeks,  but  Slavonians  !  Fall- 
merayer, accepting  as  it  seems  to  the  letter  the  ten  thousand 
myriads  of  myriads  of  Prokopius,  and  taking  into  considera- 
tion the  foreign  invasions,  famine,  etc.,  sought,  with  charac- 
teristic German  patience  and  an  overwhelming  force  of  rhe- 
torical arguments,  to  make  himself  notorious  by  marvelous 
assertions  and  startling  conclusions.  Carl  Hopf 's  work,  how- 
ever, has  now  reduced  his  deductions  to  their  just  propor- 
tions. The  loss  of  life  no  doubt  was  great,  but  the  empire 
did  not  cease  to  exist  and  to  flourish.  In  fact,  how  can  we 
accept  the  vagaries  of  Prokopius,  when,  eight  months  only 
after  "  the  complete  destruction  "  of  Antioch,  Malelas  rep- 
resents this  same  city- as  flourishing  and  populous,  and  tells 
of  magnificent  scenic  representations  which  were  interdicted 
by  an  edict  of  Justinian,  on  account  of  the  disturbances  of 
the  populace  ? 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.  339 

About  this  time  Justinian  was  also  afflicted  with  private 
misfortunes.  In  547  he  lost  his  wife,  to  whom  he  remained 
to  the  last  devotedly  attached,  and  in  564  ordered  the  im- 
prisonment of  Belisarius,  alleging  that  he  had  formed  a  con- 
spiracy against  his  life.  His  innocence  was  shortly  after 
acknowledged,  and  his  freedom  and  honors  were  restored  ; 
but  death  removed  him  from  the  world  about  eight  months 
after  his  deliverance  (A.  D.  505).  The  name  of  Belisarius  will 
preserve  its  luster  in  history  ;  but,  instead  of  according  him 
the  funeral,  the  monuments,  the  statues  so  justly  due  to  his 
memory,  the  emperor  even  confiscated  his  treasures,  the  spoils 
of  the  Goths  and  Vandals.  That  he  was  deprived  of  his 
eyes,  and  reduced  by  envy  to  beg  his  bread — "  Give  a  penny 
to  Belisarius  the  general !  " — is  a  fiction  of  later  times,  which 
has  obtained  credit,  or  rather  currency,  as  a  strange  exam- 
ple of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune. 

The  Temple  of  St.  Sophia. 

Among  the  many  edifices  erected  during  the  reign  of 
Justinian,  the  temple  of  St.  Sophia  is  certainly  the  most 
famous.  This  inimitable  masterpiece  alone  would  have  suf- 
ficed to  show  that,  however  great  the  misfortunes  of  the  em- 
pire, its  resources  were  far  from  exhausted.  In  attempting 
to  give  some  account  of  it,  we  shall  pass  over  its  sacred  trea- 
sures of  gold  and  precious  stones.  Only  the  building  itself 
has  survived  the  repeated  spoliations  of  later  times,  but  it  re- 
mains to  this  day  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world. 
The  interior  of  St.  Sophia  is  very  simple.  Great  and  broad 
half-domes,  rising  from  the  ground,  ascend  beautifully,  by 
others  smaller,  toward  the  foremost  vault,  which  unites  to  it- 
self all  the  remaining  parts  of  the  edifice,  and  appears  rather 
a  product  of  nature  than  a  work  of  art.  The  light  which 
emanates  from  the  twenty-four  windows  of  the  dome,  illumi- 
nating the  entire  church,  is  such  that  it  affords  the  illusion  of 
the  firmament  itself  lighted  up  by  the  meridian  star.  How 


340 


THE  ROMAN  SUPREMACY, 


END  OF  THE  ROMAN  RULE.  341 

different  from  the  mysterious  darkness  in  the  somber  cathe- 
drals of  western  Europe  !  The  light  in  St.  Sophia  grows  dim 
and  disappears  only  when  it  vanishes  in  nature  itself.  The 
brilliant  and  radiant  appearance  of  the  temple  shows  that  its 
architects,  Anthemius  and  Isidorus — the  graceful  and  refined 
children  of  Ionia — preserved  under  a  new  form  the  spirit  of 
ancient  Hellenic  architecture.  Lightness,  grace,  and  har- 
mony are  the  impressions  which  affect  us  as  we  stand  under 
the  great  dome  of  St.  Sophia.  Prokopius,  who  saw  the 
temple  in  all  its  splendor,  compared  it  to  a  meadow  replete 
with  the  brightest  and  most  diversified  colors.  The  Chris- 
tian who  enters  to  pray  within  it  feels  his  mind  lifted  to- 
ward God,  who  seems  to  dwell  in  this,  his  chosen  habitation. 
This  temple  unites  in  itself  the  ancient  Hellenic  and  the 
new  Christian  characteristics,  and  by  this  union  forms  one 
of  the  completest  works  ever  erected  for  the  adoration  of 
the  Most  High.  When  the  church  was  completed,  Justinian, 
in  the  fullness  of  his  joy,  exclaimed,  "I  have  conquered 
thee,  Solomon  !  "  *  Religious  indifference,  historic  irony, 
hearts  and  minds  foreign  to  Hellenic  aspirations  and  claims, 
have  derided  the  spirit  that  called  forth  that  exclamation. 
But  the  Hellenes,  who  know  that  their  entire  mediaeval  life 
turned  as  it  were  on  two  poles,  the  monarchy  and  the  church, 
that  St.  Sophia  was  the  ark  of  the  Christian  religion,  and 
that  within  this  cathedral  as  in  a  council  chamber  were 
decided  the  fortunes  of  their  nation  for  the  space  of  one 
thousand  years — the  Hellenes,  who  know  that  later,  during 
four  hundred  years  of  direful  persecutions  and  unheard-of 
cruelties,  their  fathers  and  mothers  did  not  cease  to  believe 
that  the  chants  of  their  faith  would  again  resound  under 
the  domes  of  St.  Sophia — how  can  they  help  revering  the 
memory  of  the  man  who  epitomized  in  that  masterpiece  the 
sentiments,  interests,  recollections,  and  hopes  of  so  many 
centuries  ? 


PAET   ELEVENTH. 
BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

HEBAKLIUS. 

Overthrow  of  Phokas. 

THE  reign  of  Justinian  belongs  partly  to  the  Roman  epoch 
of  the  Eastern  Empire,  but  that  of  Heraklius  (610-641)  forms 
certainly  an  integral  part  of  mediaeval  Hellenism.  Between 
these  two  we  find  four  other  emperors  :  Justin  II  (565-578), 
the  nephew  of  Justinian  ;  Tiberius  II  (578-582),  a  Thracian 
by  race,  altogether  foreign  to  the  family  of  Justinian  ;  Mau- 
ricius  (583-602),  a  Kappadokian  by  descent ;  and  the  blood- 
thirsty Phokas  (602-610). 

.It  was  about  this  time  that  another  barbarous  tribe,  the 
Avars,  a  race  of  Turkish  stock,  appeared  before  Constantino- 
ple, and  inflicted  unspeakable  woes  upon  the  nation.  Peace 
was  finally  bought  at  a  great  sacrifice  and  humiliation.  Still 
greater  misfortunes  befell  his  unhappy  subjects  from  the 
hands  of  Phokas,  one  of  those  tyrants  who  respect  no  law, 
either  human  or  divine.  The  murders  which  Phokas  and 
his  associates  committed  baffle  enumeration  ;  and  the  hippo- 
drome itself,  the  sacred  asylum  of  the  liberty  and  the  plea- 
sures of  the  Romans,  was  polluted  with  heads,  limbs,  and 
mangled  bodies.  Finally  Phokas  attempted  to  destroy  his 


HERAKLIUS.  343 

own  son-in-law,  Crispus,  and  the  latter  sought  the  assistance 
of  Heraklius,  exarch  of  Africa,  which  province,  like  that  of 
Egypt,  had  refused  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Pho- 
kas.  Heraklius  intrusted  the  dangerous  enterprise  to  his  son, 
also  named  Heraklius ;  and  the  latter,  in  610,  came  with  a 
powerful  fleet  and  army  to  Constantinople,  deposed  Phokas, 
and  surrendered  him  to  the  infuriated  people,  who,  after  in- 
flicting upon  him  every  variety  of  insult  and  torture,  be- 
headed him  and  cast  his  mangled  trunk  into  the  flames. 

JKise  of  Mohammedanism. 

The  voice  of  the  clergy,  the  senate,  and  the  people  in- 
vited Heraklius  to  ascend  the  throne,  and  his  posterity  till  the 
fourth  generation  continued  to  reign  over  the  empire  of  the 
East.  In  627,  after  many  brilliant  actions,  Heraklius  inflicted 
so  severe  a  defeat  upon  the  Persians  that  their  empire  was 
"  nearly  crushed  "  ;  but  almost  at  the  same  time  arose  in  the 
Arabian  peninsula  an  unexpected  and  more  terrible  opponent 
— Mohammedanism — whose  conflict  with  Hellenism  contin- 
ues to  this  day.  The  Mohammedans  of  Arabia  wrested  from 
the  empire  Syria,  Egypt,  and  northern  Africa.  Twice  they 
laid  siege  to  Constantinople,  but  were  each  time  driven  off. 

Heraklius  began  to  reign  at  the  age  of  thirty-six,  and  kept 
the  sovereignty  to  the  end  of  his  life,  which  occurred  thirty 
years  later.  "  Of  all  the  characters  conspicuous  in  history, 
that  of  Heraklins,"  says  Gibbon,  "  is  one  of  the  most  extraor- 
dinary and  inconsistent.  In  the  first  and  last  years  of  a  long 
reign  the  emperor  appears  to  be  the  slave  of  sloth,  of  plea- 
sure, or  of  superstition — the  careless  and  impotent  spectator 
of  the  public  calamities.  But  the  languid  mists  of  the  morn- 
ing and  evening  are  separated  by  the  brightness  of  the  me- 
ridian sun ;  the  Arcadius  of  the  palace  arose  the  Caesar  of 
the  camp  ;  and  the  honor  of  Rome  and  Heraklius  was  glori- 
ously retrieved  by  the  exploits  of  his  campaigns." 

Without  attempting  to  criticise  the  opinion  of  so  emi- 


344  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

nent  a  historian,  we  will  only  remark  that  Heraklius,  after 
crushing  his  enemies,  both  Avar  and  Persian,  seemed  des- 
tined to  pass  his  last  years  in  peace.  Already  ambassa- 
dors from  the  extreme  west  and  east  hastened  to  con- 
gratulate him  iipon  his  achievements.  But  while,  conscious 
that  he  had  by  his  victories  secured  his  dominions  against 
every  enemy,  he  hoped  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  to 
devote  his  energies  to  the  prosperity  of  his  empire,  sud- 
denly a  terrible  antagonist,  issuing  from  the  Arabian  penin- 
sula, proceeded  to  nullify  all  his  great  triumphs,  claiming 
that  both  the  victors  and  the  conquered  should  yield  to  the 
might  of  a  new  prophet  and  a  new  creed.  This  prophet  was 
Mohammed. 

Mohammed  was  born  at  Mecca  in  569  or  571,  began  to 
preach  at  the  age  of  forty,  was  forced  to  flee  from  his  native 
city  to  Medina,  returned  afterward  in  triumph  to  Mecca,  and 
spread  and  established  his  religious  tenets  in  Arabia  until 
his  death  in  June,  632.  The  dogmatic  part  of  the  Moham- 
medan religion,  which  was  destined  to  bring  under  its  influ- 
ence numberless  people  and  vast  countries,  was  very  simple. 
This  religion  was  called  Taldm,  meaning  devotion  (whence 
its  followers  were  called  Mbsleman,  corrupted  into  Musal- 
man  or  Mussulman),  and  was  limited  to  two  dogmas — the 
belief  in  a  future  life  and  in  the  unity  of  God.  The  latter 
was  expressed  in  the  following  words  :  "  THERE  is  ONLY  ONE 
GOD,  AND  MOHAMMED  is  THE  APOSTLE  OF  GOD*."  Mohammed 
rejected  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,  partly  because  he  could 
not  reconcile  it  with  the  unity  of  God,  and  partly  because  it 
did  not  suit  the  designs  of  the  new  prophet.  His  object  was 
to  leave  God  isolated  in  heaven,  without  any  direct  rela- 
tion to  humanity,  while  he  proclaimed  himself  a  new  apos- 
tle destined  to  finish  the  work  of  his  predecessors.  He  was 
ambitious  to  reconcile  his  doctrine  with  the  two  former 
monotheistic  religions,  the  Christian  and  the  Jewish.  To 
this  end  he  speaks  reverentially  of  the  Psalms,  the  Gos- 


HERAKLIUS.  345 

pel,  Adam,  Abraham,  Moses,  David,  and  Jesus,  upon  whom 
he  especially  lavishes  praises,  so  that  one  could  never  have 
supposed  that  so  fierce  an  antagonism  would  have  arisen  be- 
tween Christianity  and  Islamism.  He  would  not  accept  the 
Virgin  Mary  as  the  mother  of  Christ ;  but  he  declared 
that  she,  the  sister  of  Moses,  his  own  wife  Ayesha  and  his 
daughter  Fatima,  were  the  four  purest  and  holiest  women 
of  this  world.  He  asserted  that  Jesus  Christ,  the  son  of  Ma- 
ry, was  truly  the  apostle  of  God,  His  Word,  who  abode  in 
the  heart  of  Mary,  the  Spirit  emanating  from  Him,  worthy 
of  every  honor  both  in  the  present  and  future  life,  and  that 
He  came  the  nearest  of  all  to  God  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he 
professed  that  he  himself  was  sent  to  bring  back  the  Jews 
and  Christians  to  the  way  they  had  abandoned,  adding  that 
both  Christ  and  Moses  rejoiced  at  the  coming  of  a  prophet 
destined  to  show  himself  more  glorious  than  either.  Mo- 
hammed presented  future  life  in  pictures  and  promises  best 
calculated  to  deceive  the  vulgar  mind.  His  ceremonial  and 
moral  precepts  enjoined  simply  circumcision,  cleansing,  fast- 
ing, pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  prayers,  and  almsgiving. 

These  were  the  elements  of  the  new  faith  ;  and  it  is  evi- 
dent that,  had  Mohammed  limited  himself  to  these  only,  the 
spread  of  his  religion  would  have  met  with  much  greater 
difficulty.  But  the  lofty  genius  of  the  man  added  certain 
principles  and  opinions  which  easily  explain  the  long  triumph 
which  his  new  dogmas  attained.  The  Koran,  the  sacred  book 
of  Islam,  contains  many  precepts  respecting  freedom  of  wor- 
ship. It  teaches  that  both  the  faithful  and  the  followers 
of  the  Jewish  and  the  Christian  religions — in  a  word,  all  be- 
lieving in  God  and  in  the  day  of  judgment — will  be  rewarded 
by  the  Lord.  "  Do  not  force  any  one  to  a  religion  :  the  true 
road  is  easily  distinguished  from  the  bad."  "He  who  be- 
lieves in  a  God  and  not  in  idols  is  sustained  by  a  mighty 
pillar."  Referring  to  the  Christians  and  the  Jews,  whom 
the  Koran  calls  "  men  of  the  Bible,"  it  says,  "  Our  God  and 


846  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

yours  is  the  same."  But  creeds  most  akin  often  become  tho 
most  antagonistic,  just  as  strifes  among  relatives  and  in  fami- 
lies are  usually  the  bitterest.  So  this  same  Koran  contains 
precepts  fostering  a  spirit  of  deadly  enmity  between  Islam 
and  Christianity.  "He  who  refuses  to  believe  in  Islam 
is  more  worthless  than  the  beast  before  God  ;  he  will  re- 
ceive the  punishment  of  his  impiety,  and  will  be  punished 
with  eternal  fire."  "  Call  forth  the  Jews  and  Christians  to 
accept  Islamism."  "  Fight  your  enemies  in  the  struggle  for 
religion."  Thus  the  Koran,  after  saluting  Christianity  and 
Judaism  as  brothers,  afterward  despises  them  just  as  much 
as  the  idolaters,  and  finally  invites  Islamism  to  crush  them. 
It  recommends  to  the  faithful  to  sacrifice  their  property  and 
their  blood  in  behalf  of  their  faith,  promising  that  they  shall 
obtain  the  blessings  of  heaven,  and  shall  live  for  ever  in  the 
habitation  which  God  has  prepared  for  them.  "The  sword 
is  the  key  to  heaven  :  one  drop  of  blood  shed  in  behalf  of 
God,  one  sleepless  night  passed  in  arms  for  him,  will  be  of 
more  avail  in  the  sight  of  God  than  two  months  of  fasting 
and  of  prayer."  "He  who  falls  in  battle  will  obtain  the 
forgiveness  of  his  sins."  "  In  the  last  day  his  wounds  will 
be  bright  and  fragrant ;  wings  of  angels  and  the  cherubim 
will  replace  the  members  which  he  lost ;  heavenly  beauties, 
called  houris,  will  reward  his  bravery  and  faith." 

Such  were  the  doctrines,  opinions,  and  precepts  of  the 
new  religion  which  made  its  appearance  in  the  beginning 
of  the  seventh  century  in  Arabia.  It  was  not  a  passive  reli- 
gion— a  religion  which  patiently  and  calmly  waited  to  be 
espoused.  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  most  energetic,  having 
for  its  fundamental  principle  its  extension  by  the  sword.  It 
satisfied  all  the  material  appetites  and  aspirations  of  man, 
and  hence  it  spread  over  a  large  part  of  the  world,  while  Ju- 
daism, in  many  respects  closely  akin  to  it,  remained  for  ever 
stagnant  with  a  few  followers.  Christianity,  indeed,  has  a 
cosmopolitan  character  entirely  foreign  to  Judaism.  But,  by 


HERAKLIUS.  347 

its  principles  of  equality,  of  liberty,  of  love  for  one's  neigh- 
bor, of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  of  judgment  and  of  re- 
ward, Christianity  addressed  itself  to  the  noblest,  most  moral, 
most  intelligent  needs  of  humanity  ;  while  Islamism  satisfied 
the  humblest,  most  material,  most  carnal  aspirations  and 
dispositions.  Christianity  was  suited  to  a  society  morally 
and  intellectually  advanced  ;  Islamism  was  wonderfully 
adapted  to  nations  in  the  lowest  degrees  of  civilization.  The 
races  which  it  met  at  the  outset — the  Arabian,  the  Persian,  the 
Turkish,  and  the  African — were  much  better  fitted  than  the 
Christians  to  understand  and  espouse  its  doctrines  and  pre- 
cepts. Hence  the  only  nation  which  at  that  time  offered  any 
resistance  to  it  was  the  Hellenic,  which,  both  by  its  nature 
and  civilization,  was  eminently  Christian. 

Conflict  between  Islamism  and  Christianity. 

The  first  serious  hostilities  between  Islamism  and  Chris- 
tianity began  immediately  after  the  death  of  Mohammed. 
The  fortune  of  Syria  was  decided  in  two  great  battles — first 
on  the  plain  of  Aiznadin  in  the  south  of  Palestine  in  634, 
and  a  second  time  in  the  same  year  on  the  banks  of  the 
Yermuk,  east  of  the  lake  of  Tiberias.  The  ferocious  Arab 
general  Khaled  addressed  only  a  few  words  before  the  latter 
battle  to  his  soldiers.  "  Paradise,"  he  cried,  "  is  before  you, 
and  the  fire  of  hell  behind  you  !  "  The  battle  was  severely 
and  resolutely  fought  for  a  long  time.  Thrice  did  the  By- 
zantine cavalry  repulse  the  enemy,  but  finally  the  stubborn 
enthusiasm  of  the  Mohammedans  prevailed,  and  the  Chris- 
tians betook  themselves  to  flight.  Jerusalem  was  captured 
shortly  after,  and  the  victories  of  the  Mohammedans  were 
crowned  in  640  by  the  conquest  of  Upper  Egypt.  In  Octo- 
ber of  the  same  year  they  laid  siege  to  Alexandria.  This 
great  commercial  city  had  an  abundant  supply  of  provisions, 
many  strong  forts,  and  the  completest  of  defensive  arma- 
ment. Its  inhabitants  fought  bravely,  and  could  receive 


348  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

assistance  by  sea ;  but  unfortunately  Heraklius  about  this 
time  died  of  dropsy.  At  length,  after  a  siege  of  fourteen 
months,  and  a  loss  of  twenty-three  thousand  men,  the  Arabs 
prevailed  ;  the  Greeks  embarked,  dispirited  and  diminished 
in  numbers,  for  Constantinople,  while  the  standard  of  Moham- 
med was  planted  on  the  walls  of  the  capital  of  Egypt. 

However  lacking  in  energy  and  ability  Heraklius  ap- 
peared toward  the  end  of  his  life,  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that,  in  the  vigor  of  youth,  he  achieved  successes  capable  of 
imparting  an  imperishable  glory  to  his  memory.  It  is  true 
that  subsequent  misfortunes  detracted  from  his  historic  fame, 
especially  since  his  life  was  related  by  ignorant  and  cold 
chronographers  and  poets,  whom  no  one  reads  without  dis- 
gust. The  ten  thousand  Greeks  who  fought  under  Cyrus 
were  compelled  to  retreat  without  accomplishing  their  ob- 
ject. Their  expedition,  however,  became  immortal,  because 
Xenophon  the  historian  related  it.  Hannibal  finally  failed, 
but  his  great  deeds  won  the  admiration  of  the  world  because 
they  were  related  by  the  inspired  pen  of  Polybius.  Hera- 
klius would  certainly  have  been  clad  with  heroic  panoply 
had  he  obtained  such  a  witness  and  exponent  of  his  achieve- 
ments. 


CHAPTER  H. 

CONSTANTINE   IV  TO   LEO  m. 

Siege  of  Constantinople. 

AFTER  the  death  of  Heraklius  we  find  the  obscure  names 
of  Constantine  III  (also  called  Heraklius  II),  Herakleonas, 
and  Constans  II.  But  the  next  emperor  of  real  historic  value 
was  Constantine  IV,  surnamed  Pogonatus  or  the  Bearded 
(668-685).  In  671  the  caliph  Moawiyah  prepared  a  power- 


CONSTANTINE  IV  TO  LEO  HI.  349 

f  ul  fleet  and  dispatched  it  to  Constantinople.  This  first  siege 
of  Constantinople  by  the  Mohammedans  is  a  memorable 
event ;  for  had  they  captured  the'  city  at  that  time,  the  Hel- 
lenic nation  would  have  been  exterminated,  as  is  evident  from 
the  misfortunes  Hellenism  suffered  wherever  the  Mohamme- 
dan religion  and  rule  prevailed.  Hellenism  wholly  disap- 
peared from  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Egypt,  and  not  long  after 
from  eastern  and  northern  Africa.  The  capture  of  Constan- 
tinople by  the  Turks  eight  hundred  years  later  certainly  did 
not  produce  such  fatal  results  ;  but  the  character  of  the  Mo- 
hammedan conquest  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  widely  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  the  seventh.  In  the  seventh  it  was  essen- 
tially a  religious  conquest,  in  the  fifteenth  a  political  one. 

The  failure  of  the  first  siege  of  Constantinople,  therefore, 
was  of  critical  importance  in  the  history  of  Hellenism,  and 
its  issue  not  less  momentous  to  the  human  race.  Had  the 
Mohammedans  then  captured  the  great  rampart  of  Christian- 
ity in  the  East,  no  nation  in  Europe  would  have  been  able  to 
escape  the  oncoming  deluge — neither  the  weak  Slavic  tribes 
nor  the  divided  and  wrangling  Goths  and  Franks.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  following  century  the  Arabs  crossed  into 
Spain,  routed  in  one  great  battle  in  711  the  Gothic  rulers  of 
that  country,  became  masters  of  the  entire  peninsula,  crossed 
the  Pyrenees,  and  were  finally  defeated  in  732,  in  a  terrific 
battle,  by  Charles  Martel.  Western  writers  generally  at- 
tribute the  safety  of  Europe  to  this  great  achievement,  for- 
getting that  within  the  preceding  sixty  years  the  same  dan- 
ger twice  threatened  Europe  from  another  point  of  its  hori- 
zon, and  was  averted  only  by  the  courageous,  persistent,  and 
ingenious  defense  which  Hellenic  Christianity  opposed  to  the 
armies  and  fleet  of  the  Arabs.  Again,  the  peril  in  672  was 
much  greater  than  that  of  732,  and  it  may  therefore  with 
justice  be  claimed  that  Constantino  Pogonatus,  by  repelling 
the  forces  of  Moawiyah,  exercised  a  potent  influence  in  the 
formation  of  modern  civilization. 


350  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

But  while  this  siege  is  an  event  of  such  great  importance, 
the  accounts  we  have  of  it  are  exceedingly  meager  and  un- 
satisfactory. It  lasted  for  seven  years,  but  was  not  carried 
on  uninterruptedly  throughout  this  time.  It  began  early  in 
the  month  of  April,  and  continued  until  September.  On  the 
approach  of  winter  the  besiegers  retreated  fourscore  miles 
from  the  capital,  to  the  isle  of  Kyzikus,  in  which  they  had 
established  their  magazine  of  spoils  and  provisions.  So  per- 
severing were  they,  that  they  repeated  in  the  six  following 
summers  the  same  plan  of  attack  and  retreat,  until  finally 
they  were  forced  to  relinquish  the  fruitless  enterprise  in  675. 
Thirty  thousand  of  the  Arabs  were  obliged  to  retreat  through 
Asia  Minor  to  Syria,  because  their  fleet,  much  of  which  had 
already  been  destroyed,  was  not  sufficient  to  carry  all  their 
vast  army.  Their  ships,  however,  were  overwhelmed  by  a 
severe  storm,  while  the  land  army  was  pursued  and  utterly 
annihilated. 

The  most  difficult  question  in  regard  to  this  periodical 
siege  is  not  wl-y  the  Arabs  were  unable  to  reduce  Constan- 
tinople after  their  splendid  achievement  in  the  conquest  of 
Alexandria,  but  how  their  fleet  was  able  to  withstand  the 
Hellenic  naval  forces,  strengthened  as  they*  were  by  the 
terror  and  efficacy  of  the  Greek  or  liquid  fire. 

The  Greek  Fire.    . 

Kallinikus,  a  famous  chemist  and  engineer,  a  native  of 
Heliopolis  in  Syria,  came  to  Constantinople,  bringing  with 
him  the  secret  of  compounding  and  directing  the  artificial 
flame  invented  by  him.  The  skill  of  Kallinikus,  says  Gib- 
bon, was  equivalent  to  the  succor  of  fleets  and  armies.  It 
would  seem  that  the  principal  ingredient  of  this  celebrated 
fire  was  naphtha,  mingled  with  sulphur  and  with  the  pitch 
that  is  extracted  from  evergreen  firs.  From  this  mixture, 
which  produced  a  thick  smoke  and  a  loud  explosion,  proceed- 
ed a  fierce  and  obstinate  flame,  which  not  only  rose  in  per- 


CONSTANTINE  IV  tO  LEO  III.  351 

pendicular  ascent,  but  likewise  burned  with  equal  vehemence 
in  descent  or  lateral  progress  ;  instead  of  being  extinguished, 
it  was  nourished  and  quickened  by  water  ;  sand  and  vinegar 
were  the  only  available  agents  for  diminishing  the  fury  of 
this  powerful  substance,  which  was  justly  denominated  by  the 
Hellenes  the  liquid  or  the  maritime  fire.  It  was  employed 
with  equal  effect  by  sea  and  land,  in  battles  or  in  sieges.  It 
was  poured  from  the  ramparts  in  large  boilers,  or  launched  in 
red-hot  balls  of  stone  and  iron,  or  darted  in  arrows  and  jave- 
lins, twisted  round  with  flax  and  tow  saturated  with  the  inflam- 
mable oil ;  sometimes  it  was  deposited  in  fire-ships  ;  but  it 
was  most  commonly  blown  through  long  tubes  of  copper, 
which  were  planted  on  the  prow  of  a  galley,  and  fancifully 
shaped  into  the  mouths  of  savage  monsters,  that  seemed  to 
vomit  a  stream  of  consuming  flame.  Neither  iron  nor  stone 
could  oppose  its  terrible  energy.  This  important  art  was 
preserved  at  Constantinople  as  the  palladium  of  the  state  ; 
its  composition  was  concealed  with  the  most  jealous  care, 
and  the  terror  of  enemies  was  increased  by  their  ignorance 
and  surprise.  The  use  of  Greek  fire  continued  until  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  when  it  entirely  ceased. 
In  modern  times  many  attempts  have  been  made  to  discover 
its  chemical  composition,  but  without  success.  It  appears 
incomprehensible  how  the  Arabs  could  withstand  for  so  long 
a  time  the  efficacy  of  such  a  weapon.  Possibly  the  Byzan- 
tines had  not  yet  perfected  this  energetic  and  destructive 
means  of  defense,  as  Kallinikus  may  have  brought  it  to  Con- 
stantinople during  the  last  period  of  the  siege. 

Constantine  devoted  the  last  years  of  his  life  to  the  re- 
establishment  of  religious  unity  in  his  empire.  To  this  end 
he  convoked  at  Constantinople  in  680  the  sixth  oecumenical 
council,  which  declared  that  the  church  has  always  recog- 
nized in  Christ  two  natures,  united  but  not  confounded — 
two  wills,  distinct  but  not  antagonistic.  The  emperor  sanc- 
tioned these  resolutions  by  a  royal  edict.  By  these  two 


352  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

greatest  acts  of  Constantine,  the  deliverance  of  Europe  from 
the  threatened  Arabic  conquest  and  the  reestablishment  of 
religious  union,  he  rendered  his  reign  one  of  the  most  mem- 
orable, not  only  in  the  history  of  Hellenism,  but  in  that  of 
the  world. 

Justinian  II,  Rhinotmetus. 

After  the  decease  of  Constantine,  the  inheritance  of  the 
Eastern  scepter  devolved  upon  his  son  Justinian  II  (685-695), 
then  a  youth  of  sixteen.  Justinian  was  not  endowed  with 
the  military  talents  of  his  progenitor,  but  he  possessed  a 
much  greater  amount  of  courage  and  energy.  The  emperor, 
however,  ascended  the  throne  when  "  a  mere  lad,"  and  sur- 
rendered himself  at  once  to  the  fury  of  his  passions,  so  that 
his  courage  was  changed  into  savageness  and  his  energy  into 
foolish  meddlesomeness. 

Religious  dissensions  more  formidable  than  ever  before 
arose,  and  the  emperor  was  finally  compelled  to  summon  in 
691  a  council,  which  issued  one  hundred  and  two  regulations, 
six  of  which  the  "Western  church  refused  to  accept.  Two  of 
these  six  were  of  cardinal  importance,  and  led  to  the  sever- 
ance of  religious  relations  between  the  East  and  the  West — 
the  thirteenth,  which  permitted  the  marriage  of  priests,  and 
the  eighty-sixth,  which  declared  the  equality  of  the  pope  of 
Rome  and  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  The  justice  of 
these  claims  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  Catholics  them- 
selves, having  during  the  sixteenth  century  advanced  in  edu- 
cation and  civilization,  and  having  more  logically  examined 
these  questions,  inscribed  these  two  edicts  on  the  banner  of 
Protestantism,  which  they  unfurled  against  papal  claims,  and 
which  finally  caused  the  religious  separation  of  northwestern 
and  southwestern  Europe. 

The  barbarous  acts  and  cruelties  of  Justinian  surpassed 
the  measure  of  human  forbearance,  and  he  was  accordingly 
ejected  from  the  throne,  bis  nose  was  amputated  (on  account 
of  which  he  was  called  Rhinotmetus  or  Cut-nose),  and  he  was 


CONSTANTINE  IV  TO  LEO  III.  353 

banished  to  the  land  of  the  Chersonites  in  Crim-Tartary. 
Leontius,  a  general  who  had  greatly  distinguished  himself 
in  the  war  against  the  Arabs,  was  proclaimed  emperor.* 

Leontius — Tiberius  Absimarus. 

The  Arabs,  availing  themselves  of  the  anomalous  state  of 
the  Eastern  Empire,  once  more  invaded  Africa,  and  expelled 
the  Greeks  entirely  from  that  land  (698).  Carthage  was  deliv- 
ered to  the  flames,  and  the  colony  of  Dido  and  Caesar  lay 
desolate  above  two  hundred  years,  till  a  part  of  the  old  cir- 
cumference was  repeopled  by  the  first,  of  the  Fatimite  ca- 
liphs. The  reign  of  Leontius  was  of  short  duration  (695-698), 
for  he  was  in  turn  dethroned  and  mutilated  by  the  rebel 
Absimarus,  who  assumed  the  more  respectable  name  of  Ti- 
berius. The  reign  of  Tiberius  is  especially  memorable  on 
account  of  the  military  achievements  of  his  brother  Hera- 
klius,  whom  he  had  appointed  general  of  Asia  Minor.  Tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  disturbances  which  had  broken  out 
among  the  Arabs  in  Persia,  Heraklius  in  the  year  700  invaded 
Syria,  and  killed,  as  many  chroniclers  assert,  more  than  two 
hundred  thousand  Arabs.  In  702  he  again  routed  the  Arabs, 
and  drove  them  away  from  Kilikia  ;  and  when  two  years 
later  they  attempted  to  invade  that  country,  Heraklius 
marched  against  them,  and  is  said  to  have  destroyed  in  one 
battle  more  than  twelve  thousand. 

While  the  Christian  arms  thus  triumphed  in  Asia,  an  un- 
expected enemy  made  his  appearance  in  the  north,  endanger- 
ing the  very  existence  of  the  Christian  world.  This  enemy 
was  no  other  than  Justinian  II,  who  ten  years  before  had 
been  banished  from  his  kingdom.  Brooding  revenge,  he 
escaped  from  the  land  of  the  Chersonites  (the  modern  Sebas- 
topol)  to  the  hordes  of  the  Khazars,  who  pitched  their  tents 

*  We  thus  perceive  that,  although  the  government  was  a  hereditary  mon- 
archy in  theory,  the  diadem  was  often  conferred  upon  the  ablest  of  the  polit- 
ical and  military  men  of  the  nation. 
36 


354  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

between  the  Tanais  and  Borysthenes.  Their  khan  entertained 
with  pity  and  respect  the  royal  suppliant,  and  gave  him  his 
sister  in  marriage,  who  seems,  from  her  name  of  Theodora, 
to  have  received  the  sacrament  of  baptism.  But  the  faith- 
less Khazar  was  soon  tempted  by  the  gold  of  Constantinople  ; 
and  had  not  the  design  been  revealed  by  the  conjugal  love 
of  Theodora,  her  husband  must  have  been  assassinated  or 
betrayed  into  the  power  of  his  enemies.  After  strangling 
with  his  own  hands  the  two  emissaries  of  the  khan,  Justinian 
sent  back  his  wife  to  her  brother,  and  embarked  on  the 
Euxine  in  search  of  new  and  more  faithful  allies.  His  vessel 
encountered  a  violent  tempest,  and  one  of  his  pious  com- 
panions advised  him  to  deserve  the  mercy  of  God  by  a  vow 
of  general  forgiveness  if  he  should  be  restored  to  the  throne. 
"  Of  forgiveness  ?  "  replied  the  intrepid  tyrant.  "  May  I 
perish  this  instant — may  the  Almighty  whelm  me  in  the 
waves — if  I  consent  to  spare  a  single  head  of  my  enemies  !  " 
He  survived  this  impious  menace,  sailed  into  the  mouth  of 
the  Danube,  trusted  his  person  in  the  royal  village  of  the 
Bulgarians,  and  purchased  the  aid  of  Terbelis,  a  pagan  con- 
queror, by  the  promise  of  his  daughter  (by  a  former  wife) 
and  a  fair  partition  of  the  treasures  of  the  empire.*  Having 
mustered  a  large  army  of  Slavs  and  Bulgarians,  he  marched 
against  Constantinople,  and,  with  the  connivance  of  many 
confederates  in  the  city,  easily  became  master  of  the  capi- 
tal (A.  D.  705). 

Second  Period  of  the  Reign  of  Justinian  II. 

The  second  period  of  the  reign  of  Justinian  forms  one  of 
the  most  lamentable  epochs  of  Byzantine  history.  A  veri- 
table madness  seemed  to  have  taken  possession  of  the  tyrant, 
and  like  a  maniac  he  committed  murders  almost  unparal- 
leled in  atrocity.  Never  was  a  vow  more  rigorously  per- 
formed than  the  sacred  oath  of  revenge  which  Justinian  had 

*  Gibbon. 


CONSTANTINE  IV  TO  LEO  III.  355 

sworn  amid  the  storms  of  the  Euxine.  The  two  usurpers 
were  dragged,  the  one  from  his  prison,  the  other  from  his 
palace,  and  put  to  death  with  slow  tortures.  The  glorious 
bulwark  of  the  nation,  the  victory-crowned  Heraklius,  was 
beheaded  with  many  of  his  fellow  soldiers  before  the  walls 
of  Constantinople.  The  patriarch  Kallinikus  was  blinded 
and  banished  to  Rome,  while  hundreds  of  men  in  civil  and 
military  stations  were  put  to  death  by  the  severest  tortures. 
Neither  private  virtue  nor  public  service  could  expiate  the 
guilt  of  active,  or  even  passive,  obedience  to  an  established 
government ;  and  during  the  seven  years  of  his  new  reign  he 
considered  the  axe,  the  cord,  and  the  rack  as  the  only  instru- 
ments worthy  of  royalty. 

Meanwhile  the  vital  interests  of  the  nation  were  wholly 
neglected.  No  care  was  taken  against  a  possible  attack  of 
the  Arabs,  who  had  now  reached  the  height  of  their  power. 
This  mighty  enemy,  steadily  surrounding  Christianity,  had 
apparently  but  to  stretch  out  its  arms  and  seize  Asia  Minor 
and  Thrace.  Justinian,  nevertheless,  expended  the  reve- 
nues of  his  people  in  a  lawless  civil  strife,  which  resulted  in 
general  anarchy.  And  yet,  so  great  was  the  force  of  East- 
ern Christianity,  that  after  the  cessation  of  civil  hostilities 
the  Arabian  nation  still  possessed  with  reference  to  the 
Christian  empire  only  the  same  boundaries  as  before. 

But  the  hour  of  the  tyrant's  fall  was  approaching.  Hav- 
ing determined  to  put  to  the  sword  all  the  Chersonites  who 
had  refused  to  lend  him  assistance  during  his  exile,  he  dis- 
patched against  them  in  710  an  army  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  with  instructions  that  no  Chersonite  should  be 
spared.  "All  are  guilty,  and  all  must  perish,"  was  the 
mandate  of  Justinian.  The  command  of  the  army  was 
given  to  his  favorite  Stephen,  who  was  recommended  by 
the  epithet  of  the  Savage.  Yet  even  the  savage  Stephen 
imperfectly  accomplished  the  intentions  of  his  sovereign,  for 
he  is  said  to  have  allowed  many  prominent  citizens  to  escape, 


356  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

and  to  have  spared  the  infants.  More  than  seventy-three 
thousand  men,  however,  under  command  of  Stephen,  are 
said  to  have  perished  by  a  severe  storm  which  overtook  the 
fleet  on  its  return  to  Constantinople.  But  even  this,  terrible 
disaster  did  not  appall  the  maniac,  and  a  second  expedition 
was  ordered  to  extirpate  the  remains  of  the  proscribed  col- 
ony. Meanwhile  the  Chersonites  had  returned  to  their  city, 
and  were  prepared  to  die  in  arms  ;  they  also  invested  one 
Bardanes,  under  the  name  of  Philippikus,  with  the  purple. 
The  imperial  troops,  unwilling  to  execute  the  revenge  of 
Justinian,  made  common  cause  with  Philippikus  ;  and  shortly 
afterward  Justinian,  deserted  by  his  guards,  fell  under  the 
stroke  of  an  assassin.  His  son  Tiberius  had  taken  refuge  in 
a  church  ;  but  the  popular  fury  was  deaf  to  the  cries  of  hu- 
manity, and  the  race  of  Heraklius  was  extinguished  after  a 
reign  of  one  hundred  years  (A.  D.  711). 

Philippikus — Anastasius  II. 

Philippikus  reigned  only  a  year  and  a  half,  and  hence  we 
can  not  accurately  judge  concerning  his  political  and  military 
abilities.  He  was  murdered  in  his  chamber  in  713,  and  on 
the  following  day  the  senate  and  the  people  promoted  Arte- 
mitis  from  the  office  of  secretary  to  that  of  emperor.  Arte- 
mius  assumed  the  name  of  Anastasius  H,  and  his  reign  (713- 
716)  was  short  and  troubled.  He  appointed  men  of  ability 
to  the  various  offices  of  the  empire,  and  allotted  the  govern- 
ment of  the  East  to  Leo,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  gen- 
erals of  that  age. 

Rumors  were  already  rife  that  the  Arabs  were  preparing 
for  a  new  expedition  against  Constantinople.  Their  naval 
preparations  were  on  a  colossal  scale,  and  whole  forests  were 
cut  down  on  the  slopes  of  Mount  Lebanon  to  be  used  for  the 
construction  of  ships.  Anastasius  ordered  his  fleet  to  repair 
to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and  to  sail  thence  against  the  coasts 
of  Phoenicia,  burn  the  wood,  and  otherwise  prevent  the 


CONSTANTINE  IV  TO  LEO  III.  357 

Arabs  from  their  intended  expedition.  By  a  mutiny  of  the 
commanders  of  the  fleet,  Anastasius  was  deposed,  and  an  ob- 
scure officer  of  the  revenue,  Theodosius  III,  was  invested 
with  the  purple  against  his  own  will.  The  deposed  emperor, 
reluctant  to  shed  Christian  blood,  retreated  after  a  few  months 
of  naval  war  to  a  monastery,  and  exchanged  the  royal  for  the 
clerical  garb.v  Leo,  however,  refused  to  recognize  the  newly 
elected  sovereign,  and  the  latter  in  turn  surrendered  the 
scepter  to  the  general  of  the  Oriental  troops. 

Leo  III,  the  Isaurian. 

Shortly  afterward  the  threatened  danger  burst  upon  the 
empire,  and  the  Arabs  arrived  before  the  walls  of  Constanti- 
nople. Two  divisions  of  their  fleet,  composed  of  eighteen 
hundred  ships  under  command  of  Moslemas,  steered  against 
the  capital  of  the  East.  The  vast  fleet  with  which  this  new 
Xerxes  covered  the  Hellenic  sea  anchored  partly  on  the 
coast  opposite  Chalkedon,  and  partly  on  the  European  side 
of  the  Thracian  Bosporus.  The  larger  and  heavier  of  their 
transport-vessels  were  becalmed  in  the  midst  of  the  current ; 
and  Leo,  noticing  this  from  the  heights  of  the  Acropolis — 
i.  e.,  from  Sardi-Mpournod  —  dispatched  fire-ships,  which 
either  burned  or  sunk  the  vessels  of  the  enemy.  This  first 
brilliant  achievement  of  the  Hellenic  fleet  inspired  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  capital  with  great  courage.  When  later  the  win- 
ter set  in,  the  Arabian  army  suffered  extremely.  The  cold  of 
717-718  was  unusually  severe.  For  a  hundred  days  the 
earth  was  covered  with  snow  ;  a  large  number  of  men,  horses, 
camels,  and  other  domestic  animals  of  the  hostile  camp,  per- 
ished from  cold  and  hunger.  But  the  chief  of  the  Arabs  did 
not  lose  courage.  Two  new  fleets,  from  Egypt  and  Africa, 
came  to  his  aid,  both  of  which  were  manned  by  Christian  sail- 
ors whose  fathers,  owing  to  religious  dissensions  and  persecu- 
tions, had  formerly  espoused  Islamism.  But  the  present  crews, 
having  experienced  no  such  hostility,  and  finding  themselves 


358  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

suddenly  before  the  great  capital  of  Christendom,  were  drawn 
by  an  irresistible  power  to  the  religion  of  Christ.  Hence 
they  rowed  with  stout  hearts  and  ready  hands  toward  the 
capital,  shouting  and  hailing  the  emperor.  Nor  was  the  loss 
of  the  Arabs  limited  to  this  only.  Fire-ships  were  sent 
against  their  fleet,  and  their  land  forces  suffered  about  the 
same  time  a  severe  defeat. 

The  situation  of  Moslemas  was  now  precarious.  Famine 
was  carrying  off  the  bravest  of  his  warriors,  and  he  finally 
made  preparations  to  retreat.  His  fleet  was  overtaken  by  two 
severe  storms,  and  all  the  ships  excepting  ten  went  to  the 
bottom  with  their  crews.  Of  these  ten,  five  were  captured 
by  the  Byzantines,  so  that  only  five  escaped  to  Syria  to  re- 
port the  greatness  of  the  disaster.  The  destruction  of  the 
Arabs  was  appalling  ;  they  had  lost  twenty-five  hundred 
ships  and  more  than  five  hundred  thousand  warriors. 

This  was  one  of  the  happiest  epochs  of  mediaeval  Hellen- 
ism. The  victorious  songs  of  Constantinople  resounded 
throughout  Europe,  which  acknowledged  that  it  owed  its 
safety  to  the  great  struggles  of  the  Christians  in  the  East. 
In  his  enthusiasm,  Pope  Gregory  II  sent  the  image  of  the 
emperor  of  the  Hellenes  to  all  the  rulers  of  the  West. 

The  high-minded  and  energetic  Leo  had  apparently  se- 
cured his  dominions  from  all  dangers.  The  long  anarchy 
which  had  lasted  for  more  than  twenty-five  years  had 
ceased.  All  omens  appeared  propitious,  and  no  one  could 
have  foretold  that  the  empire  was  soon  to  be  exposed  to  a 
great  religious  and  social  agitation.  Leo  was  not  only  the 
chief  of  a  new  dynasty  ;  he  was  likewise  the  creator  of  a 
reformation  which  for  half  a  century  shook  from  its  very 
foundations  the  Christian  world  of  the  East. 


LEO  III  TO  LEO  V.  359 

CHAPTER    III. 

LEO   III  TO   LEO   V. 

State  of  the  Eastern  Empire. 

IN  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  the  extent  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  had  been  greatly  reduced  ;  but  it  was  still 
the  broadest,  richest,  and  best  of  all  the  existing  Christian 
governments.  Constantinople  was  still  the  metropolis  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  no  other  city,  ancient  or  modern,  can  give 
us  an  idea  of  the  Queen  City  during  the  eighth  century,  com- 
bining as  it  did  the  Hellenic,  Roman,  Christian,  and  Asiatic 
memories  and  customs.  The  commodities  of  Asia,  Africa, 
Scythia,  Italy,  France,  Germany,  Spain,  and  Britain  found  a 
ready  sale  in  that  center  of  commerce  and  activity.  Various 
cities  also  in  Hellas,  such  as  Patras,  Corinth,  and  Thebes, 
flourished  wonderfully  during  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  ; 
and  the  costly  carpets  and  exquisite  silk,  linen,  and  purple 
garments  of  these  places  were  known  throughout  the  world. 
In  fine,  Hellas  presents  during  these  centuries  a  surpassing 
degree  of  prosperity  and  energy ;  and  the  opinion  of  Fall- 
merayer  and  his  followers  that  Hellas,  conquered  by  the 
Slavs  during  the  sixth  century,  suffered  such  a  sweeping 
devastation  that  up  to  the  tenth  she  was  a  veritable  Scythic 
desert,  is  a  phantom  of  the  imagination,-  dispelled  by  indis- 
putable events.  Korkyra  alone  during  the  twelfth  century 
contributed  to  the  public  treasury  a  revenue  amounting  to 
about  1,840,000  drachmae  of  to-day.  Asia  Minor  also,  with 
the  adjacent  islands,  possessed  many  large  and  flourishing 
cities,  strong  forts,  and  a  numerous  and  warlike  population, 
which  often  stopped  the  Mohammedan  flood. 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  state  of  Christianity  in  the  East 
at  the  time  when  Leo  IH,  having  defeated  the  Mohamme- 
dan armies,  turned  his  attention  to  the  civil  government. 


360  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

Material  prosperity,  however,  does  not  suffice  for  the  welfare 
of  nations.  There  is  need  also  of  moral  qualities.  Christian- 
ity in  the  East  was  not  wanting  in  commercial,  industrial,  and 
naval  dexterity  ;  was  not  deprived  of  scientific  and  practical 
engineers  ;  was  not  destitute  of  warlike  courage  ;  for,  with- 
out these,  she  could  not  have  created  so  many  resources,  and 
could  not  have  opposed  for  so  long  a  time  her  many  enemies. 
Two  things,  however,  were  lacking — a  liberal  mind  and  a 
generous  spirit,  which  engender  patriotism  and  national  am- 
bition, and  give  an  impetus  to  science,  art,  and  speech,  de- 
veloping all  the  latent  forces  of  the  community.  A  liberal 
mind  and  a  generous  spirit  are  often  the  attributes  of  nations 
during  their  youth,  as  for  instance  of  the  Hellenic  in  its 
heroic  years.  But  when  nations  are  governed  by  positive 
social,  political,  and  civil  laws,  their  intellectual  advance- 
ment mainly  depends  on  the  character  of  these  laws.  In 
other  words,  two  things  regulate  the  fortunes  of  nations,  as 
well  as  of  individuals — nature  and  education. 

Laws  never  existed  that  were  better  adapted  to  the  pres- 
ervation and  growth  of  national  spirit  and  thought  than 
those  that  regulated  the  public  and  private  life  of  ancient 
Hellenism  from  the  seventh  to  the  fourth  century  B.  c.  But 
these  laws  could  not  long  be  maintained,  for  reasons  which 
we  have  elsewhere  explained.  A  domineering  monarchy 
succeeded  the  formerly  independent  communities.  Under 
this  new  state  of  affairs,  the  Hellenic  nation  conquered  the 
East,  and  effected  the  Hellenization  of  the  people  living 
therein.  It  bestowed  upon  them  its  language,  learning,  art, 
and  industry,  but  not  the  moral  virtues,  of  which  it  was  itself 
then  in  want.  To  all  appearances  the  East  was  Hellenized, 
but  neither  the  East  nor  Hellas  escaped  the  Roman  rule. 
By  their  intelligence,  learning,  and  art,  the  conquered  peo- 
ple also  Hellenized  the  Romans  ;  yet  they  lacked  sufficient 
force  to  impart  a  new  moral  and  intellectual  energy  to  the 
third  phase  of  Hellenic  life.  It  is  true  that,  in  the  mean 


LEO  III  TO  LEO  V.  361 

time,  Christianity  arose,  which  taught  principles  and  opin- 
ions best  of  all  calculated  to  ennoble  the  mind  and  strength- 
en the  heart.  But  certain  of  the  external  forms  and  regu- 
lations of  Christianity  were  abused  to  such  an  extent  that 
they  did  not  always  respond  to  its  fundamental  principles. 
The  excessive  growth  of  monastic  life,  for  instance,  de- 
prived the  energetic  portion  of  society  of  very  many  valu- 
able men.  Many  abuses  of  external  worship  also  contrib- 
uted much  to  wither  the  moral  and  intellectual  forces  of 
those  who  remained  in  the  world.  It  is  true  that  often  the 
monasteries  furnished  to  the  sick,  to  the  poor,  and  to  the 
weary  traveler  the  aid  and  protection  which  could  nowhere 
else  be  found.  They  were  often,  in  political  and  social 
storms,  the  safe  refuge  of  letters,  arts,  and  sciences.  But  it 
is  nevertheless  true  that,  on  account  of  monastic  life,  mili- 
tary duty,  agriculture,  and  industry  were  deprived  of  its 
strongest  arms  at  a  time  when  the  community  especially  had 
need  of  all  its  forces  to  oppose  its  numerous  enemies. 

Again,  the  worship  of  the  Christians  was  at  first  very 
simple.  They  had  neither  churches  nor  images  ;  the  people 
gathered  in  private  houses  to  offer  short  and  simple  prayers 
to  God.  But  as  time  advanced  and  the  new  doctrine  spread 
among  the  multitude,  and  came  into  hostility  with  existing 
governments,  it  was  found  necessary,  in  order  to  attract  peo- 
ple accustomed  to  different  types  of  worship,  to  erect  costly 
buildings,  and  to  enlarge  and  regulate  the  service  by  vari- 
ous new  initiatory  and  preparatory  prayers.  The  officiating 
ministers  were  distinguished  into  upper  and  lower  grades, 
and  were  adorned  by  many  costly  ecclesiastical  garments. 
The  number  of  festive  days  increased,  and  manifold  honors 
were  granted  to  the  founders  and  defenders  of  the  faith. 
Later  still  the  church  was  adorned  with  images  of  the  Sa- 
viour and  of  Mary,  and  of  the  martyrs  and  heroes  of  reli- 
gion— an  innovation  which  caused  serious  abuses  and  mis- 
understandings. Holidays  were  so  multiplied,  that  not  a 


3G2  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

day  passed  without  the  celebration  of  one  or  more  of  the 
martyrs  of  the  church  ;  the  service  became  so  long,  that 
those  attending  regularly  did  so  at  the  expense  of  their 
other  occupations,  and  the  direct  worship  offered  to  the 
images  overshadowed  the  sentiment  due  to  the  Most  High. 
Often  miraculous  powers  were  attributed  to  the  pictures 
themselves.  Men  kissed  them,  placed  them  on  their  head, 
eyes,  and  bosom,  made  before  them  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
knelt,  prayed,  and  in  fine  rendered  to  them  all  the  attributes 
of  direct  worship.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  both  the 
Jews  and  Mohammedans  called  the  Christians  idolaters. 

These  various  abuses  acted  destructively  on  the  national, 
social,  and  political  life.  While  the  liberal  mind  and  gener- 
ous spirit  had  long  ago  disappeared  from  the  nation,  while 
its  social  and  political  laws  were  ill  adapted  to  elevate  the 
mind  and  fortify  the  soul,  while  the  only  moral  mainspring 
was  religion,  the  latter  was  daily  withered  by  misunder- 
standings and  abuses,  and  the  nation  was  gradually  falling 
into  a  great  paralysis.  What  a  difference  from  the  regula- 
tions imposed  by  St.  Paul  on  the  Thessalonians  !  Again,  the 
numerous  exercises  of  worship  not  only  engendered  idleness 
and  its  various  pernicious  results,  they  also  stifled  the  spirit 
of  the  fundamental  teachings  of  Christ.  The  miraculous 
power  which  was  attributed  to  most  of  the  sacred  objects 
gave  rise  to  the  supposition  that  it  would  suffice  to  carry  or 
have  near  by  one  of  those  images,  in  order  to  be  free  from 
danger  or  moral  obligation.  Superstition  was  rampant.  In 
716  the  Christians,  while  Pergamus  was  besieged  by  the 
Mohammedans,  tore  open  a  woman,  believing  that  by  this 
hideous  sacrifice  they  would  appease  the  Most  High.  By 
this  union  of  idleness  and  superstition,  all  the  forces  of  hu- 
man energy  were  misdirected,  especially  since  learning  was 
principally  in  the  hands  of  the  monks,  who  with  a  few  excep- 
tions confirmed  the  youth  in  the  popular  errors. 

It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  spiritual  life  was  withered 


LEO  III  TO  LEOV.  363 

and  the  customs  of  the  people  were  barbarized.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  nothing  generous  was  produced,  either  in  speech 
after  the  immortal  masterpieces  of  Gregory,  Basil,  and 
Chrysostom,  or  in  art  after  the  erection  of  St.  Sophia,  or  in 
practical  science  after  the  inventions  of  the  chemist  Kallini- 
kus.  Society,  however,  had  not  wholly  passed  into  such 
degradation  as  to  ignore  the  danger  threatening  the  nation. 
Various  attempts  had  already  been  made  to  eradicate  image- 
worship,  and  large  bodies  of  citizens  combined  to  effect 
many  changes  in  the  existing  religious  beliefs. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  antagonistic  factions  and 
opinions  that  Leo  III  found  himself  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Mohammedans  (A.  D.  718).  At  first  he  hesitated  what  to 
do  ;  but  finally,  seeing  that  the  more  thoughtful  part  of  so- 
ciety longed  for  a  reformation,  he  issued  a  decree  in  726 
forbidding  the  worship  of  images,  and  in  730  another  ban- 
ishing them  entirely  from  the  churches  ;  and  he  devoted  the 
remainder  of  his  life  to  the  eradication  of  everything  tend- 
ing to  debase  the  sacred  ordinances  of  religion.  These  de- 
crees divided  the  nation  into  the  two  intensely  hostile  par- 
ties of  iconoclasts  or  image-breakers  and  image-worshipers, 
by  whose  contests  it  was  long  distracted.  Leo  died  in  the 
middle  of  741,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-five  years  ;  and  the 
Catholics  who  denounce  his  religious  innovations  are  obliged 
to  confess  that  they  were  undertaken  with  moderation  and 
conducted  with  firmness.  But  the  most  glorious  of  his 
works,  the  laws  which  he  enacted,  seeking  to  infuse  into  the 
community  the  most  Christian  social  principles — the  laws  by 
which  he  took  from  the  clergy  public  instruction  and  surren- 
dered it  to  the  people — the  laws,  finally,  by  which  he  showed 
himself  superior  to  his  century — these  laws  were  abrogated 
and  despised.  The  most  lofty-minded  of  legislators  was  rep- 
resented as  the  most  miserable  of  malefactors.  How  strange 
indeed  are  the  opinions  of  this  world  !  How  many  praises 
and  insults  were  heaped  on  the  legislative  works  of  Justini- 


364  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

an,  all  of  which  tended  to  render  his  name  famous !  His 
legislative  works,  however,  were  more  or  less  the  systematic 
arrangement  of  older  principles  and  ordinances,  while  those 
of  Leo  favored  the  cdmpletest  reformation,  having  emitted 
rays  of  truths  destined  to  warm  and  enlighten  the  nations 

of  our  time. 

Constantine  V. 

The  son  and  successor  of  Leo,  Constantine  V  (741-775), 
not  only  remained  faithful  to  the  principles  of  his  father, 
but  attacked  with  even  much  greater  zeal  the  images  of  the 
church.  In  746  he  invaded  the  north  of  Syria,  defeated  the 
Arabs,  captured  several  of  their  cities,  and  rendered  impor- 
tant service  to  the  Christians  of  that  region.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  he  dispatched  a  powerful  fleet  to  Kyprus,  which,  by 
the  aid  of  the  Greek  fire,  almost  annihilated  the  Arabian 
fleet,  composed  of  one  thousand  boats.  A  terrible  pesti- 
lence, however,  not  unlike  that  which  had  occurred  during 
the  reign  of  Justinian,  broke  out,  and  compelled  him  to  fore- 
go further  successes.  The  pestilence  lasted  three  years,  and 
the  loss  of  life  was  so  great  that  the  emperor  was  forced  to 
bring  to  Constantinople  and  the  adjoining  districts  new  in- 
habitants from  the  European  and  Asiatic  provinces.  Con- 
stantine died  in  September,  775,  of  a  severe  illness  which  he 
had  contracted  during  an  expedition  against  the  Bulgarians. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Leo  IV  (775-780),  a  youth  of 
feeble  constitution  both  of  mind  and  body,  the  principal  care 
of  whose  reign  was  the  settlement  of  the  succession.  Con- 
scious of  his  own  decline,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  his 
wife  Irene  guardian  of  the  Roman  world,  and  of  their  son 
Constantine  VI. 

Constantine  VI. 

Irene,  the  wife  of  Leo  IV,  was  an  Athenian.  Her  sole 
fortune  must  have  consisted  in  her  personal  accomplish- 
ments, for  she  was  an  orphan,  seventeen  years  old,  when 
Leo  chose  her  for  his  wife.  The  career  of  Irene  presents 


LEO  III  TO  LEO  V.  365 

one  of  the  most  heartrending  and  bloody  pictures  of  all  that 
can  be  found  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Her  love  of  power 
was  boundless,  and  to  achieve  her  ends  she  spared  neither 
friends  nor  foes.  Ambition  stifled  every  sentiment  of  hu- 
manity and  nature,  for  she  contrived  to  have  her  only  son, 
Constantine,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne,  arrested  and 
conveyed  to  the  porphyry  apartment  of  the  palace,  where 
he  was  unluckily  borne  by  his  heartless  mother.  Once  in 
her  power,  she  deprived  him  of  his  Bight,  and,  although  he 
lived  many  years  after,  he  was  incapacitated  from  ever  as- 
suming the  government. 

Thus,  after  constant  and  various  struggles,  Irene  suc- 
ceeded in  seizing  the  reins  of  power  ;  but  she  did  not  prove 
herself  worthy  of  the  place  obtained  by  means  of  so  much 
hyprocrisy  and  lawlessness.  The  Mohammedans  freely  plun- 
dered Asia  Minor,  and  peace  was  finally  concluded  on  pay- 
ment of  heavy  tribute.  In  this  miserable  condition  matters 
stood  at  Constantinople  at  the  time  when  the  Mohammedans 
were  led  by  the  brave  Haroun  al-Rashid,  and  nearly  all  the 
West  was  ruled  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  glorious  Charle- 
magne. The  undue  influence  given  to  the  monks  by  Irene, 
who  had  restored  image-worship  ;  the  abolition  of  many  just 
taxes,  which  impoverished  the  treasury  ;  the  summary  pun- 
ishment inflicted  on  veterans  who  had  risked  their  lives  on 
the  field  of  battle  for  the  preservation  and  honor  of  the  em- 
pire, finally  aroused  from  their  lethargy  the  active  part  of 
society,  and  Irene  was  deposed  and  banished  to  Lesbos.  The 
moving  spirit  of  this  daring  action  was  Nikephorus,  the 
great  treasurer  of  the  empire,  who  was*  invested  with  the 
purple. 

Nikephorus  I. 

The  first  act  of  Nikephorus  (802-811)  was  to  regulate 
the  relations  of  the  empire  with  the  powerful  dynast  of  the 
West.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  a  short  and  pithy  letter  to 
Haroun,  declaring  that  he  would  not  pay  the  tribute  agreed 


366  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

upon  with  Irene.  To  this  Haroun  replied  much  more  laconi- 
cally that  he  would  himself  bring  the  answer.  The  caliph 
crossed  in  the  middle  of  winter  the  snow-clad  Taurus,  en- 
tered Asia  Minor,  and  a  great  battle  was  fought  near  Krasus 
in  Phrygia,  in  which  not  less  than  forty  thousand  soldiers 
under  Nikephorus  were  killed.  The  emperor  was  finally 
compelled  to  retreat,  but  the  Arabs  also  sustained  so  severe 
a  loss  that  they  were  in  turn  obliged  to  withdraw  to  their 
own  territories.  Several  other  engagements  were  fought, 
by  which  Nikephorus  freed  his  empire  from  tribute. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Bulgarians,  availing  themselves  of 
the  anarchy  prevailing  in  the  empire  for  the  last  twenty-five 
years,  began  to  "  show  their  teeth,"  as  one  of  the  ancient 
chroniclers  puts  it.  Nikephorus  marched  against  them  ;  and, 
although  he  was  defeated,  yet  the  defeat  was  honorably  cov- 
ered by  the  death  of  the  emperor  and  a  great  number  of  his 
officers  and  patricians. 

Michael  I— Leo  V. 

The  successor  of  Nikephorus,  Michael  I,  proved  a  weak 
ruler.  If  extreme  mildness  often  becomes  a  private  citizen, 
it  is  without  question  a  grave  defect  in  a  public  man.  The 
Bulgarians  continued  to  ravage  and  plunder  the  most  fertile 
provinces  of  the  empire,  gradually  advancing  toward  the 
capital  itself.  Michael  led  a  large  army  against  them,  but 
at  the  very  beginning  of  the  battle  gave  the  signal  of  re- 
treat. The  army  was  so  wroth  at  this  cowardice,  that  Mi- 
chael finally  concluded  to  abdicate  in  behalf  of  one  of  his 
generals,  Leo  V  (813-820). 

It  became  apparent  at  once  that  a  powerful  and  strong 
arm  had  assumed  the  direction  of  affairs.  But  almost  within 
a  week  after  Leo's  accession  to  the  throne  the  Bulgarians 
appeared  before  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and,  having 
burned  and  destroyed  all  the  churches,  monasteries,  palaces, 
and  houses  situated  around  the  city,  retreated  to  their  terri- 


LEO  IH  TO  LEO  V.  367 

tories.  In  the  following  spring  Leo  marched  against  them, 
surprised  them  while  in  disorder,  and  effected  their  complete 
ruin.  No  battle  was  fought,  but  a  merciless  slaughter  took 
place.  Leo  forbade  any  captives  to  be  taken,  and  spared 
neither  old  men,  women,  nor  children. 

Peace  now  prevailed  throughout  the  empire,  and  Leo 
directed  his  energies  to  the  recuperation  of  internal  affairs. 
He  forced  the  clergy  to  give  up  their  political  control,  pro- 
hibited image-worship,  caused  the  laws  to  be  respected, 
placed  the  finances  of  the  empire  on  a  sound  basis,  and  reor- 
ganized the  army.  Never  was  an  army  subjected  to  a  more 
strict  discipline.  Leo  himself  led  and  exercised  it,  and 
knew  the  ability  and  value  of  each  general  and  officer.  He 
rebuilt  many  cities  in  Macedonia  and  Thrace,  gave  new  life 
to  agriculture,  industry,  and  commerce,  and  variously  devel- 
oped the  resources  of  the  empire.  He  not  only  abolished 
the  images  from  the  churches,  but  also  destroyed  the  songs 
and  prayers  addressed  to  them,  and  above  all  sought  to 
develop  the  mind  of  the  youth  by  a  new  educational  system 
and  new  didactic  books. 

The  reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  a  great 
event,  not  so  much  because  it  changed  the  types  and  forms 
of  religion,  but  because  it  freed  the  human  mind  from  its 
fetters,  enthroned  in  the  world  the  principles  of  liberty  and 
accurate  research,  opened  the  road  for  modern  science,  sanc- 
tioned the  impulse  for  progress,  produced  men  like  Bacon, 
and  prepared  the  great  intellectual  movement  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  and  the  much  greater  political  and  social 
movement  of  our  times.  Certainly  we  could  not  expect 
such  abundant  fruits  from  the  tree  of  the  Hellenic  reform  of 
the  eighth  century,  because  its  life  was  short,  lasting  only  for 
about  one  hundred  years  ;  but  during  this  period  the  na- 
tional spirit  was  in  some  measure  raised  from  the  subtle- 
ties of  the  scholastic  and  typical  method  to  the  more  enlight- 
ened laws  of  free  conscience  and  research. 


368  fcYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

Leo,  however,  who  had  so  greatly  benefited  his  empire, 
not  long  afterward  fell  a  victim  to  the  inordinate  ambition 
of  one  of  his  generals,  Michael,  whom  the  emperor  had 
greatly  befriended,  but  who,  when  about  to  be  executed  for 
conspiracy,  was  rescued  and  raised  to  the  throne,  Leo  being 
murdered  at  the  altar  in  church  (Christmas  day,  820). 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  DYNASTY   OF  MICHAEL  II. 

Michael  II—Theophilus. 

THE  first  difficulty  against  which  Michael  (820-829)  had 
to  contend  was  the  question  of  the  images.  Most  of  the 
conspirators  who  had  caused  the  death  of  Leo  belonged  to 
the  party  of  the  anti -reformers,  or  to  those  seeking  the  res- 
toration of  the  pictures.  In  the  mean  time  Thomas,  a  gen- 
eral and  friend  of  Leo,  escaped  to  the  Arabs,  mustered  a 
force  of  eighty  thousand  barbarians,  and  marched  against 
Constantinople  to  depose  the  usurper  and  avenge  the  mur- 
dered emperor.  The  situation  of  Michael  was  very  preca- 
rious ;  but  he  finally  succeeded  in  overcoming  his  enemies, 
taking  a  summary  and  fearful  vengeance  upon  Thomas  by 
means  of  the  Greek  fire,  of  which  his  adversaries  were  de- 
prived, and  by  the  assistance  of  his  brave  son  Theophilus. 
The  Mohammedans,  however,  profiting  by  the  troubled  con- 
dition of  the  Eastern  Empire,  succeeded  in  depriving  it  of 
two  of  its  largest  and  most  fertile  islands,  Krete  and  Sicily. 

At  the  death  of  Michael  II,  which  occurred  eight  years 
and  nine  months  after  he  had  ascended  the  throne,  he  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Theophilus  (829-842).  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  Theophilus  was  to  inflict  the  punishment  of  death 


THE  DYNASTY  OF  MICHAEL  II.  369 

on  the  murderers  of  Leo  V.  This  acf,  as  related  by  the  lo- 
gographers,  has  in  its  cruel  justice  the  savageness  rather  of 
an  Oriental  despot  than  of  the  hegemon  of  a  Christian  and 
well-governed  empire.  In  fine,  throughout  the  career  of 
Theophilus  we  find  a  nobleness  of  purpose  blended  with  a 
relentless  and  savage  disposition.  He  did  not  possess  the 
religious  indifference  of  his  father,  but  devoted  himself 
wholly  to  theological  reformation,  believing  that  by  its  suc- 
cess alone  the  safety  of  the  empire  could  be  secured.  He 
forbade  the  word  holy  to  be  inscribed  on  the  images,  and 
also  that  they  should  be  honored  by  prayers,  kissing,  or 
lighted  tapers.  He  maintained  that  God  alone  is  holy,  and 
that  the  soul  is  truly  purified  when,  free  from  all  earthly 
surroundings,  it  raises  itself  to  Him.  His  edicts  astounded 
the  monastic  order,  but  did  not  crush  it.  Experience  had 
shown  that  such  decrees  were  not  executed  literally,  and 
that  the  numerous  classes  of  the  people,  assisted  by  the 
monks,  finally  thwarted  the  plans  of  the  emperor,  the  more 
energetic  through  their  opposition,  and  the  others  through 
their  apathy.  The  empress  Theodora  herself  privately  wor- 
shiped images.  Theophilus  discovered  it,  but  could  not 
influence  her  to  give  up  her  religious  notions.  In  the  mean 
time  he  unfurled  the  banner  of  the  cross  against  the  Arabs  ; 
but  his  five  expeditions  were  concluded  by  a  signal  over- 
throw. Armorium,  the  native  city  of  his  ancestors,  was 
leveled  to  the  ground,  and  from  his  military  toils  he  de- 
rived only  the  surname  of  the  Unfortunate.  Thus,  while 
Theophilus  was  compelled,  on  account  of  his  love  to  his  wife, 
to  suffer  the  violation  of  his  orders  in  the  palace  itself  ;  while 
he  was  not  able  to  suppress  the  opposition  of  the  monks ; 
while  the  higher  social  classes,  which  alone  had  espoused  the 
reformation,  began  to  weary  of  the  long  and  unproductive 
strife — Theophilus,  in  the  midst  of  these  harassing  troubles 
and  perplexities,  fell  sick  and  died  in  the  beginning  of  842. 
His  last  words  were  in  behalf  of  the  reformation,  recom- 


370  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

mending  to  all  to  rom'ain  faithful  to  it  if  they  desired  the 
preservation  of  the  empire. 

The  Successors  of  TheopJiilus. 

The  positive  power  of  the  government  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  empress  Theodora,  assisted  by  her  brother  Bar- 
das,  her  uncle  Manuel,  and  one  Theoktistus,  an  ardent  anti- 
reformer.  The  sentiments  of  the  empress  concerning  the 
images  are  already  known.  The  pictures  were  again  hung 
in  the  churches,  and  the  monastic  order  more  than  ever  be- 
fore became  potent  both  in  society  and  government.  The 
monks,  who  did  not  respect  even  the  empress  that  befriended 
them,  instituted  a  terrific  persecution  against  the  reformers. 
Their  first  victim  was  John  Grammatikus,  the  late  occupant 
of  the  patriarchal  throne.  Accused  of  having  pulled  out  the 
eyes  of  an  image,  according  to  some  he  was  deprived  of  his 
own  eyesight,  and  according  to  others  he  was  given  two 
hundred  lashes,  such  as  were  never  before  inflicted  on  the 
worst  of  malefactors  !  Two  hundred  lashes  inflicted  on  the 
wisest  and  most  virtuous  man  of  that  epoch — such  was  the 
first  fruit  of  the  return  of  the  monks  to  power.  Many  others 
were  deposed  from  oflice,  punished,  or  exiled,  including  the 
learned  bishop  of  Thessaly,  and  Leo  the  Mathematician,  one 
of  the  ornaments  of  the  Eastern  Empire.  Public  education 
alone,  which  was  taken  from  the  hands  of  the  monks,  con- 
tinued to  thrive.  But  the  genuine,  the  noble  and  brave 
spirit  of  liberty,  which  had  for  more  than  one  hundred 
years  inspired  many  eminent  men  in  the  government,  the 
clergy,  the  community,  and  the  army,  had  entirely  disap- 
peared. 

A  lamentable  proof  also  of  the  great  change  was  the  edu- 
cation given  to  Michael,  the  first  emperor  since  the  abolition 
of  the  reformation.  In  the  beginning  of  842,  when  his  fa- 
ther died,  Michael  was  three  years  old.  The  infant  had 
inherited,  as  it  would  seem,  the  violent  temper  of  his  father ; 


THE  DYNASTY  OF  MICHAEL  II.  371 

but  a  suitable  education  could  have  moderated  and  even  en- 
nobled it.  This  should  have  been  the  first,  the  holiest  duty 
of  Theodora.  Unfortunately,  she  intrusted  this  care  to  Bar- 
das,  who  sought  to  foster  and  excite  the  most  ignoble  pas- 
sions of  the  child,  that  he  might  render  him  unfit  for  the 
government  and  rule  in  his  stead.  He  succeeded  so  well, 
that  Michael  became  the  most  depraved  of  men,  presenting 
a  unique  example  of  the  change  that  human  nature  may  suf- 
fer, abandoned  to  its  own  inclinations  and  impelled  by  an 
education  adapted  to  confirm  its  basest  tendencies.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  the  worst  characters  in  history  seem  holy  com- 
pared with  the  monster  created  by  Bardas  and  the  satyrs 
that  surrounded  him.  In  the  mean  time  the  Mohammedans 
had  occupied  most  of  Sicily  ;  the  Franks  had  extended  their 
dominions ;  Asia  Minor  was  threatened  by  the  Arabs,  and 
the  Peloponnesus  by  the  Slavs.  The  only  meritorious  act 
which  can  be  assigned  to  the  reign  of  Michael  is,  that  he 
permitted  Bardas  to  raise  the  illustrious  Photius  to  the  pa- 
triarchal throne  of  Constantinople.  The  genius  of  Photius 
may  be  understood  when  we  consider  that  between  the  first 
Constantine,  who  established  the  Eastern  Empire,  and  the 
last  one,  who  died  the  death  of  a  hero  on  the  ramparts  of 
Constantinople,  no  other  name  shines  more  resplendently  in 
history  than  his.  The  conduct  of  Michael,  however,  became 
so  odious  that  every  citizen  was  impatient  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  country  from  his  rule.  In  the  thirtieth  year  of 
his  age,  and  in  the  hour  of  intoxication  and  sleep,  Michael 
III  was  murdered  in  his  chamber  by  the  founder  of  a  new 
dynasty,  whom  the  emperor  had  raised  to  an  equality  of 
rank  and  power. 


372  ,  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE   MACEDONIAN   DYNASTY — THE   COMNENI. 

The  Reign  of  Basil  I. 

BASIL  I,  the  Macedonian  (867-886),  was  a  native  of 
Adrianople,  and  probably  a  Slavonian  ;  but  he  claimed  de- 
scent from  the  Macedonian  Alexander,  and  from  the  royal 
family  of  the  Armenian  Arsacidse.  In  his  infancy  his  family 
and  the  city  were  swept  away  by  an  inundation  of  the  Bul- 
garians. He  was  brought  up  as  a  slave  in  a  foreign  land  ; 
and  in  this  severe  discipline  he  acquired  the  hardiness  of 
body  and  flexibility  of  mind  which  promoted  his  future  ele- 
vation.* Obtaining  his  liberty,  he  went  to  Constantinople, 
and  rose  by  degrees  to  the  office  of  chief  chamberlain  to  Mi- 
chael III.  Basil  was  not  certainly  a  great  man,  yet  he  pos- 
sessed a  practical  mind  ;  he  was  ambitious,  and  not  afraid 
of  difficulties  ;  and,  above  all,  he  was  one  of  those  characters 
whom  rank  ennobles.  He  applied  himself  earnestly  and  con- 
scientiously to  the  improvement  of  his  empire,  and  displayed 
an  individual  morality  which  even  the  strictest  critics  of  the 
Byzantine  period  have  not  denied.  Basil  besides  demon- 
strated what  was  the  power  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  when 
commanded  by  a  man  who  knew  how  to  avail  himself  of  its 
resources.  He  defeated  the  Russians,  checked  the  Moham- 
medans, humiliated  the  Arabs,  and  spread  Christianity  in 
the  West  among  the  Slavs.  At  the  time  of  his  death  (Au- 
gust 29,  886),  therefore,  the  Byzantine  empire,  if  it  had  not 
regained  all  the  countries  of  which  it  had  been  deprived  dur- 
ing the  preceding  period,  yet  had  successively  routed  its 
principal  enemies  ;  and  the  Byzantine  army  was  increased, 
drilled,  and  placed  under  capable  leaders. 

*  Gibbon. 


THE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY— THE  COMNENI.          373 

Leo  VI. 

Of  the  four  sons  of  Basil,  Constantine  died  before  his 
father  ;  Stephen,  the  youngest,  was  content  with  the  honors 
of  a  patriarch  and  a  saint ;  both  Leo  and  Alexander  were 
alike  invested  with  the  purple,  but  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment were  solely  exercised  by  the  elder  brother.  Leo  VI 
(886-911)  was  a  pupil  of  Photius,  and  had  acquired  all  the 
learning  of  the  age,  but  he  did  not  inherit  the  practical  abil- 
ity of  his  father.  He  was  surnamed  the  Philosopher,  but  he 
proved  that  mere  learning,  in  the  absence  of  every  positive 
virtue,  only  renders  wickedness  more  glaring  and  unjustifi- 
able. He  issued  many  wise  regulations,  but  was  himself  the 
first  of  all  to  violate  them ;  while  the  cities  of  the  empire 
were  captured  and  destroyed  by  the  Arabs,  he  composed 
speeches,  prayers,  religious  hymns,  and  poems ;  while  the 
present  circumstances  were  in  a  most  precarious  condition, 
he  issued  orders  for  the  future  ;  and  while  his  armies  were 
routed,  he  copied  the  writings  of  the  ancients  concerning 
military  tactics.  In  fact,  he  was  the  opposite  of  his  father. 
The  former  was  ignorant,  but  practical ;  the  latter  learned, 
but  devoid  of  judgment  and  sound  wisdom.  During  his 
reign,  therefore,  the  empire  suffered  greatly  from  the  attacks 
of  the  Arabs,  the  Bulgarians,  and  the  Russians.  Its  polit- 
ical recuperation,  which  had  been  undertaken  by  Basil, 
seemed  to  have  proved  abortive,  especially  since,  on  the 
death  of  Leo  in  912,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  seven-years-old 
son  Constantine  VII,  Porphyrogenitus  *  (911-959),  and  thus 
the  usual  confusion  of  an  imperial  minority  followed  the  ina- 
bility of  the  former  emperor. 

*  Iii  the  Greek  language  purple  and  porpliyry  are  the  same  word.  An  - 
apartment  of  the  Byzantine  palace  was  lined  with  porphyry ;  it  was  reserved 
for  the  use  of  the  pregnant  empresses ;  and  the  royal  birth  of  their  children 
was  expressed  by  the  appellation  of  porphyrogenite,  or  born  in  the  purple. 
Several  of  the  Byzantine  princes  had  been  blessed  with  an  heir,  but  this  pe- 
culiar surname  was  first  applied  to  Constantine  VET. 


374  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

Indeed,  for  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  years  after 
the  death  of  Leo,  Byzantine  history  presents  a  sad  picture 
of  anarchy  and  devastation,  the  minute  details  of  which 
astonish  us  at  the  folly  and  the  lamentable  incapacity  of  the 
men  who  were  called  upon  to  steer  the  imperial  vessel. 
While  the  empire  was  externally  attacked  by  the  blood- 
thirsty Arab,  the  ruthless  Bulgarian,  or  the  rapacious  and 
ignorant  Russian,  the  generals  of  the  Byzantine  army  were 
striving  among  themselves  for  power  or  authority.  A  few 
victories  indeed  were  gained  over  the  Arabs  in  Sicily  and 
Syria,  as  well  as  over  the  Bulgarians  ;  but  what  were  these 
in  comparison  with  the  misfortunes  the  empire  suffered 
both  on  account  of  external  attacks  and  civil  strifes  ?  Su- 
perstition, the  ancient  disease  of  southern  nations,  was  prev- 
alent to  a  fearf ul  extent.  Usurpers  believed  that  they  could 
appease  the  anger  of  God  for  their  nefarious  and  bloody 
deeds  by  building  churches  and  monasteries.  Myriads  of 
men  inflicted  social  death  upon  themselves  by  espousing  a 
monastic  life,  especially  at  a  time  when  a  horde  of  worse 
foes  than  the  Arabs  found  their  way  into  the  empire.  These 
new-comers  were  neither  Semitic  nor  Aryan,  but  Turanian, 
of  a  stock  akin  to  the  old  Bulgarians,  and  to  the  Magyars 
or  Hungarians.  They  were  Turks,  but  of  a  tribe  then  far 
stronger — the  Seljuks.  The  Seljuks  were  a  nomad  people, 
who  knew  nothing  of  a  settled  life.  When  they  had  de- 
voured one  district,  they  went  on  to  plunder  another.  But 
the  death-blow  to  the  Byzantine  empire  did  not  come  either 
from  the  Arab  or  the  Bulgarian,  the  Russian  or  the  Seljuk  : 
it  was  dealt  by  the  crusaders,  whose  incursions  we  shall 

presently  relate. 

Alexius  I. 

From  this  night  of  slavery  a  ray  of  freedom,  or  at  least 
of  spirit,  begins  to  emerge.  The  Comneni — the  first  of 
whom,  Isaac  I,  succeeded  the  last  emperor  of  the  Macedo- 
nian dynasty,  Michael  VI,  in  1057— upheld  for  a  while  the 


TEE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY— THE  COMNENI.          375 

fate  of  the  sinking  empire.  They  were  of  Paphlagonian 
origin.*  Alexius  I  (1081-1118),  who  came  to  the  throne 
amid  the  violent  storm  which  was  threatening  the  very  ex- 
istence of  the  empire,  was  certainly  the  most  illustrious  scion 
of  that  great  family.  He  had  already  given  evidence  of  his 
exalted  military  genius  by  the  many  wars  in  which  he  had 
taken  a  leading  part,  and,  though  yet  a  young  man,  his  name 
had  become  a  terror  to  the  enemy.  Having  therefore  shown 
from  early  youth  so  much  political  and  military  wisdom,  it 
was  naturally  hoped  that,  although  half  of  Asia  Minor  was 
held  by  the  Turks,  the  state  of  the  empire  would  have  been 
greatly  benefited  by  his  accession.  A  large  army  could  yet 
be  mustered  from  the  European  provinces  ;  the  resources  of 
the  nation  were  abundant,  and  Constantinople  was  still  the 
first  commercial  port  of  the  world.  But,  not  long  after  as- 
cending the  throne,  Alexius  was  informed  that  a  most  for- 
midable enemy,  the  Norman  Robert  Guiscard,  was  ready  to 
sail  from  the  eastern  coasts  of  Italy  against  the  European 
provinces  of  the  empire. 

Robert  Cruiscard's  Invasion. 

The  Normans,  who  did  not  perpetuate  their  name  in  any 
of  the  modern  nations,  exercised  nevertheless,  during  the 
second  half  of  the  eleventh  century,  an  important  influence 
on  civilization.  Led  by  William  the  Conqueror,  they  sub- 
dued England,  and  gave  rise  to  radical  changes  in  its  lan- 
guage, customs,  and  government.  At  the  same  time  they 
were  the  principal  cause  of  the  subjection  both  of  the  By- 
zantine empire  and  of  the  church.  Robert  Guiscard,  alleging 
that  Constantine,  the  son  and  heir  of  the  emperor  Michael 
VII,  and  the  betrothed  of  one  of  his  daughters,  had  been 
unlawfully  deprived  of  the  throne  of  Constantinople  and  cast 
into  prison,  prepared  a  heterogeneous  army  of  thirty  thousand 
followers,  thirteen  hundred  of  whom  were  knights  of  Norman 

*  Gibbon  believes  that  they  were  of  Roman  origin. 


376  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

race,  forming  the  sinews  of  the  army,  with  which  to  avenge 
the  insult  cast  upon  his  future  son-in-law.  On  .receipt  of  the 
news,  Alexius  began  at  onco  to  prepare  for  the  coming  strug- 
gle. The  condition  of  the  empire  was  critical.  The  Turks 
were  in  Kyzikus  and  Niksea ;  no  regular  army  existed,  the 
treasury  was  empty,  and  anarchy  everywhere  prevailed. 
But  the  genius  of  Alexius  at  once  became  manifest.  He 
promptly  took  steps  for  the  forming  of  an  army,  obtaining 
money,  strengthening  the  forts,  and  securing  allies  against 
the  approaching  Norman  foe.  Robert  conveyed  his  force  in 
safety  to  the  opposite  coast  of  Epirus,  and  laid  siege  to  Du- 
razzo,  the  western  key  of  the  empire,  although  his  forces  had 
already  suffered  severe  hardships.  Part  of  his  fleet  was  de- 
stroyed by  a  tempest,  and  the  remainder  by  the  Greek  fire 
of  the  imperial  galleys  ;  communication  with  Italy  was  cut 
off  ;  want  of  provisions  produced  a  famine  ;  a  fearful  pes- 
tilence was  destroying  the  bravest  of  his  warriors  ;  the  arri- 
val of  Alexius  with  a  large  army  was  daily  expected.  But 
the  intrepid  Norman  did  not  lose  his  indomitable  courage  ; 
every  reverse  made  him  only  the  more  stubborn  ;  and  finally 
his  wonderful  pertinacity,  which  to  this  day  arouses  our  ad- 
miration, was  rewarded  with  success,  for  Durazzo  fell  into 
his  hands  (A.  D.  1082).  From  Durazzo  the  Norman  hero  ad- 
vanced into  the  heart  of  Epirus  or  Albania,  traversed  the 
first  mountains  of  Thessaly,  and  approached  Thessalonica  ; 
but  as  he  was  preparing  to  lead  his  victorious  army  before 
the  capital  itself,  he  received  information  which  caused  him 
to  hasten  back  to  Italy.  In  the  spring  of  1085  he  again 
aspired  to  the  conquest  of  Constantinople,  but  died  in  the 
seventieth  year  of  his  age,  of  an  epidemic  disease,  in  the 
isle  of  Kephallenia  ;  and  thus  the  empire  was  freed  from  a 
dreaded  antagonist.  The  Norman  army,  deprived  of  its 
main  support,  soon  after  dispersed  ;  and  Durazzo,  all  the 
sea-coast  forts,  and  the  western  islands,  were  recovered  by 
the  Byzantines. 


THE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY— THE  COMNENI.          377 

The  Crusades. 

After  the  Norman  war  Alexius  directed  his  attention  to 
the  Turks,  who  from  the  year  1043,  when  the  serious  com- 
plications between  Greek  and  Turk  began,  did  not  cease  to 
devastate  the  richest  provinces  of  the  empire.  At  the  same 
time  he  undertook  to  reorganize  the  government,  to  form 
a  well-disciplined  army,  to  construct  a  powerful  fleet,  and  to 
encourage  art,  science,  industry,  and  commerce.  But,  in  the 
midst  of  these  endeavors,  suddenly  a  storm  burst  from  the 
West,  the  so-called  first  crusade. 

Most  Western  writers  assert  that  this  crusade  was  under- 
taken at  the  instigation  of  the  Byzantines,  alleging  that  a 
hermit  named  Peter,  a  native  of  Amiens,  in  the  province  of 
Picardy  in  France,  visited  the  holy  sepulchre  during  1093 
and  1094,  and,  having  witnessed  the  sufferings  of  the  Chris- 
tians at  the  hands  of  the  Turks,  returned  bringing  letters  from 
the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  addressed  to  the  pope  and  to  the 
rulers  of  the  West,  imploring  their  aid ;  and  that  further- 
more Alexius  himself  sought  assistance  through  letters  and 
ambassadors.  This  allegation,  however,  is  false,  especially 
with  respect  to  Alexius.  The  Byzantine  writers,  and  par- 
ticularly Anna  Comnena,  make  no  such  statement,  but  on 
the  contrary  regard  it  as  altogether  an  unexpected  and  hos- 
tile attempt  against  the  Byzantine  empire.  In  fact,  Anna 
Comnena  attributes  the  movement  solely  to  the  "preach- 
ing "  of  Peter,  and  does  not  even  make  any  mention  of  the 
"request  by  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem."*  Again,  the 
danger  from  the  Mohammedans  was  not  so  serious  at  that 
time  as  to  force  him  to  sacrifice  the  dignity  of  the  empire 
to  an  appeal  for  aid.  How  could  Alexius  implore  the  aid  of 
the  West,  against  which  he  had  but  recently  fought  ?  Would 

*  See  book  10  of  the  "  Alexias  "  :  O&Vw  Se  fuicpbv  eat/rbi/  cu/airawras,  \oyo- 
iroiovfjievriv  rjicrjitdet  cmelptw  QpaymKwv  ffrpa.TfVfuiTuj'  tir4\fvffiv,  'E8e5/et  n\v 
olv  T7)i>  TOVTUV  e<po5ovt  etc. 

37 


378  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

he,  of  his  own  free  will,  introduce  into  the  heart  of  the  na- 
tion those  who  had  but  recently  sought  to  overthrow  his 
government,  invaded  on  false  pretenses  the  Hellenic  terri- 
tories, and  had  been  driven  away  only  after  so  many  dangers 
and  toils?  Those  who  forged  these  letters,  surpassing  all 
the  bounds  of  decency,  represented  Alexius  not  only  as  in- 
viting the  knights  and  barons  of  the  West  to  plunder  the 
public  treasury  and  the  mythical  wealth  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  capital,  but  besides  as  describing  the  beauty  of  the 
Hellenic  women,  who  were  destined  to  reward  the  feats  of 
their  liberators  !  *  Statements  such  as  these  need  no  refu- 
tation. The  great  movement  of  the  West  against  the  East, 
which  lasted  for  about  three  centuries,  forming  one  of  the 
most  memorable  episodes  of  the  world's  history,  was  insti- 
gated by  religious  and  political  interests,  and  especially 
through  the  stubborn  persistence  of  the  popes  of  Home  in 
attempts  to  impose  their  supremacy  on  the  Eastern  church. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  on  his  return  to  Italy,  was  received 
as  a  prophet  by  Pope  Urban  II,  who  applauded  his  glori- 
ous design,  promised  to  support  it  in  a  general  council,  and 
encouraged  him  to  proclaim  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy 
Land.  Stimulated  by  the  approbation  of  the  pontiff,  Peter 
traversed  the  provinces  of  Italy  and  France,  arousing  every- 
where the  greatest  zeal  against  the  Mohammedans,  who  were 
indeed  an  object  of  aversion  on  account  of  the  lawless  and 
barbarous  arts  committed  by  the  Arabs  in  Spain.  The  ap- 
pearance of  Peter  was  well  calculated  to  excite  the  fanati- 
cism (or  the  martial  spirit,  as  Western  writers  put  it)  of  his 
hearers.  His  head  and  feet  were  bare,  and  his  meager  body 
was  wrapped  in  a  coarse  garment ;  he  bore  a  weighty  cruci- 
fix ;  and  the  ass  which  he  rode  was  sanctified  in  the  public 
eye  by  the  service  of  the  man  of  God.  He  preached  to  in- 
numerable crowds  in  the  churches  and  the  highways,  and 

*  See  "  Thesaurus  novus  Anecdotorum  " ;  also  "  Amplissima  Collectio," 
and  "  Historia  Ilierosolymitann." 


THE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY— THE  COMNENI.  379 

entered  with  equal  confidence  the  palace  and  the  cottage. 
In  March,  1095,  Urban  summoned  a  council  at  Piacenza, 
which  was  numerously  attended,  and  the  wildest  enthusiasm 
for  marching  against  the  Turks  was  manifested.  In  the 
month  of  November  a  second  council  was  convened  at  Cler- 
mont  in  France,  and  as  Pope  Urban  in  a  vehement  exhorta- 
tion urged  the  thousands  who  were  present  to  march  to  the 
assistance  of  their  persecuted  brethren,  those  present  with 
one  voice  exclaimed,  "  God  wills  it !  God  wills  it !  "  "  It 
is  indeed  the  will  of  God,"  replied  the  pope  ;  "  and  let  this 
memorable  word,  the  inspiration  surely  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
be  for  ever  adopted  as  your  cry  of  battle,  to  animate  the  de- 
votion and  courage  of  the  champions  of  Christ.  His  cross 
is  the  symbol  of  your  salvation ;  wear  it,  a  red,  a  bloody 
cross,  as  an  external  mark,  on  your  breasts  or  shoulders,  as 
a  pledge  of  your  sacred  and  irrevocable  engagement."  The 
proposal  was  joyfully  accepted  ;  great  numbers,  both  of  the 
clergy  and  laity,  affixed  to  their  garments  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  and  the  pope  proclaimed  a  plenary  indulgence  to  those 
who  should  enlist  under  the  sacred  banners. 

While  the  great  sovereigns  of  Europe  were  still  occupied 
with  their  preparations,  a  vast  throng,  the  lowest  refuse  of 
the  people,  "  who  mingled  with  their  devotion  a  brutal  license 
of  rapine,  prostitution,  and  drunkenness,"  pressed  forward  to 
the  East.  They  committed  such  acts  of  rapacity  and  vio- 
lence on  their  journey,  that  before  arriving  at  the  confines 
of  the  Byzantine  empire  numbers  of  them  were  destroyed 
by  the  enraged  inhabitants  of  Hungary.  Reaching  Constan- 
tinople, they  abused  the  hospitable  entertainnment  of  Alex- 
ius, for  neither  gardens,  palaces,  nor  churches  were  safe  from 
their  depredations  ;  so  that  Alexius  soon  came  to  fear  these 
liberators  more  than  the  Turks  themselves.  The  fate,  how- 
ever, of  this  first  expedition  of  Christian  Europe  was  sad 
indeed.  Attacked  by  the  great  chief  of  the  Turks,  Kilidge- 
Arslan,  the  crusaders  suffered  a  total  defeat,  and  out  of  many 


380  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

myriads  three  thousand  only  escaped.  These  also  would 
have  succumbed  to  Turkish  valor  had  not  Alexius,  gener- 
ously forgetting  their  depredations,  sent  them  a  fleet  and  an 
army,  which  brought  them  in  safety  to  Constantinople. 

As  torrents,  pouring  down  from  several  mountains,  and 
following  various  courses,  finally  empty  into  one  large  river, 
so  the  different  leaders  of  the  West,  advancing  by  separate 
routes,  finally  met  before  the  gates  of  Constantinople,  form- 
ing a  vast  camp,  and  marched  to  the  capture  of  Jerusalem. 
On  their  way,  the  crusaders  reduced  two  important  cities, 
Niksea  and  Antioch  ;  and  Jerusalem  itself  fell  into  their  hands 
(July  15, 1099).  History  seldom  mentions  so  cruel  a  slaugh- 
ter as  these  Christian  liberators  committed  on  taking  the 
city.  Neither  sex  nor  age,  nor  the  submission  of  the  de- 
feated, found  grace  before  their  eyes.  Young  children  and 
infants  were  ruthlessly  grasped  by  the  feet  and  dashed 
against  the  walls  or  the  ground.  They  mangled  the  bodies 
of  the  dead,  and  everywhere  on  the  streets  could  be  seen 
human  heads  and  members  heaped  together  without  dis-, 
crimination.  By  such  acts  these  avengers  of  the  Saviour 
and  followers  of  his  beneficent  doctrines  thought  that  they 
could  please  the  Most  High  !  At  the  same  time  they  vio- 
lated their  oaths  to  Alexius,  for  they  instituted  "  a  self -exist- 
ing kingdom  "  in  Syria,  and  appointed  a  patriarch  of  their 
own  in  Jerusalem. 

The  feats  accomplished  by  the  first  crusade  kindled  such 
a  wild  enthusiasm  throughout  Europe,  that  in  1101  a  swarm 
of  pilgrims  marched  against  the  East ;  but  more  than  four 
hundred  thousand  were  destroyed  in  Anatolia  by  famine, 
pestilence,  and  the  Turkish  arrows,  while  a  mere  handful 
escaped  to  Constantinople  and  Antioch. 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  381 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  LATIN  AND   TURKISH    CONQUESTS. 

The  Second  Crusade. 

THE  first  crusade  tended  only  to  weaken  the  power  of 
mediaeval  Hellenism,  and  to  render  more  easy  the  final  tri- 
umph of  the  Turks.  But  while  Hellenism  suffered  such  se- 
vere wounds,  it  recovered  from  the  Turks  during  the  reign, 
of  John  Comnenus  (1118-1143),  the  son  and  successor  of 
Alexius,  portions  of  its  former  possessions  in  Phrygia  and 
Paphlagonia.  He  advanced  with  a  great  army  against  Ki- 
likia  and  Syria  also,  but  the  treachery  of  the  Latins  forced 
him  to  turn  back  to  Constantinople.  'Had  the  Latins  assisted 
the  Greeks  on  that  occasion,  John  Comnenus  could  without 
doubt  have  freed  both  Asia  Minor  and  Syria.  Manuel  Com- 
nenus (1143-1181),  the  son  and  successor  of  John,  also  hum- 
bled the  Turks  both  in  Pamphylia  and  Kilikia,  but  was  com- 
pelled to  forego  this  line  of  success,  because  a  new  danger 
threatened  him  from  the  West,  in  1147,  in  the  second  cru- 
sade. 

The  capture  of  Edessa,  the  strongest  bulwark  of  the 
Latins  in  the  East,  by  the  Seljuks,  was  the  cause  of  the 
second  crusade.  The  leaders  of  this  enterprise  were  Conrad 
III,  king  of  Germany,  and  Louis  VII,  king  of  France.  The 
ostensible  intention  of  the  crusaders  was  to  free  Eastern 
Christianity  from  the  oppression  of  the  Turks ;  but  their 
iiltimate  object,  as  facts  afterward  showed,  was  the  capture 
of  Constantinople  and  the  abolition  of  the  Byzantine  em- 
pire. Indeed,  this  plan  was  openly  advocated  among  the 
leaders,  but  it  was  deemed  best  not  to  make  any  attempt  on 
the  capital  for  the  present.  Before  Manuel,  however,  would 
allow  a  free  passage  through  his  provinces,  both  Conrad  and 


382  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

Louis  swore  that  they  would  make  the  journey  without  in- 
jury and  malice,  pay  for  their  supplies,  and  surrender  to  him 
all  the  cities  they  should  capture  from  the  Turks.  But 
shortly  afterward  the  crusaders  refused  payment  for  pro- 
visions, took  what  they  required  by  force,  and  entered  into 
open  warfare  with  the  inhabitants  and  the  army.  During 
the  first  crusade  the  Western  armies  succeeded  at  least  in 
capturing  certain  cities  of  Syria ;  but  on  the  present  occa- 
sion they  not  only  became  masters  of  no  city,  but  their  fail- 
ure was  wholly  inglorious,  being  relieved  by  no  heroic  deed 
whatever. 

In  1147,  while  Conrad  and  Louis  crossed  the  northern 
provinces,  more  as  enemies  than  as  allies,  and  forced  Manuel 
to  direct  his  attention  to  that  quarter,  Roger  II,  ruler  of 
southern  Italy  and  Sicily,  marched  against  the  southern  coun- 
tries of  the  empire,  and  ruthlessly  plundered  Thebes  and 
Corinth.  Such  was  the  result  of  the  second  crusade,  the 
advocates  of  which  accused  Manuel  of  having  connived  with 
the  Turks  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Latins.  Even  were  these 
allegations  true,  we  could  hardly  blame  the  emperor  for 
adopting  this  policy  toward  those  who,  while  calling  them- 
selves soldiers  of  the  cross,  robbed  the  Christians,  plotted  for 
the  capture  of  their  capital,  and  laid  waste  the  most  flour- 
ishing cities  of  Hellas.  In  fact,  the  incidents  immediately 
following  will  show  that  mediaeval  Hellenism  required  no  aid 
from  western  Europe  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Turks. 

While  Manuel  Comnenus  was  engaged  in  war  with 
Roger,  having  dispatched  an  army  to  Sicily  to  punish  him 
for  his  depredations,  he  gained  at  the  same  time  many  splen- 
did victories  over  the  Turks  in  Asia.  In  1156  he  compelled 
the  famous  Nureddin,  before  whom  the  Franks  in  Syria 
trembled,  to  sue  for  peace,  and  to  return  all  his  Christian 
captives  (six  thousand  Franks  and  Germans,  the  miserable 
remnants  of  the  second  crusade),  and  to  promise  that  he 
would  follow  the  monarch  of  Constantinople  in  his  wars 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  383 

against  Asia.  In  1158  he  forced  the  sultan  of  Iconium  to 
accept  the  same  conditions,  and  besides  to  surrender  all  the 
fortifications  which  he  had  captured  since  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Manuel.  Who  can  doubt  therefore  that,  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  injury  inflicted  by  the  crusades,  med- 
iaeval Hellenism  would  have  early  freed  itself  from  the 
Mohammedans?  Unfortunately,  the  incessant  attacks  of 
Europe,  while  they  diminished  the  resources  and  weakened 
the  forces  of  the  empire,  at  the  same  time  increased  the 
bitter  enmity  felt  in  the  East  toward  the  Latins.  The  re- 
sources of  the  Hellenic  power  had  become  greatly  enfee- 
bled. Asia  Minor,  which  for  about  eight  hundred  years  had 
been  its  principal  support,  was  now  almost  entirely  ruled 
by  the  Turks  ;  and  Hellenism,  thus  attacked  on  both  sides, 
could  with  difficulty  maintain  its  political  union.  Besides, 
the  Bulgarians  had  revolted  and  recovered  their  liberty,  and 
thus  the  empire  was  deprived  of  one  of  its  most  fertile  prov- 
inces. 

The  Crusaders  in  Constantinople. 

In  1180  the  last  great  Comnenus  died,  and  the  throne, 
after  a  short  anarchy,  was  occupied  by  the  dynasty  of  the 
Angeli,  who  did  not  show  themselves  equal  to  the  emergency. 
Many  provinces  were  gradually  detached  from  the  empire, 
and  Pontus  and  Paphlagonia  formed  an  independent  kingdom 
under  a  Greek  hegemon.  In  the  midst  of  these  events,  two 
new  thunderbolts  successively  fell  from  the  West — the  third 
and  fourth  crusades. 

The  overthrow  of  the  Christian  authority  in  Syria  and 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  on  the  3d  of  October,  1187,  by 
Saladin,  the  sultan  of  Egypt,  called  forth  these  movements. 
The  third  crusade  did  comparatively  little  harm  to  the  em- 
pire, and  it  was  at  first  supposed  that  the  fourth  would  have 
been  carried  out  in  much  the  same  spirit,  since  it  was  de- 
cided to  transport  the  army  to  Egypt,  and  begin  operations 
there  against  the  Saracens.  But  Dandolo,  doge  of  Venice, 


384  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

who  was  at  enmity  with  the  Byzantine  court,  prevailed  upon 
the  leaders  of  the  crusaders  to  attack  the  Queen  City  of  the 
East. 

Certain  events  had  occurred  in  Constantinople  well  cal- 
culated to  facilitate  the  designs  of  Dandolo.  The  various 
misfortunes  which  the  empire  had  sustained  for  so  long  a 
time,  not  from  the  Turks,  but  from  the  Christians  of  south- 
ern Europe,  began,  as  we  already  know,  to  exert  an  evil 
influence  on  the  character  of  its  rulers.  The  glorious  days 
of  the  reformation,  of  the  Macedonian  dynasty,  and  of  the 
Comneni  had  passed.  Andronicus,  younger  son  of  Isaac  and 
grandson  of  Alexius  Comnenus,  was  certainly  not  without 
eminent  military  abilities  ;  but,  having  put  to  death  the  suc- 
cessor of  Manuel,  Alexius  II,  he  plunged  recklessly  into 
every  sort  of  crime.  He  was  deposed,  and,  after  a  thousand 
blows  and  outrages,  was  hung  by  the  feet  between  two  pil- 
lars by  order  of  Isaac  Angelus  (1185-1195),  who,  however, 
was  altogether  unfit  for  the  highest  command.  His  brother 
Alexius  III  deposed  him,  and  besides  deprived  him  of  his 
sight.  But  the  son  of  Isaac,  also  called  Alexius  (IV),  hav- 
ing escaped  from  Constantinople,  came  in  1201  to  Pope  In- 
nocent III  and  to  King  Philip  II  of  France,  imploring  the 
strong  protection  of  both  against  his  uncle  the  usurper,  and 
promising  in  return  the  union  of  the  churches  without  con- 
ditions, the  submission  of  his  people  to  the  supremacy  of  the 
Roman  church,  and  his  assistance  in  the  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Land.  He  engaged  to  recompense  the  labors  and  mer- 
its of  the  crusaders  by  the  immediate  payment  of  two  hun- 
dred thousand  marks  of  silver,  to  accompany  them  in  person 
to  Egypt,  or,  if  it  should  be  judged  more  advantageous,  to 
maintain  during  a  year  ten  thousand  men,  and  during  his 
life  five  hundred  knights,  for  service  in  the  Holy  Land. 

The  Venetians,  who,  under  the  pretense  of  espousing  the 
cause  of  the  youthful  Alexius,  concealed  a  sinister  motive  of 
plunder  and  revenge,  vigorously  pressed  the  departure  of  the 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  385 

fleet  and  the  army.  No  resistance  was  offered  by  the  Byzan- 
tine monarch  to  the  passage  of  the  fleet  through  the  Hellenic 
seas  ;  and,  after  a  prosperous  voyage,  the  crusaders  reposed 
for  nine  days  in  Scutari,  the  Asiatic  suburb  of  Constanti- 
nople (A.  D.  1203).  Had  a  man  been  seated  on  the  throne 
of  Constantinople,  the  undertaking  would  have  failed.  The 
crusaders  and  the  Venetians  hardly  numbered  twenty  thou- 
sand men.  Not  many  years  before  Manuel  Comnenus  had 
repeatedly  defeated  the  Hungarians  in  Thessaly,  the  Nor- 
mans in  Korkyra,  and  the  Turks  in  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 
The  Norman  army  of  eighty  thousand,  after  having  captured 
Durazzo  and  Thessaly,  suffered  a  total  overthrow  not  far 
from  the  spot  where  the  crusaders  were  now  encamped.  But 
Alexius  III  was  the  most  worthless  of  men,  and  after  a 
short  resistance  he  fled  from  his  capital  about  the  middle  of 
July ;  and  the  adherents  of  the  blind  Isaac  hereupon  hast- 
ened to  proclaim  both  him  and  his  son  Alexius  IV  emperors. 
Alexius  IV  finding  himself  unable  to  pay  the  money  he 
had  promised,  the  commanders  of  the  Western  army  "  official- 
ly "  declared  war  against  him  toward  the  end  of  November, 
1203.  The  siege  lasted  five  months,  and  that  great  city, 
which  since  its  foundation  for  nine  hundred  years  had  de- 
fied all  attacks,  had  accumulated  treasures  from  the  whole 
world,  and  had  preserved  intact  the  best  masterpieces  of 
ancient  art  and  intellect,  fell  on  April  12,  1204,  and  became 
for  four  whole  days  subject  to  the  most  ruthless  violence 
and  devastation.  The  crusaders  scattered  about  the  city, 
plundering  everything  that  aroused  their  cupidity — gold, 
silver,  precious  stones,  and  silks.  They  invaded  not  only 
the  mansions  of  the  rich,  but  even  the  houses  of  the  poor. 
The  sight  of  booty  inflamed  their  avarice,  and  the  intoxica- 
tion of  victory  knew  no  bounds.  Religious,  national,  polit- 
ical, commercial,  and  social  passions,  nourished  for  so  many 
centuries,  combined  with  their  buccaneering  propensities  in 
giving  full  vent  to  their  lawlessness*  The  slaughter  does 


386  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

not  seem  to  have  been  proportionate  to  the  other  devasta- 
tion. One  thousand  citizens  are  said  to  have  been  butchered 
the  first  day,  but  no  one  knows  how  many  were  sacrificed 
on  the  three  following  days.  The  survivors  were  much  more 
unfortunate  than  the  dead  ;  for  not  only  were  they  robbed 
of  everything,  but  were  insulted  and  violated  by  the  con- 
querors, who  revered  neither  women,  churches,  nor  tombs. 
The  sight  which  the  suburbs  of  Byzantium  presented  during 
those  terrible  days  was  not  less  heartrending  than  the  scenes 
within  the  walls.  Thousands  of  fugitives  thronged  the  high- 
ways around  the  city,  naked  and  hopeless,  yet  deeming  them- 
selves happy  to  preserve  life  and  the  honor  of  their  families. 
But  devastation,  violence,  and  murder  were  not  the  only 
means  by  which  the  Western  conquerors  wreaked  their  ven- 
geance on  the  unfortunate  city.  The  barbarians  did  not 
spare  even  the  works  of  art  which  adorned  the  streets,  pal- 
aces, and  public  buildings — works  many  of  which  had  come 
from  the  inspired  hands  of  Pheidias  and  Praxiteles.  Finally, 
after  the  storm  began  to  subside,  Baldwin,  count  of  Flan- 
ders, was  elected  emperor  of  the  East,  and  seated  the  Vene- 
tian Thomas  Morosini  on  the  ecclesiastical  throne. 

Organization  of  the  Latin  Empire. 

Thus  was  realized  the  ancient  dream  of  the  West  for  the 
conquest  of  Constantinople,  and  the  submission  of  mediaeval 
Hellenism  to  the  church  of  Rome.  But  in  what  way  was 
Europe  benefited  ?  The  conquerors  sought  to  introduce  two 
regulations  altogether  foreign  and  irreconcilable  to  the  opin- 
ions and  customs  of  the  Eastern  world — the  papal  supremacy 
and  the  feudal  system.  The  experience  of  centuries  had 
shown  that  Hellenism  would  never  consent  to  acknowledge 
the  despotism  of  the  pope  of  Rome,  regarding  this  as  the 
surrender  of  its  nationality  and  language.  The  feudal  sys- 
tem only  resulted  in  a  diminution  of  the  resources  of  the  em- 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  387 

pire.  The  emperor  was  considered  the  highest  magistrate, 
but  his  immediate  authority  was  limited  to  the  districts  of 
Asia  Minor  and  Thrace.  To  the  Italian  Boniface,  marquis 
of  Montferrat,  were  allotted  Macedonia,  Thessaly,  and  Hel- 
las proper,  which  formed  the  so-called  kingdom  of  Thessaly, 
but  which  later  came  into  civil  war  with  the  emperor.  The 
Peloponnesus,  which  was  surrendered  to  the  Venetians,  was 
forcibly  seized  by  the  nephew  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  who 
was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  leaders  of  the  fourth 
crusade.  The  Venetians  in  reality  held  in  the  Peloponnesus 
only  Methone  and  Korone,  but  became  directly  or  indirectly 
masters  of  all  the  islands,  besides  appropriating  one  half  of 
the  capital. 

By  such  political  and  ecclesiastical  regulations  it  was  not 
possible  to  found  a  lasting  empire  in  the  East.  To  this 
strange  structure  of  western  Europe  Hellenism,  though  at 
first  worsted,  finally  proved  itself  in  every  way  superior. 
Theodore  Laskaris,  one  of  the  last  brave  defenders  of  Con- 
stantinople, having  crossed  over  to  Asia  Minor  and  collected 
at  Prusa  a  large  number  of  exiles,  declared  war  at  once 
against  the  conquerors.  A  synod  of  political  and  ecclesias- 
tical rulers  congregated  at  Nikaea  (Nice)  in  1206,  proclaimed 
him  emperor,  and  founded  on  that  coast  and  the  adjacent 
islands  an  important  power,  which  continued  fighting  both 
against  the  Franks  and  the  Turks,  with  whom  the  Latins 
who  had  come  to  the  East  to  free  the  Christians  from  the 
yoke  of  the  Mohammedans  did  not  hesitate  to  cooperate.  It 
is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that,  in  opposition  to  the  anarchy 
introduced  by  the  Latins,  there  prevailed  at  Nikaea  a  definite 
political  and  ecclesiastical  union,  which  was  the  peculiar  char- 
acteristic of  the  mediaeval  Hellenism. 

The  standard  of  revolt  was  at  the  same  time  raised  in 
the  European  provinces  by  Michael  Angelus  Comnenus,  who 
founded  an  independent  kingdom  extending  on  the  north  as 
far  as  Durazzo,  and  on  the  south  as  far  as  Naupaktus,  includ- 


388  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

ing  also  Thessaly  on  the  west.  Theodore,  the  brother  and 
successor  of  Michael,  also  maintained  a  successful  warfare 
against  the  Latins,  Bulgarians,  and  Servians. 

^Recovery  of  Constantinople. 

Finally,  on  the  26th  of  July,  1261,  Michael  Palaeologus, 
with  eight  hundred  horsemen  and  a  few  foot-soldiers,  re- 
covered Constantinople  itself  almost  without  battle.  Pa- 
Iseologus  found  Constantinople  for  the  most  part  in  ruins, 
and  with  a  scanty  population.  The  ancient,  splendid,  and 
rich  capital,  which  but  sixty  years  before  was  full  of  trea- 
sures accumulated  by  the  commerce,  industry,  art,  intelli- 
gence, and  conquests  of  the  most  powerful  and  richest  of 
monarchies,  had  disappeared  during  the  days  when  the  Bald- 
wins, Bonifaces,  and  Dandolos  burned  it,  pillaged  its  pal- 
aces, plundered  its  churches,  and  cut  down  and  converted 
into  cheap  coin  the  bronze  of  the  priceless  masterpieces  of 
Praxiteles  and  Pheidias.  The  subsequent  anarchy  and  want 
of  security  drove  from  the  capital  art,  industry,  and  com- 
merce. The  Venetians,  who  had  in  the  mean  time  made 
Krete  the  bridge,  as  it  were,  of  their  commerce  between  the 
West  and  the  East,  caused  such  disorder  elsewhere  that  Con- 
stantinople became  difficult  of  approach,  if  not  inaccessible 
to  all  commercial  relations.  The  islands  and  the  coasts  were 
changed  into  piratical  headquarters,  while  the  rulers  of  Eu- 
rope, and  even  the  duke  of  Athens,  maintained  piratical 
fleets.  Indeed,  their  audacity  reached  such  a  height,  that 
many  of  their  "officials"  declared  themselves  beyond  the 
attacks  of  fortune,  and  constantly  recited  the  phrase  of  Ovid, 
"Major  sum  quam  cui  possit  fortuna  nocere"  Soon  the 
Seljuks  began  to  attack  the  islands  and  coasts  held  by  the 
Christians,  and  often  committed  fearful  slaughters.  During 
the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century  Nicholas  I,  duke  of 
Naxos,  was  forced  to  implore  the  aid  of  the  Palaeologi,  because 
within  a  few  years  the  Turks  had  carried  away,  exiled,  and 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  389 

slaughtered  fifteen  thousand  men  from  his  dependent  islands. 
The  Venetians,  unable  to  suppress  the  evil,  finally  concluded 
an  alliance  with  the  Turks,  and  in  1331  more  than  twenty- 
five  thousand  Greeks,  and  not  a  few  Latins,  in  Attica  and 
elsewhere,  were  reduced  to  slavery.  In  May  and  July,  1332, 
three  hundred  and  eighty  Turkish  ships,  with  forty  thousand 
men,  perpetrated  murders  beyond  enumeration,  and  piti- 
lessly pillaged  the  Hellenic  islands  and  the  coasts  of  Asia 
Minor. 

How  was  it  possible,  therefore,  for  the  commerce  of  Con- 
stantinople to  flourish  ?  The  Palaeologi  certainly  did  not 
remain  idle,  but  their  efforts  were  for  the  most  part  thwarted, 
because  the  Western  nations  were  opposed  to  the  reestablished 
Hellenic  empire.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Palaeologi  could 
have  limited  the  authority  of  the  foreigners,  but  were  afraid 
lest  they  should  unite  with  the  Turks,  who  did  not  cease, 
throughout  the  thirteenth  century  and  the  earlier  part  of  the 
fourteenth,  to  assail  the  empire.  In  fact,  did  not  the  popes 
urge  anew  the  expediency  of  recovering  Constantinople? 
Did  not  Urban  IV  promise  in  1264  forgiveness  of  sins  to 
those  who  would  join  the  crusades?  The  representatives 
of  western  Europe  therefore,  while  unable  themselves  to 
create  a  strong  empire  in  the  East,  were  not  willing  that  the 
Greeks  should  strengthen  their  authority,  until  finally  the 
Turks,  profiting  by  this  state  of  affairs,  seized  all  the  Euro- 
pean provinces  of  the  empire.  But,  however  feeble  this 
resuscitated  Hellenism  may  have  been,  it  was  for  a  time 
more  vigorous  than  any  of  the  western  systems.  No  just 
critic  can  deny  the  splendid  energies  which  that  Hellenism 
displayed  even  in  its  decline.  While  compelled  to  oppose 
so  many  powerful  enemies,  yet  for  more  than  one  hundred 
years  it  successfully  withstood  around  the  walls  of  Constan- 
tinople the  persistent  attacks  of  the  Turks.  Then,  indeed,  it 
fell,  but  fell  with  a  heroism  worthy  of  its  most  illustrious 
days. 


390  BYZANTINE  HELLENISM. 

\ 
Fatt  of  Constantinople. 

Constantinople  was  surrounded  on  land  by  one  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  warriors,  and  on  the  sea  by  one  hundred 
and  fifty  ships,  while  only  seven  thousand  men  and  twenty- 
six  vessels  undertook  the  defense  of  its  long  walls.  The 
famous  Mohammed  II  led  the  Turks  ;  he  was  a  young  man, 
not  yet  twenty-six,  but  brave,  stern,  with  features  that  sel- 
dom relaxed  into  a  smile,  persistent,  daring,  and  fond  of 
glory.  He  had  at  his  command  abundant  resources,  because 
he  already  controlled  half  of  Asia  Minor,  all  of  Bulgaria, 
Servia,  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and  Thessaly,  most  of  Epirus, 
and  a  part  of  Albania.  Opposed  to  him  stood  the  last  em- 
peror of  mediaeval  Hellenism,  Constantine  XIII  Palaeologus 
(1448-1453),  with  his  devoted  army  numbering  less  than  one 
twentieth  of  the  force  of  the  enemy,  without  means  of  re- 
placing the  fallen,  and  abandoned  by  the  entire  world.  For 
about  two  months  this  unequal  combat  lasted.  The  Hellenic 
flotilla  repeatedly  drove  back  the  numberless  ships  of  the 
enemy,  and  many  a  time  the  brave  defenders  of  the  capital 
repulsed  from  their  walls  the  assaults  of  Mohammed,  and 
frustrated  his  attempts.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th  of 
May,  1453,  the  decisive  engagement  took  place.  Constan- 
tine, who  already  within  four  hours  had  repelled  four  suc- 
cessive attacks,  suddenly  saw  the  enemy  pushing  through  a 
side  entrance,  which  had  carelessly  remained  unguarded,  and 
himself  surrounded  on  all  sides.  He  understood  at  once  that 
no  hope  of  safety  remained.  Spurring  his  horse,  he  plunged 
into  the  thickest  of  the  battle,  while  "  the  blood  ran  in  tor- 
rents from  his  hands  and  feet."  At  length  the  besieged 
were  forced  to  succumb  to  the  constantly  increasing  numbers 
of  the  enemy,  and  the  emperor  and  the  city  fell  before  the 
might  of  the  Turk.  The  pillage  lasted  for  three  days,  but 
the  actual  slaughter  was  not  very  great.  At  first  all  were 
killed  without  discrimination,  both  those  resisting  and  those 


THE  LATIN  AND  TURKISH  CONQUESTS.  391 

fleeing — men,  women,  and  children ;  but  shortly  afterward 
avarice  supplanted  revenge,  and  the  victors  sought  to  secure 
as  many  captives  as  possible,  that  they  might  enrich  them- 
selves by  their  ransom.  The  captives  thus  taken  amounted 
to  about  sixty  thousand,  while  not  more  than  three  thousand 
persons  were  slaughtered.  We  may  thus  justly  surmise  that 
the  population  of  Constantinople  at  the  time  of  its  over- 
throw was  about  seventy  or  eighty  thousand,  but  few  of 
whom  succeeded  in  effecting  their  escape. 

History  records  many  events  which  at  first  sight  seem 
more  tragic  than  the  capture  of  Constantinople  ;  but  in  real- 
ity no  one  of  the  great  historic  conquests  entailed  conse- 
quences so  disastrous.  By  this  victory,  not  only  the  cap- 
tured city  fell,  not  only  was  the  empire  abolished  and  the 
nation  enslaved  ;  but  for  a  long  time  an  entire  civilization 
disappeared,  and  the  fairest  portions  of  the  world  passed 
under  the  sway  of  the  most  brutal  and  savage  of  barbarians. 
The  Turkish  conquest  not  only  eradicated  every  trace  of 
civilization  in  the  East,  but  deprived  the  western  nations  of 
the  various  advantages  which  would  have  accrued  to  them 
had  Hellenism  preserved  its  autonomy.  When  finally  the 
Turkish  power  was  limited  and  humbled,  its  weakness  be- 
came not  less  troublesome  than  its  former  strength  had  been  ; 
and  even  at  the  present  day  all  Europe  is  perplexed,  not 
knowing  what  steps  to  take  for  the  eradication  or  correction 
of  the  evil  which  in  an  unlucky  hour  she  herself  permitted  to 
be  established  in  the  East. 


PAET  TWELFTH. 
MODERN  HELLENISM. 


CHAPTER    I. 

TURKISH   RULE. 

BY  the  fall  of  Constantinople,  a  nation  possessed  of  a  pro- 
found conviction  of  its  fitness  for  preeminence,  endowed  with 
a  peculiar  firmness  of  character,  and  a  lively  recollection  of 
its  former  grandeur,  found  itself  by  the  ruling  principle  of 
the  state  excluded  from  all  power  and  condemned  to  servi- 
tude. The  occurrences  in  the  East  during  the  Turkish  su- 
premacy find  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  no  other  country. 
The  Greeks  and  the  Slavs  were  the  chief  nations  that  suc- 
cumbed to  the  Turkish  yoke  during  the  fifteenth  century. 
Four  hundred  years  have  since  elapsed,  but  to  this  day  both 
Slav  and  Greek  preserve  their  own  nationality,  speak  their 
own  languages,  have  their  own  history  and  their  own  politi- 
cal energies,  and  nourish  an  inextinguishable  yearning  for 
liberty.  How  different  from  the  course  of  events  in  France, 
Spain,  Italy,  England,  and  Ireland !  The  inhabitants  of 
these  countries  also  were  conquered  by  foreign  invasions, 
but  gradually  victors  and  vanquished  united  and  formed  one 
nation,  speaking  one  and  the  same  tongue.  Such  a  com- 
mingling never  took  place,  nor  could  it  have  occurred,  in  the 
East,  principally  on  account  of  the  differences  of  language 
and  religion.  The  languages  of  the  Franks,  Goths,  Lorn- 


TURKISH  RULE.  393 

bards,  and  Normans,  though  different  from  those  of  the  peo- 
ples they  had  subjugated,  had  a  certain  original  and  radical 
relationship  to  them,  belonging  to  the  same  family  of  the 
Indo-Germanic  tribes,  and  thus  easily  assimilated  in  each 
case  into  one  tongue.  But  the  Turkish  belongs  to  a  separate 
system,  presenting  no  analogy  whatever  to  the  Indo-European 
idioms  ;  and  on  this  account  every  approach  toward  union 
was  antagonistic  to  the  fundamental  laws  of  speech.  Dif- 
ference of  religion  also  placed  an  insurmountable  barrier  be- 
tween the  Greek  and  the  Turk.  The  opposing  principles  of 
the  Koran  and  the  Gospel  are  well  known.  We  need,  there- 
fore, not  inquire  further  how  this  antagonism  is  connected 
with  tha  inherent  truth  of  one  faith  and  the  falsehood  of  the 
other.  Enough  that  it  is  so,  and  that  this  difference  marks 
the  distinctive  character  of  the  two  systems.  Each  of  the 
two  religions  produced  a  civil  society  varied  and  distinct. 
Marriage,  family  and  social  relations,  calendar — everything 
in  the  two  was  separate  and  antagonistic,  allowing  no  mu- 
tual concessions  destined  to  bring  about  an  amalgamation. 
Hence  it  is  evident  how  vain  were  the  hopes,  which  Eu- 
rope for  so  long  a  time  indulged,  of  securing  an  equality 
of  rights  for  the  Christians  of  Turkey.  No  promise  or  will 
of  the  sultan  is  able  to  overcome  the  opinions  and  prejudices 
which  religious  fanaticism  and  long  supremacy  have  imparted 
to  the  Mussulmans.  Again,  what  in  the  ancient  Roman  em- 
pire appears  only  as  a  judicial  hypothesis — namely,  that  the 
actual  property  in  land  belongs  either  to  the  state  or  the  em- 
peror, and  only  its  occupation  and  use  to  the  individual — is 
in  the  Ottoman  empire  a  positive  reality,  grounded  on  the 
religious  belief  that  "  alt  the  land  belongs  to  the  caliph,  the 
shadow  and  vicegerent  of  God  on  earth."  Whatever  changes 
may  have  been  effected  in  more  peaceful  times,  this  principle 
has  remained  in  force,  as  it  was  fixed  from  the  first.  The 
entire  extent  of  the  Ottoman  empire  was,  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  as  well  as  in  the  sixteenth,  parceled  out  among  the 


394  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

Tiraarlia  and  Spahis,  of  whom  there  are  said  to  have  been 
one  hundred  and  thirty-two  thousand. 

The  only  possible  mode  of  assimilation  would  have  been 
the  complete  absorption  of  the  conquered  by  the  conquerors. 
In  fact,  the  Turks  strove  to  draw  the  Christians  to  them- 
selves, and  in  reality  did  draw  not  a  few,  either  by  force 
or  through  the  advantages  which  the  followers  of  Islam 
enjoyed.  To  this  end  the  sultan  Selim  I  issued  a  decree 
ordering  that  the  army  of  the  janizaries  should  be  recruited 
only  from  the  tribute  of  male  children  which  was  levied  once 
in  every  four  years  on  the  Christian  Greeks.  This  tribute  of 
blood  was  imposed  chiefly  on  the  European  provinces  of  the 
empire — Albania,  Hellas,  and  later  Hungary.  The  wretched 
inhabitants  thought  that  they  could  escape  this  misfortune 
by  marrying  their  children  at  the  age  of  eight,  nine,  or  ten  ; 
but  this  stratagem  availed  them  nothing,  because  even  then 
they  were  forcibly  carried  away.  It  is  no  wonder,  there- 
fore, that  often  the  unhappy  mothers  raised  their  hands  to 
Heaven,  praying  to  the  Most  High  to  recall  their  children 
to  Him,  that  they  might  thus  escape  the  oppression  of  the 
infidels.  The  janizaries  were  originally  celibate  soldiers, 
vowed  to  the  service  of  the  prophet  and  the  sultan,  forming 
the  peculiar  instrument  of  Ottoman  conquest.  The  child- 
tribute  was  abolished  by  the  Porte  in  1687,  partly  because 
agriculture  could  not  spare  so  many  able-bodied  laborers, 
partly  because  the  janizaries  had  acquired  not  only  the  right 
to  marry,  but  also,  from  1566,  the  right  to  enroll  their  sons 
in  the  corps,  and  had  become  jealous  of  admitting  the  Greek 
tribute-children.  It  would  be  easy  to  argue  that  the  child- 
tribute  was  really  after  all  a  benefit  to  the  Hellenes.  No 
doubt  it  opened  to  many  individuals  far  more  prosperous 
careers  than  they  could  have  had  in  their  villages.  Very 
possibly  some  struggling  parents  may  have  been  well  content 
to  have  a  son  taken  off  their  hands  on  such  terms.  It  is  not 
so  easy  to  say  how  many  homes  that  tribute  must  have  left 


TURKISH  RULE.  395 

desolate,  how  many  hearts  it  must  have  broken ;  and  most 
certainly  it  was  fatal  to  all  the  better  hopes  of  the  nation. 
The  manhood  of  a  tormented  people  can  withstand  every 
plague  of  Egypt  save  the  last  ;  but  there  could  be  no  future 
for  Greece  while  every  household  in  the  land  where  the  voice 
of  children  was  heard  lay  under  the  continual  shadow  of  a 
power  more  appalling  than  the  Angel  of  Death — a  power 
which  not  only  rent  asunder  the  bonds  of  national  loyalty 
and  of  natural  affection,  but  forced  parent  and  child  alike 
to  believe  that  in  this  world  and  in  the  world  to  come  they 
were  divided  by  an  impassable  abyss.* 

Thus  neither  an  amalgamation  of  victors  and  vanquished 
ever  took  place  in  the  East,  nor  an  absorption  of  the  latter 
by  the  former.  The  Christians  remained  separated,  and 
necessarily  preserved  their  language  and  nationality,  and 
the  lands  they  inhabited.  But  other  considerations  besides 
tended  to  render  this  separation  much  more  complete.  The 
Turks  granted  neither  justice  nor  security  of  life  and  prop- 
erty to  the  Christians  ;  they  took  no  measures  for  the  edu- 
cation of  their  subjects,  and  wholly  neglected  the  salutary 
regulations  through  which  agriculture,  industry,  and  com- 
merce are  promoted.  They  refused  even  to  rule  the  Chris- 
tians, and  left  them  to  their  own  resources,  on  condition 
only  that  they  should  furnish  the  oppressive  taxes  demanded 
from  them.  "  Oppress  them,"  it  is  said  in  the  Koran  con- 
cerning the  infidels,  "  until  they  pay  poll-tax  and  are  hum- 
bled." Every  male  from  seven  years  of  age  upward  is  sub- 
ject to  this  tax.  The  tes&eres,  or  stamped  receipts,  serve 
at  once  as  proofs  of  acknowledged  submission,  as  certifi- 
cates for  protection,  and  as  passports  for  those  by  whom 
they  are  received.  And  yet  these  despised  and  persecuted 
Christians  were  steadily  increasing  in  number,  while  their 
haughty  tyrants  suffered  from  a  decline  in  population  ;  the 
former  were  rich,  the  latter  poor ;  the  former  were  edu- 

*  See  Jebb's  "  Modern  Greece." 


396  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

cated,  the  latter  became  daily  more  ignorant  ;  until,  after 
the  lapse  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  years,  during  the  pres- 
ent century  both  Slavs  and  Greeks,  having  risen  in  insur- 
rection and  often  defeated  the  Turks  in  the  open  field,  forced 
them  to  grant  important  concessions.  The  contest  still  con- 
tinues, and  must  continue  until  it  results  in  the  entire  aboli- 
tion of  the  now  enfeebled  Turkish  authority  in  Europe. 

Hellenism,  nationally  considered,  remained  so  unchanged 
during  the  Turkish  rule,  that  we  may  justly  assert  that  the 
nation  which  organized  the  last  revolution  in  nowise  differed 
in  its  fundamental  principles  from  the  nation  which  was 
forced  to  succumb  to  the  yoke.  The  Turk  and  the  Greek 
remained  as  distinct  and  separate  from  each  other  as  water 
and  oil.  Regarded,  therefore,  in  its  national  associations, 
modern  Hellenism  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. Morally,  intellectually,  and  numerically  it  suffered  a 
few  changes  ;  but  nationally  it  underwent  no  change  what- 
ever. Nor  did  the  foreign  blood,  introduced  before  and 
after  the  fall  of  Constantinople,  produce  any  marked  effect. 
When,  during  the  fourteenth  century,  the  foreign  elements 
were  at  their  height,  and  desired  to  make  known  their  own 
military  achievements  to  the  people  of  the  East,  they  wrote 
the  "Annals  of  the  Peloponnesus,"  not  in  the  Slavic,  Al- 
banian, or  Bulgarian  tongue,  but  in  the  Hellenic.  When 
again  the  Hellenes,  from  the  fifteenth  century  onward,  sought 
to  glorify  their  incessant  struggles  for  liberty,  their  national 
songs  were  composed  in  that  immortal  language  spoken  on 
the  mountains  of  Hellas.  Throughout  the  entire  period  of 
Turkish  rule  the  church,  the  political  rulers,  and  the  learn- 
ing that  survived,  from  the  northernmost  boundaries  of 
Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  extreme  southern  promon- 
tory of  Hellas,  throughout  the  islands  and  all  the  western 
coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  employed  the  Hellenic.  Great  igno- 
rance of  course  prevailed  for  a  long  time  among  the  van- 
quished, because  most  of  the  learned  men  during  the  fif- 


TURKISH  RULE.  397 

teenth  century  emigrated  either  to  Europe  or  to  the  Hellenic 
islands  still  occupied  by  the  Venetians.  Thus,  while  Hellenic 
learning  was  kindled  both  in  Italy  and  France,  and  continued 
to  develop  itself  in  the  islands,  in  the  continental  countries 
of  the  East,  on  the  contrary,  the  schools  disappeared  for 
Want  of  teachers.  The  terrible  anomalies  of  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries  did  not  permit  the  establishment  of 
any  systematic  scheme  of  education,  so  that  the  Hellenic 
nation  was  deprived  for  two  hundred  years  of  every  means 
of  intellectual  progress.  But  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
through  the  foresight  and  energy  of  the  community  founded 
by  Hellenic  fugitives  in  Venice,  schools  were  established  in 
Athens  and  Janina.  The  national  spirit  was  thus  strength- 
ened, and  the  manner  in  which  many  of  the  teachers  ex- 
plained the  ancient  texts  especially  tended  to  inspire  the 
youth  with  devotion  to  their  fatherland  and  a  yearning  for 
the  recovery  of  liberty.  As  the  mediaeval  Hellenism,  in  the 
acme  of  its  power  and  prosperity,  gained  fresh  vigor  by  its 
association  with  the  ancient,  thus  elevating  and  embellishing 
both  its  public  and  its  private  life  ;  so  the  modern  Hellenism, 
in  its  deepest  misfortunes,  turned  to  the  same  sources  in 
order  to  regenerate  its  forces  and  its  hopes.  In  fact,  the 
oppressed  nation  recalled  more  often  the  brilliant  annals  of 
the  past,  and  remembered  with  a  far  more  passionate  enthu- 
siasm its  ancestral  glory,  than  did  mediaeval  Hellenism,  occu- 
pied with  the  preservation  and  regulation  of  its  own  su- 
premacy. 


398  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE   GREEK  BEVOLUTION. 

General  Survey. 

THE  revolution  of  1821  was  the  most  national  of  all  the 
revolts  against  the  Turkish  authority.  Its  success  was 
mainly  due  to  the  efforts  of  the  Pheleke  ITetceria,  or  Society 
of  Friends,  organized  by  three  business  men,  who  conceived 
the  plan  of  uniting  the  scattered  nation  and  offering  a  com- 
bined and  effective  resistance  to  Turkish  oppression.  No 
people  in  the  history  of  humanity  had  suffered  such  direful 
persecutions.  Neither  the  complete  submission  of  the  van- 
quished, nor  the  payment  of  the  taxes  or  of  the  tribute  of 
blood,  satiated  the  savage  cruelty  of  the  Turk.  The  arch- 
bishops and  bishops  of  the  church  were  hanged  like  the  worst 
of  malefactors  in  Constantinople  ;  hundreds  of  Christians 
were  butchered  in  the  churches  of  Smyrna  ;  hundreds  of  pa- 
triots were  roasted  to  death  in  Attica,  Euboea,  and  elsewhere. 
No  family  was  safe  ;  no  woman  dared  appear  in  the  streets  ; 
nobody's  life  was  secure,  because  a  Turk  was  promoted  in  pro- 
portion to  the  Christians  he  could  claim  for  his  victims.  Is 
it  a  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  nation  finally  arose  with  the 
determination  to  free  itself  from  the  tyrants,  or  die  in  the  at- 
tempt ?  Or  need  we  enumerate  the  heroic  deeds  and  suffer- 
ings of  this  great  revolt  ?  More  than  two  hundred  thousand 
Greeks,  according  to  the  lowest  calculation,  without  arms 
and  non-combatants,  were  mercilessly  butchered  by  the  un- 
exampled ferocity  of  the  Turks.  But  the  revenge  of  the 
survivors  was  indeed  terrible.  An  equal  number  of  Mussul- 
mans fell  in  the  battles  fought  on  land  and  sea  ;  a  whole 
fleet  of  frigates  and  other  men-of-war  was  blown  to  pieces 
along  the  coast.  New  names  were  inscribed  on  the  scroll  of 


THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION.  399 

Hellenic  heroes,  whose  memory  will  survive  as  long  as  his- 
tory itself  endures.  The  devotion  to  the  fatherland  sur- 
passed every  human  measure.  Finally,  the  Christian  nations 
of  Europe,  comprehending  that  the  coexistence  of  the  ty- 
rants and  the  oppressed  was  impossible,  decided  to  sacrifice 
the  principle  of  the  inviolability  of  the  Turkish  empire. 
But,  yielding  still  to  ancient  customs  and  unpardonable  hesi- 
tations, they  stipulated  for  the  autonomy  only  of  a  small 
portion  of  the  Hellenic  countries,  and  again  placed  under  the 
Turkish  supremacy  Thessaly,  Epirus,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace, 
in  which  provinces  had  taken  place  some  of  the  most  heroic 
achievements  of  the  revolution.  The  soil  of  Macedonia  was 
wet  with  the  blood  of  her  warriors  at  Galateia  and  Kassan- 
dra,  around  Athos,  Niausa,  and  elsewhere. 

The  battles  of  Niausa  were  the  most  bloody  of  modern 
Hellenic  history.  There  fell  more  than  fourteen  thousand 
Turks  and  not  less  than  ten  thousand  Hellenes.  When  finally 
the  Macedonians  were  forced  to  retreat,  they  effected,  under 
the  heroes  Karatassos,  Gatsos,  and  Marco  Botsaris,  the  ever- 
memorable  march  through  Thessaly  ;  and,  having  united 
with  the  warriors  of  Pindus,  they  forced  their  way  to  Epirus 
to  assist  their  brethren  who  were  fighting  at  Peta  and  Su- 
lion.  For  three  years  the  Thessalians  of  Magnesia  waged 
a  bloody  contest,  and  even  besieged  Volos.  Forced  to  raise 
the  siege  on  the  approach  of  the  vast  army  of  Dramales, 
they  continued  the  struggle  around  Magnesia,  and  inflicted 
many  defeats  on  the  enemy,  especially  during  the  summer  of 
1821.  About  that  time,  Euboaa  having  been  occupied  by  the 
Turks,  the  Macedonians  retired  into  the  interior  of  Hellas, 
where  they  did  not  cease  until  the  end  of  the  revolution 
to  risk  their  lives  for  the  liberty  of  the  nation.  Nor  must 
we  pass  over  without  mention  the  heroic  destruction  of  Psa- 
ra,  the  bloody  fate  of  Kassos,  and  the  ever-famous  deeds  of 
the  Kretans  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  revolu- 
tion. 


400  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

In  the  midst  of  these  long  trials  and  sufferings,  the  Hel- 
lenic nation  has  always  proved  itself  worthy  of  admiration. 
Having  for  so  long  a  time,  in  the  preparation  of  this  work, 
lived  both  in  heart  and  mind  with  the  ancient,  the  mediae- 
val, and  the  modern  Hellenism,  I  may  say  that  in  devotion 
and  endurance  the  nation  has  never  shown  itself  so  brilliant 
as  during  those  years  of  suffering — not  even  during  the  ever- 
memorable  Persian  invasions.  The  death  of  Leonidas,  the 
patriotism  of  the  Athenians,  the  battle  of  Salamis,  were  cer- 
tainly great  deeds  ;  but  that  crisis  lasted  only  three  months, 
while  during  this  last  rebellion  the  struggle  continued  for 
about  ten  years.  Many  a  fortification  was  forced  to  succumb 
before  superior  numbers,  such  as  the  Palaeokastro,  the  Neo- 
kastro,  and  the  acropolis  of  Athens  ;  but  the  Hellenes  re- 
mained ever  faithful  to  the  national  cause.  Women,  children, 
and  old  men  fled  to  the  mountains,  to  caves,  and  to  shoals  ; 
they  were  hungry  and  thirsty,  shivered  and  died  ;  were  sold 
as  slaves,  lashed,  and  tortured  ;  but  they  were  never  subdued, 
and  they  never  surrendered.  The  soldiers  met  the  enemy 
in  despair  ;  they  died,  were  taken  captives,  or  saved  them- 
selves as  best  they  could  ;  but  they  never  gave  up  their  arms. 
It  would  certainly  be  impossible  to  give  a  connected  history 
of  this  great  rebellion  in  our  remaining  space  ;  but  by  nar- 
rating a  few  of  its  most  striking  features  the  reader  will  be 
enabled  to  form  a  fair  idea  of  the  sacrifices  by  which  the 
Hellenes  obtained  their  liberty. 

The  Fall  of  Mesolonghi. 

In  the  beginning  of  1825  the  revolution  was,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Mr.  Mavrokordatos  (one  of  its  foremost  champions, 
and  the  president  of  the  temporary  Hellenic  government), 
"  in  a  flourishing  condition."  Throughout  the  year  1824  the 
enemy  made  only  one  expedition  against  eastern  Hellas,  and 
was  driven  back  with  severe  loss.  On  the  sea  also  were  per- 
formed some  brilliant  exploits.  The  fleets  of  Constantino- 


THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION.  401 

pie  and  Alexandria  were  repeatedly  worsted,  and  several  of 
their  ships  were  blown  to  atoms  ;  fifty  transport-vessels  were 
taken,  sunk,  or  destroyed  ;  more  than  four  thousand  sailors 
were  either  captured  or  killed,  and  about  five  hundred  Arabs 
of  the  regular  army  were  carried  captives  to  Nauplia,  at  that 
time  the  capital  of  the  Hellenic  government.  The  French 
ambassador  at  Constantinople  wrote  to  his  government  on 
the  3d  of  December,  1824 :  "  The  brilliant  feats  which  the 
revolutionists  have  accomplished  during  this  year  have 
strengthened  the  work  of  their  regeneration."  A  closer 
examination  of  affairs,  however,  could  easily  discern  the 
storm  ready  to  burst  upon  the  long-suffering  nation.  Sultan 
Mahmoud,  despairing  of  overcoming  the  Hellenes,  intrusted 
their  overthrow  to  Mehemet  AH  of  Egypt.  The  eagerness 
with  which  Mehemet  undertook  this  order  foreboded  his 
determination  to  put  an  end  to  the  revolution.  He  at  once 
dispatched  against  Hellas  a  military  force  altogether  differ- 
ent from  the  Albanian  and  Asiatic  hordes  with  which  the 
Greeks  had  contended  for  the  last  four  years.  During  the 
years  1825-1827,  therefore,  affairs  changed  altogether.  The 
revolution  now  had  to  contend  against  a  regular  army,  well 
organized  and  admirably  conducted.  The  daring,  intelli- 
gent, and  stubborn  commander  of  this  army,  Ibrahim  Pasha, 
was  sustained  by  the  abundant  resources  of  Egypt,  and  by 
a  fleet  which  maintained  constant  communication  between 
Alexandria  and  the  Peloponnesus. 

Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  Ibrahim  in  the  Peloponnesus 
— about  the  end  of  April,  1825 — began  the  siege  of  Meso- 
longhi,  the  most  glorious  achievement  on  land  of  the  revo- 
lution. Anticipating  an  attack,  Mavrokordatos  had  in  1824 
considerably  strengthened  this  fortress.  The  ditch  was  dug 
deeper,  and  the  surrounding  ground  was  fortified  with 
trenches  and  redoubts,  while  the  islet  called  Basilaki,  which 
formed  a  sort  of  advance  rampart  between  the  coast  and  the 
sea,  was  defended  by  six  cannon.  To  this  island  were  con- 
38 


402  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

veyed  more  than  two  thousand  of  the  women  and  children. 
There  were  still  left  in  Mesolonghi  twelve  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, four  thousand  of  whom  consisted  of  the  best  warriors 
of  Epirus,  JEtolia,  and  Akarnania.  About  one  thousand  of 
the  others  could  bear  arms.  The  siege  was  carried  on  by  the 
combined  forces  of  Ibrahim  and  Redshid,  the  latter  com- 
manding the  irregulars,  and  reported  to  have  been  a  daring 
and  resolute  officer.  Several  assaults  had  already  been  made 
and  repulsed,  when  the  Greek  admirals  Miaules  and  Sach- 
toures  sailed  bravely  through  the  Turkish  fleet  and  provi- 
sioned the  city.  On  the  Tth  of  August  of  the  following 
year,  the  hero  Kitsos  Tsavellas  entered  Mesolonghi  with  his 
devoted  band  of  Suliots,  and  strengthened  the  hopes  of  the 
garrison.  Meanwhile,  Miaules  defeated  the  Turkish  fleet 
(January,  1826),  and  again  provisioned  the  city.  About  the 
middle  of  February  two  successive  assaults  were  made,  but 
both  were  repulsed  with  great  loss  to  the  enemy.  The  peril 
of  the  city,  however,  was  greatly  increased  when  thirty-two 
Turkish  boats  entered  the  lake  and  occupied  the  islet.  Here- 
upon the  English  governor  of  the  Ionian  Islands,  Frederick 
Adams,  offered  to  mediate ;  but  the  champions  of  Hellas, 
however  desperate  their  situation  might  have  been,  proudly 
refused  his  intervention. 

On  the  25th  of  May  a  desperate  assault  was  made  by 
Redshid  and  his  Albanians  against  Kleisova,  an  isolated  spot 
distant  about  a  mile  from  Mesolonghi,  and  defended  by  one 
hundred  and  thirty  warriors  under  Kitsos  Tsavellas,  whose 
name  sends  a  thrill  to  this  day  through  every  Hellenic  heart. 
A  terrific  encounter  ensued,  during  which  the  Turks  presented 
their  bayonets,  and  the  Greeks  bore  down  upon  them  with 
their  swords.  In  less  than  an  hour  six  hundred  of  the  assail- 
ants lay  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  at  length  Redshid,  hav- 
ing been  wounded,  was  forced  to  retreat.  Ibrahim  laughed 
at  the  defeat  of  his  fellow  commander,  and  said,  "  You  will 
presently  see  how  my  Arabs  will  capture  these  Greeks."  He 


THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION.  403 

at  once  ordered  Hussein  Bey,  a  daring  Turkish  officer,  who 
had  already  reduced  Krete,  Kassos,  Sphakteria,  and  many 
provinces  in  Hellas,  to  lead  the  Arabs  against  Kleisova.  Was 
it  possible  that  the  place,  defended  as  it  was  by  a  handful 
of  Greeks,  should  not  succumb  ?  But  Kitsos  Tsavellas  was 
still  there,  and  the  Arabs  were  also  driven  back  with  the 
loss  of  eight  hundred  of  their  number.  Hussein  Bey  him- 
self was  mortally  wounded  in  the  forehead  by  the  never- 
failing  shot  of  the  hero  Tsavellas.  . 

Provisions  at  length  began  to  fail.  Miaules  appeared 
again  on  the  horizon  ;  but  fifty-seven  Turkish  frigates  and 
a  large  number  of  other  vessels  vigilantly  barred  every 
approach,  and  the  Greek  admiral  was  forced  to  withdraw. 
Meantime  a  terrific  fire  was  kept  up  incessantly  upon  Meso- 
longhi ;  its  defenders  were  forced  to  feed  on  rats,  skins,  and 
sea-weeds  ;  no  medical  assistance  whatever  was  obtainable. 
A  few  hundred  defenders  only  had  fallen  in  battle,  while 
thousands  of  Turks  were  lying  in  the  lake  and  before  the 
city ;  but  out  of  the  twelve  thousand  inhabitants,  three 
thousand  had  already  perished  from  hunger  and  disease. 
An  English  officer  who  was  a  witness  of  the  siege  said  after- 
ward, "  I  do  not  know  which  to  admire  more,  the  stubborn- 
ness of  the  Turks  or  the  bravery  of  the  Greeks."  But  the 
last  hour  of  this  fierce  conflict  was  at  hand.  "  You  know," 
said  one  of  the  interpreters  of  the  Sublime  Porte  to  the  Turks 
— "  you  know  that  tne  Greeks  never  surrender."  They  did 
not,  indeed,  surrender ;  but  on  the  night  of  the  10th  of  April 
they  resolved  to  cut  their  way  through  the  Turkish  lines, 
hoping  that  the  women  and  children,  in  the  confusion,  would 
be  able  to  follow  in  their  footsteps.  But  they  did  not  find 
Ibrahim  unprepared.  The  Greeks,  dividing  into  two  col- 
umns, with  a  loud  shout  rushed  forward,  sword  in  hand. 
Neither  the  yataghans  of  the  Albanians  nor  the  bayonets 
of  the  Arabs  for  a  moment  stopped  their  resistless  onset. 
Those  incomparable  champions  of  liberty  dashed  forward 


404  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

over  ditches,  traverses,  and  redoubts.  But  while  they  cov- 
ered the  ground  with  slaughtered  Moslems,  other  divisions 
of  Turks  drove  back  the  women  and  children  into  the  city, 
where  a  demoniac  sacrifice  was  perpetrated.  The  despair 
of  the  conquered  and  the  frenzy  of  the  victors  joined  in  a 
last  and  furious  contest,  during  which  every  woman  and 
child  died  the  death  of  a  hero.  Rather  than  surrender,  they 
set  fire  to  their  ammunition,  and  blew  up  themselves,  their 
city,  and  the  Turks.  Those  who  fought  their  way  through 
the  hostile  lines  suffered  untold  hardships ;  they  were  pur- 
sued by  the  cavalry,  fell  into  ambuscades,  and  finally,  when 
they  had  escaped  all  these  dangers,  found  neither  food  nor 
shelter,  for  the  interior  of  Hellas  was  a  veritable  desert. 
When  at  last  they  reached  Salona,  they  numbered  scarcely 
thirteen  hundred  men. 

Such  a  fall  was  in  its  results  equal  to  the  most  brilliant 
victory.  The  world  was  astounded  by  such  heroism,  and 
large  supplies  of  provisions  and  ammunition  were  sent  to 
Hellas  by  the  Philhellenic  associations  of  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica. This  heroism  indeed  did  more  toward  changing  the 
political  policy  of  England  than  even  the  powerful  efforts 
of  Lord  Byron,  who,  drawn  to  Greece  by  the  glorious  mem- 
ories of  the  past,  fell  a  victim  in  her  cause  during  the  siege 
of  Mesolonghi.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  faults  of 
Byron,  the  Greeks  must  always  speak  of  him  with  admira- 
tion and  respect.  At  the  most  critical  period  of  her  history 
he  brought  to  Hellas  those  typical  English  virtues  of  which 
the  nation  then  stood  in  especial  need.  He  did  much  toward 
creating  a  strong  Philhellenic  sentiment  throughout  Europe, 
contributed  generously  from  his  private  means  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  cause  he  had  espoused,  and  finally  sacrificed  for 
it  his  life. 

Naval  Triumphs. 

The  fall  of  Mesolonghi  must  serve  to  illustrate  the  great 
struggle  on  land  which  the  Hellenes  single-handed  carried 


THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION.  405 

on  against  the  combined  forces  of  Turkey  and  Egypt.  But 
our  account  of  this  remarkable  rebellion  would  be  wanting 
in  some  of  its  essential  features  without  a  brief  description 
of  the  naval  triumphs  gained  by  the  Greeks. 

The  naval  power  of  the  Sublime  Porte  was  in  1821  much 
superior  to  its  land  forces.  Turkey  possessed  about  thirty- 
five  ships  of  war,  some  of  which,  to  use  the  expression  cur- 
rent at  that  time,  were  "  huge  as  mountains  ";  and  the  sultan 
had  besides  at  his  disposal  the  naval  forces  of  Algiers,  Tunis, 
Tripoli,  and  Egypt.  The  whole  Hellenic  fleet  amounted  to 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  small  merchantmen,  principally 
owned  by  private  individuals  of  the  islands  of  Hydra,  Spet- 
zia,  and  Psara ;  but  the  government  did  not  possess  a  single 
man-of-war  with  which  to  meet  the  Turkish  adversary.  Thus 
the  difference  in  the  relative  forces  of  the  combatants  was 
most  marked.  The  daring  of  the  Greeks  in  fighting,  with 
means  so  inadequate,  the  powerful  fleet  of  the  Turks,  has 
always  aroused  the  greatest  wonder  and  admiration,  and 
their  naval  victories  have  been  even  more  extolled  than  those 
achieved  on  land. 

The  Samians,  who  on  many  former  occasions  had  sought 
to  incite  to  insurrection  the  prosperous  but  unprepared  island 
of  Chios,  finally  succeeded  in  their  object,  and  on  the  10th 
of  May,  1822,  landed  on  the  island  about  twenty-five  hun- 
dred men.  A  few  days  later  the  Turkish  fleet,  command- 
ed by  the  notorious  Kara  Ali,  reached  Chios,  disembarked 
seven  thousand  men,  and  forced  the  Samians  to  betake  them- 
selves to  their  vessels,  leaving  the  Turks  to  plunder  and 
slaughter.  Had  the  Hellenic  fleet  arrived  a  few  days  earlier, 
Chios  would  have  been  saved,  because  the  Greeks  had  already 
armed  their  ships,  large  and  small  (each  vessel  carrying  from 
five  to  twenty  guns),  and  had  by  their  daring  and  dexterity 
often  put  to  flight  the  Turkish  gimboats.  For  it  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  the  Hellenic  nation,  both  by  nature  and 
position,  has  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present  shown 


406  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

itself  preeminently  nautical.  Chios,  before  its  destruction, 
had  a  population  of  one  hundred  thousand  ;  but  seven  days 
after  the  arrival  of  the  bloodthirsty  Ali,  seventy  thousand 
were  slaughtered  by  his  orders,  and  about  ten  thousand  were 
sold  as  glares  in  the  markets  of  Asia  Minor.  A  few  days 
later  the  Hellenic  fleet,  consisting  of  fifty-six  boats,  reached 
the  island.  A  sharp  engagement  followed,  lasting  for  three 
hours,  but  with  indecisive  results.  The  two  fleets  finally 
separated — the  Turkish  retreating  to  Chios  and  the  Hellenic 
to  Psara.  But  a  storm  was  about  to  succeed  this  apparent 
calm.  The  chief  commanders  of  the  Turkish  fleet  assembled 
on  the  6th  of  June  in  the  admiral's  vessel,  to  celebrate  the 
Bairam,  one  of  the  principal  Turkish  feasts.  The  night  was 
dark,  and  the  entire  fleet  was  grandly  illuminated.  The 
Greeks,  who  were  anchored  at  Psara,  knew  well  what  was 
transpiring,  and  all  the  circumstances  were  so  favorable  for 
some  daring  project  that  it  was  forthwith  decided  by  Admiral 
Kanaris — "the  bravest  man  of  all  that  modern  history  re- 
cords," says  of  him  the  French  admiral  Jurieu  de  la  Graviere 
— to  dispatch  fire-boats  against  the  Turkish  vessels.  Kana- 
ris made  fast  his  fire-boat  to  the  admiral's  ship,  lighted  it, 
jumped  into  his  skiff,  and  in  a  moment's  time  Kara  Ali  and 
two  thousand  other  Turks  were  blown  to  atoms.  The  con- 
fusion and  astonishment  that  prevailed  that  night  in  the 
harbor  beggar  description.  The  Greeks  passed  undisturbed 
through  the  Turkish  fleet,  and  reached  Psara  without  even 
the  loss  of  one  out  of  the  thirty-two  men  who  shared  in  the 
daring  deed.  The  Turkish  fleet  no  longer  ventured  to  attack 
either  Psara  or  Samos,  but  hastened  to  escape  to  the  Helles- 
pont, pursued  by  the  Hellenic  boats.  Thus  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  Chios  avenged  by  the  daring  of  one  man — the  hero 
George  Kanaris. 

A  few  months  later  the  Hellenes  gained  a  new  triumph  ; 
for  Kanaris,  hearing  that  the  Turkish  fleet  was  anchored  be- 
tween Tenedos  and  Troy,  hastened  with  two  fire-ships  from 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GREECE.  407 

Psara  and  destroyed  the  rear-admiral's  vessel  and  eight 
hundred  men.  "  Kanaris  alone,"  says  the  admiral  of  the 
French  man-of-war  Fleur  de  Lis,  "  never  failed  in  operations 
of  this  sort ;  a  hero  capable  of  moving  the  hearts  of  poets,  a 
sailor  whom  the  sailors  of  all  the  world  will  neyer  cease  to 
admire.  Within  six  months  he  destroyed  two  frigates  and 
three  thousand  enemies."  Another  French  officer,  Raybaud, 
says  :  "  Kanaris  has  so  much  terrified  the  Turks,  that  their 
men-of-war  durst  not  anchor  near  their  opponents  ;  threat- 
ened continually,  they  do  not  know  how  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  the  small,  light  ships  which  are  day  and  night  on 
the  lookout  for  them." 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE   KINGDOM    OF    GREECE. 

BY  such  acts  of  heroism  and  unprecedented  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  liberty,  the  Greeks  finally  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing their  liberty.*  Their  intrepidity  and  sufferings  finally 
awoke  from  their  lethargy  the  great  nations  of  Europe,  and 
the  fleets  of  England,  France,  and  Russia  almost  annihi- 
lated the  Turkish  fleet  in  October,  1827,  at  Navarino,  and 
sanctioned  as  it  were  by  the  blood  of  the  best  nations  of  the 
earth  the  autonomy  of  Hellas.  In  1828  the  French  cleared 
the  Morea  (Peloponnesus)  of  the  Ottoman  troops  ;  and  in 
February,  1830,  the  independence  of  Greece  was  fully  recog- 
nized. 

Shortly  after  the  release  from  the  Turkish  yoke,  the  courts 
of  England,  France,  and  Russia  took  upon  themselves  the 

*  The  government  of  Greece  is  a  constitutional  monarchy,  but  with  politi- 
cal freedom  in  no  respect  less  than  that  enjoyed  in  England. 


408  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

responsibility  of  directing  the  internal  affairs  of  the  king- 
dom and  of  framing  a  constitution  for  the  nation.  The  Greeks 
were  opposed  to  the  friendly  (?)  wishes  of  the  powers  ;  they 
were  opposed  to  the  form  of  government  the  powers  wished 
to  establish  over  them  ;  they  were  unwilling  to  have  foreign- 
ers direct  the  destinies  of  their  nation  ;  so  that  in  1842  "The 
Minerva,"  a  Greek  paper  published  in  Athens,  used  the  fol- 
lowing strong  language  :  "After  the  lapse  of  more  than  ten 
years  [since  1832],  and  an  expenditure  of  thirty  millions  of 
dollars,  the  interests  of  the  country  are  so  completely  neg- 
lected that  to  this  moment  Greece  is  left  with  the  greatest 
part  of  her  domain  uncultivated  ;  with  her  forts  filled  with 
mud ;  with  many  of  her  rich  plains  and  valleys  in  a  state  of 
progressive  desolation  ;  with  some  few  schools  and  semina- 
ries of  learning  supported  principally  by  private  contribu- 
tion, and  denied  the  benefit  of  a  vigilant  superintendence ; 
with  churches  more  fit  for  stables  than  for  temples  of  re- 
ligion ;  with  a  clergy  in  rags  ;  with  a  navy  inferior  to  the 
one  in  the  days  of  the  revolution  ;  with  a  population  small 
enough,  and  yet  diminishing  by  constant  emigration  to  Tur- 
key ;  with  many  and  rich  uniforms,  but  without  a  manufac- 
turing establishment ;  with  plenty  of  commercial  treaties,  but 
with  a  commerce  poorer  and  more  insignificant  than  ever ; 
with  a  bank  which  promises  wonders,  but  with  no  resources 
or  public  credit." 

The  above  picture  of  Greece  is  by  no  means  an  exaggera- 
tion of  the  actual  state  of  things  at  the  time.  The  budget 
for  1843  showed  a  revenue  of  15,669,795  drachmas,  against 
an  expenditure  of  18,666,582  drachmas  ;  and  it  was  feared 
that  the  deficit  would  be  increased  to  more  than  6,000,000, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  thought  that  the  government  would  hardly 
realize  more  than  12,000,000  drachmas  from  the  revenue  of 
the  realm.  The  causes  of  these  misfortunes  must  be  attrib- 
uted to  the  fact  that  the  powers  were  determined  that  there 
should  be  in  Greece  an  "  absolute  monarchy,"  and  the  Hel- 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GREECE.  409 

lenes,  on  the  other  hand,  wished  to  have  a  constitutional  gov- 
ernment. Others  laid  the  blame  upon  the  Bavarians — upon 
those  "  who,"  to  use  the  language  of  "  The  Minerva,"  "  dis- 
banded the  veterans  of  Hellas,  and  gave  the  bread  of  her  lib- 
erators to  worthless  mercenaries  ;  who  led  to  the  slaughter- 
house the  heroes  of  her  revolution,  and  exiled  in  foreign 
missions  the  best  of  her  statesmen  j  who  shackled  the  press, 
burdened  the  people  with  taxes,  wasted  the  loans  and  the 
revenue,  gave  the  national  lands  to  strangers,  weakened  the 
interests  of  her  protectors,  dampened  the  sympathies  of  her 
friends,  disregarded  the  protocols,  despised  the  advice  of 
kings,  and  introduced  into  the  country  that  system  of  gov- 
ernment which  must  be  stigmatized  as  absolute  and  despotic." 

Others  maintain,  and  perhaps  with  justice,  that  the  real 
causes  are  to  be  sought  in  the  memorable  treaty  of  the  7th 
of  May,  1832,  between  the  minister  of  Bavaria  on  one  side 
and  the  plenipotentiaries  of  England,  France,  and  Russia  on 
the  other.  By  virtue  of  this  memorable  state  paper,  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Hellas  was  conferred  upon  Prince  Otho  of  Ba- 
varia ;  and  it  was  further  agreed  between  the  contracting 
parties  that  the  king,  being  then  a  minor,  should  proceed 
to  his  kingdom  under  the  tutelage  of  three  regents,  not  one 
of  whom  was  to  be  a  Greek,  and  who,  besides  a  loan  of  sixty 
millions  of  francs,  were  to  have  a  mercenary  army  of  four 
thousand  men  ! 

The  history  of  the  last  fifty  years,  a  Greek  asserts,  has 
recorded  many  wrongs,  many  acts  of  oppression  and  injus- 
tice ;  but  neither  the  history  of  the  present,  nor  the  annals 
of  ancient  or  modern  times,  can  afford  us  a  more  terrible  ex- 
ample of  national  vassalage  than  that  which  we  see  in  the 
case  of  Hellas,  and  which  portrays  in  such  vivid  colors  the 
beauties  of  an  exotic  policy,  which  Macaulay  has  justly  char- 
acterized as  the  worst  species  of  slavery.  It  has  been  well 
remarked  by  a  Greek  historian  that  the  sacrifices  of  Greece, 
the  full  hecatombs  which  she  laid  on  the  altar  of  liberty,  the 


410  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

deep  sympathy  which  her  suffering  and  heroic  courage  cre- 
ated in  the  minds  of  the  civilized  communities  of  the  world, 
are  still  fresh  in  our  memory,  and  we  can  hardly  dissipate  our 
blush  or  smother  our  indignation,  when,  with  such  glorious 
antecedents,  we  find  such  wretched  consequences  ;  when,  in 
the  place  of  that  substantial  good  which  animated  the  heroes 
of  Greece,  and  which  was  anticipated  by  her  people  and  her 
friends,  we  have  a  government  which  requires  from  two  to 
three  millions  of  dollars  for  its  support,  but  which,  at  the 
same  time,  is  swayed  to  and  fro  by  some  one  of  the  three 
potent  and  irresponsible  plenipotentiaries  of  England,  France, 
and  Russia !  Is  there  anything  more  humiliating  or  more 
degrading  than  this  ?  * 

It  is  evident  that  this  state  of  things  could  not  be  per- 
mitted to  continue  ;  and  finally  Otho  was  expelled  in  Octo- 
ber, 1862,  and  the  crown  was  offered  to  George  I,  son  of  the 
King  of  Denmark,  who  accepted  it  on  June  6,  1863.  Under 
the  wise  administration  of  the  latter,  the  nation  has  made  a 
progress  surpassed  by  no  people  in  Europe.  No  king  is  cer- 
tainly more  dear  to  his  subjects,  and,  since  the  death  of  Con- 
stantine  Palseologus,  the  Hellenes  have  obtained  no  leader 
more  worthy  of  their  confidence  and  esteem.  While  nearly 
every  other  sovereign  in  Europe  is  forced  to  maintain  his 
throne  by  force  of  arms,  and  we  hear  almost  daily  of  at- 
tempted assassinations  and  plots  by  natives  against  his  au- 
thority, the  King  of  Greece  alone  is  as  open  and  accessible 
to  his  subjects  as  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

But  the  nation,  deprived  in  1832,  by  the  decision  of 
Europe,  of  the  greater  part  of  its  patrimony,  and  fettered 
in  the  name  of  liberty  within  a  narrow  and  stifling  cage, 
was  pitilessly  wronged.  Europe,  however,  was  deservedly 
punished  for  having  assumed,  contrary  to  the  teachings  of 
four  hundred  years,  to  reconcile  in  the  East  the  coexistence 
of  liberty  and  tyranny.  Within  the  space  of  forty  years 

*  See  Timayenis's  "  Language  of  the  Greeks." 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GREECE.  411 

Krete  revolted  three  times,  Epirus  and  Thessaly  once  ;  and 
in  fact  all  the  Hellenic  countries  that  were  surrendered  to  the 
discretion  of  the  Turk  have  never  ceased  to  writhe  and  to 
struggle  for  independence.  Europe  is  constantly  harassed 
with  this  state  of  affairs.  When  not  engaged  in  actual  war, 
her  various  governments  are  compelled  to  maintain  extensive 
military  establishments,  not  less  ruinous  than  the  wars  them- 
selves. It  is  now  evident  that  the  present  status  can  not  be 
maintained  ;  but  there  is  much  disagreement  concerning  the 
plan  of  reconstruction.  The  possession  of  Constantinople  is 
the  insurmountable  obstacle — the  rock  on  which  all  the 
schemes  for  the  reestablishment  of  Christian  supremacy  in 
the  East  have  thus  far  been  shattered.  The  Slavs  have  none 
of  the  indispensable  qualities  for  the  fulfillment  of  this  great 
task,  as  appears  from  their  history  of  one  thousand  years. 
The  Bulgarians  have  twice  founded  great  kingdoms  and  the 
Servians  once  ;  but  neither  people  has  succeeded  in  occupy- 
ing Constantinople,  or  even  Thessaly,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  the  rulers  of  every  great  maritime  city,  and  especially 
of  Constantinople,  must  be  a  nautical  race.  For  such  a  mode 
of  life  neither  the  Bulgarians  nor  the  Servians  have  ever 
shown  any  adaptability,  and  are  naturally  unqualified.  Of 
all  the  native  races  in  the  East,  the  only  one  destined,  both 
by  its  history  and  its  present  prospects,  to  rule  Constantino- 
ple, is  the  Hellenic.  For  twelve  hundred  years  that  nation 
made  it  the  seat  of  its  empire,  and  preserved  it  as  a  bulwark 
of  civilization  against  numerous  powerful  enemies.  And  it 
finally  succumbed,  not  through  the  power  of  the  Turks,  but 
weakened  by  the  attacks  of  Europe.  Could  the  latter  have 
foreseen  the  dangers  threatening  her,  as  well  as  the  difficul- 
ties with  which  she  has  to-day  to  contend,  she  would  not 
have  striven  for  the  space  of  two  hundred  years  to  secure  a 
result  so  lamentable.  Now  at  last  she  feels  the  necessity  of 
retrieving  her  ancient  mistake,  but  fears,  as  she  says,  that 
the  Hellenic  people  have  not  yet  developed  sufficient  force 


412  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

for  the  completion  of  this  difficult  task.  But  it  is  evident 
that,  as  long  as  the  Hellenic  nation  continues  imprisoned 
within  its  present  narrow  limits,  the  necessary  expansion  of 
its  powers  is  impossible.  In  the  mean  time  the  Turks  become 
daily  more  unfit  for  the  preservation  of  Constantinople,  while 
Europe  is  constantly  troubled,  not  knowing  who  shall  suc- 
ceed to  this  inheritance. 

Such  in  brief  is  the  political  history  of  the  Hellenic  na- 
tion for  the  last  four  hundred  years.  This  nation,  however, 
has  not  only  fought  for  its  autonomy,  but  in  the  midst  of  its 
sufferings,  persecutions,  and  incessant  struggles,  it  has  never 
ceased  striving  for  its  intellectual  growth,  and  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  its  industry,  commerce,  and  agriculture.  That 
small  part  of  its  territory  which  was  freed  from  the  Turkish 
yoke  became  the  lighted  pillar,  to  which  for  fifty  years  the 
other  unfortunate  Greeks,  who  were  condemned  after  so  many 
sacrifices  to  live  in  the  dark  night  of  the  most  cruel  servi- 
tude, have  not  ceased  to  gaze  with  fond  admiration. 

Dr.  Wordsworth,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  was  at  Athens  in 
1832,  and  this  is  his  account  of  it :  "A  few  new  wooden 
houses,  one  or  two  more  solid  structures,  and  the  two  lines  of 
planked  sheds  which  form  the  bazaar,  are  all  the  inhabited 
dwellings  that  Athens  can  boast."  It  is  now  (1880)  a  hand- 
some and  prosperous  city.  Athens  has  a  population  of 
50,000  ;  the  Peiraeus  *  has  a  further  population  of  30,000, 
and  contains  some  thirty  steam-factories,  while  in  1868  it 
did  not  contain  a  single  one.  The  kingdom  of  Greece  has 
in  all  no  less  than  112  steam-factories.  There  are  besides 
about  700  which  do  not  use  steam.  The  number  of  artisans 
employed  is  about  25,000,  and  the  annual  products  represent 

*  Sixty  years  ago  the  Peiraeus — Porte  Leone,  under  the  Turks — had  well- 
nigh  ceased  to  be  even  a  port.  The  traces  of  its  ancient  dignity  were  few 
and  modern.  There  was  a  piece  of  deal  boarding  projecting  a  few  feet  into 
the  sea,  to  serve  as  a  landing-stage  for  small  boats ;  and  there  was  a  wooden 
hut  for  a  guard.  (Jebb.) 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GREECE.  413 

a  value  of  $30,000,000.  With  respect  to  agriculture,  as  with 
every  other  form  of  national  effort  in  the  newly  established 
kingdom,  it  had  to  begin  almost  as  in  primitive  times. 
The  Turks  had  left  the  land  a  wilderness.  The  Egyptian 
troops,  after  burning  the  olives  and  other  inflammable  trees, 
had  cut  down  those  which,  like  the  fig-tree,  could  less  easily 
be  destroyed  by  fire.  But  the  perseverance  and  industry  of 
the  Greek  farmers  have  changed  many  portions  of  the 
kingdom  into  veritable  paradises.  The  commercial  inter- 
ests, though  having  to  contend  with  so  many  rich  steam- 
navigation  companies,  in  1875  possessed  5,202  vessels,  rep- 
resenting an  aggregate  burden  of  250,077  tons.  Since  1832 
the  population  has  nearly  doubled,  while  in  the  space  of 
ten  years  the  foreign  commerce  has  more  than  doubled. 
Public  instruction,  too,  in  all  its  grades,  has  received  a  tre- 
mendous impulse  in  the  kingdom  of  Hellas.  The  stranger 
at  Athens  is  astonished  at  the  magnitude,  the  variety,  and 
the  splendor  of  the  various  edifices  devoted  to  learning — 
the  University,  the  Academia,  the  Observatory,  the  School 
of  Technology,  the  Museum,  the  Zappeion,  the  Arsakeion 
(college  for  the  higher  education  of  women),  and  the  two 
institutions  for  orphans,  one  for  males  and  another  for  fe- 
males. What  a  change,  when  we  consider  that  fifty  years 
ago  not  a  book  could  be  bought  at  Athens  ! 

Fifty  years  of  independence,  and  the  Hellenic  spirit  has 
doubled  the  population  of  Greece,  increased  her  revenues 
500  per  cent.,  extended  telegraphic  communication  over  the 
kingdom,  enlarged  the  fleet  from  four  hundred  and  forty  to 
five  thousand  vessels,  opened  eight  ports,  founded  eleven 
new  cities,  restored  forty  ruined  towns,  changed  Athens 
from  a  hamlet  of  hovels  to  a  city  of  fifty  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  planted  there  a  royal  palace,  a  legislative  cham- 
ber, six  type-foundries,  forty  printing  establishments,  twenty 
newspapers,  an  astronomical  observatory,  and  a  university 
with  fifty  professors  and  twelve  hundred  students.  What 


414  MODERN  HELLENISM. 

other  nation  in  Europe  can  show  greater  progress  ?  In  1841 
the  University  of  Athens,  then  recently  founded,  had  292 
students  ;  in  1872  it  had  1,244.  In  1835  there  were  about  70 
primary  schools,  with  less  than  7,000  scholars  ;  in  1845, 
about  450  schools,  with  35,000  scholars  ;  in  1874,  about  1,130 
schools,  with  70,000  scholars.  The  sum  spent  by  Hellas  on 
public  instruction  is  rather  more  than  five  per  cent,  of  its 
total  expenditure.  Thus  after  fifty  years  of  independence 
the  Hellenic  spirit  devotes  to  purposes  of  education  a  larger 
percentage  of  public  revenue  than  France,  Italy,  England, 
Germany,  or  even  the  United  States.  Modern  Greece,  fifty 
years  ago  enslaved  and  beggared,  to-day,  by  the  confession 
of  the  most  merciless  statisticians,  stands  at  the  head  of 
the  list  of  self-educated  nations.  Indeed,  the  kingdom  of 
Hellas  has  often  been  blamed  for  the  great  attention  paid 
to  higher  education,  and  it  has  been  asserted  that  it  has  a 
plethora  of  educated  men.  But  we  forget  that  this  little 
state  incessantly  works  not  only  for  its  own  advancement, 
but  for  the  progress  of  all  the  Hellenes  in  Asia  ;  that  the 
role  of  Hellas  closely  resembles  its  role  in  antiquity ;  that 
the  Hellenic  race  represents  the  motive  power  in  the  Otto- 
man empire,  as  twenty-two  centuries  ago  it  represented  it 
in  Persian  Asia  ;  and  that  the  very  existence  of  this  so-called 
over-education  is  a  proof  of  the  fitness  of  Greece  to  per- 
form the  part  of  a  civilizing  power  in  the  East.*  At  any 
rate,  whoever  has  familiarized  himself  with  the  miserable 
condition  of  continental  Hellas  before  the  great  rebellion, 
and  the  still  more  lamentable  state  of  the  country  after  the 
cessation  of  hostilities  by  reason  of  the  savage  character 
of  the  war,  can  not  but  wonder  at  the  change  which  has 
come  over  these  lands  in  the  space  of  fifty  years. 

Such  advancement  can  not  be  expected  from  the  many 
millions  of  enslaved  Greeks  condemned  to  continue  under 

*  See  the  admirable  articles  of  M.  Lenormant  and  Mr.  Sargeant  on  this 
question. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GREECE.  415 

the  Turkish  yoke.  No  doubt  these  have  worked  with  the  ( 
same  zeal  as  their  more  fortunate  free  brethren ;  but  the 
haughtiness,  the  lawlessness,  the  oppression  of  the  Ottoman 
government,  have  not  permitted  a  like  progress.  Only  in 
the  sea -coast  towns,  where  the  presence  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  foreign  powers  limits  somewhat  the  incorri- 
gible Turkish  despotism,  has  Hellenism  succeeded  in  de- 
veloping to  some  extent  its  natural  resources.  All  the 
foreign  commerce  of  the  Ottoman  empire  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  Hellenes  there.  Smyrna  is  so  thoroughly  Hel- 
lenic that,  out  of  a  population  of  250,000,  120,000  are  Greeks. 
In  Constantinople  live  400,000  Greeks,  and  the  various  and 
numerous  schools  of  this  city,  founded  mostly  through  the 
efforts  of  the  Greek  Philological  Association  there,  have  long 
since  attracted  the  attention  of  learned  Europe.  Neither  was 
Hellenism  satisfied  with  this  progress  in  its  ancestral  coun- 
tries. Pursuant  to  its  ancient  custom,  it  sent  colonies  to 
many  parts  of  the  world — to  various  parts  of  Europe,  to 
Egypt,  India,  and  Australia.  These  colonies,  by  their  indus- 
try, economy,  and  activity,  acquired  treasures,  which  they 
have  never  hesitated  to  use  in  behalf  of  their  parent  land, 
and  for  the  complete  political  autonomy  of  Hellenism.  And, 
though  only  a  few  Greeks  have  found  their  way  to  the  hos- 
pitable shores  of  the  New  World,  there  also  patriotism  has 
never  failed  to  respond  to  the  appeals  of  their  fatherland. 

While  Hellenism  has  never  ceased  its  activity  in  every 
useful  career,  it  is  only  during  the  last  twenty  years  that  the 
Slavic  tribes  have  given  any  signs  of  life.  The  Bulgarians 
especially,  who  for  four  hundred  years  slept  most  profoundly, 
finally  awoke,  but  the  measure  of  their  enterprise  has  been 
amply  shown.  We  do  not,  certainly,  fail  to  sympathize  with 
any  people  seeking  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  Turkish  tyranny ; 
but  what  comparison  can  there  be  made  between  the  Slavs 
and  the  Hellenes  ?  We  need  not  recall  the  achievements  and 
direful  misfortunes  of  the  great  revolution.  But  in  1866-'69 


416  MODERN   HELLENISM. 

Krete  alone  opposed  for  three  years  the  combined  forces  of 
Turkey  and  Egypt,  while  Turkey  had  then  at  its  disposal  the 
treasures  of  western  Europe  ;  and  it  fell  only  when,  by  its 
holocaust  in  the  Arkadion,  it  rendered  the  struggle  for  ever 
memorable.  Servia  recently  rose,  after  fifty  years  of  free- 
dom and  fifteen  years  of  incessant  preparation,  but  could  not 
even  for  three  months  successfully  oppose  the  armies  of  Tur- 
key, although  by  its  position  the  country  was  free  from  the 
attacks  of  the  sultan's  navy  ;  neither  did  it  glorify  its  defeat 
by  any  achievement  of  special  importance.  Nor  need  we 
revert  to  the  more  recent  Bulgarian  movement,  which  would 
have  excited  only  ridicule  had  it  not  been  sanctified,  as  it 
were,  by  the  terrible  slaughters  of  the  Turks. 

Such  is  Hellenism  at  the  present  day.  The  Ottoman  rule 
in  Europe  and  Asia  Minor  evidently  approaches  its  end. 
Either  the  East  will  gradually  be  surrendered  to  that  people 
which  for  three  thousand  years  has  from  time  to  time  ruled 
it,  and  even  to  this  day  holds  a  prominent  position  there,  or 
the  rulers  of  Europe,  repeating  the  mistake  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  will  distribute  its  territories  among  themselves. 
But,  in  such  a  case,  they  will  create  there  a  polyarchia,  or 
government  of  the  many,  giving  rise  to  various  causes  of 
antagonism  and  of  war,  whereby  the  Eastern  question  will 
become  more  complicated  than  ever  before. 


IOTDEX. 


Abas,  town,  excepted  from  the  sentence 
against  the  Phokians,  ii,  85. 

Abdera,  foundation  of,  i,  114 ;  Xerxes 
at,  168. 

Abrpnichus  at  Sparta,  i,  231. 

Absimarus,  emperor  as  Tiberius  Ab- 
simarus,  ii,  353. 

Abydos,  only  Asiatic  city  retained  by 
Sparta,  i,  389. 

Achsean  league,  the,  ii,  241  sq. ;  object 
of,  243 ;  the  Peloponnesus  united  un- 
der, 250 ;  end  of,  251. 

Achseans.  the,  i,  6: 57,  58 ;  subjected  to 
the  Thebans,  ii,  25;  again  allied 
with  Sparta,  27;  war  of,  with  the 
^Etolians,  247. 

Achseus,  son  of  Xuthus,  i,  6. 

Achaia,  i,  55.  57 ;  humane  policy  of 
Epaminondas  in,  ii,  25 ;  lost  by  the 
reversal  of,  by  the  Thebans,  27  ;  dis- 
tinguished from  "  free  Hellas,"  264. 

Acharnse,  Archidamus  in,  i,  309. 

Achilles,  i,  17 ;  death  of,  21 ;  Alexan- 
der at  the  tomb  of,  ii,  97. 

Acropolis  of  Athens,  the,  capture  of, 
by  Xerxes,  i,  189 ;  surplus  treasure 
on,  305 ;  inscription  on,  by  Alexan- 
der the  Great,  after  the  battle  of 
Granikus,  ii,  104. 

A.dams.  Frederick,  governor  of  the  Io- 
nian Islands,  ii,  402. 

Adeimantus,  Corinthian  admiral,  i,  178, 
184 ;  opposed  to  Themistokles  at  Sal- 
amis,  192. 

^Eakidse,  thes  i,  344. 

.iEakides,  Epirotic  prince,  ii,  181, 182. 

.iEetes,  i,  10 ;  and  the  Argonauts,  11  sq. 

-iEgae,  sacred  city  of  Macedonia,  ii,  61. 

.^Egean  Sea,  islands  of  the,  i,  110 ;  in- 
fested by  pirates,  ii,  261. 


JSgina,  Athenian  war  against,  i,  109: 
140,  141,  169;  ended,  172;  removal 
of  Athenians  to,  188 ;  palm  of  bra- 
very at  Salamis  awarded  to,  205. 

JEginetans,  the,  submit  to  Persia,  i, 
140 ;  coerced  by  the  Spartans,  141 ; 
in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  198  sq. ; 
allied  with  the  Corinthians  against 
Athens,  255. 

.^Egospotami,  battle  of,  i,  380. 

Aeimnestus,  Platcean  general,  i,  151. 

.(Eneas,i,  16,  23. 

JSolians,  i,  6. 

^Eolic  colonies,  i.  111. 

yEolus,  king  of  Thessaly,  i,  6 ;  his  de- 
scendants among  the  Argonauts,  9. 

Aeropus,  king  of  Macedonia,  ii,  63. 

^Eschines,  ii,  47,  49 ;  the  third  Sacred 
War  caused  by,  56 ;  bravery  of, 
78 ;  one  of  the  ten  ambassadors  to 
Philip,  81 ;  sustained  by  the  Atheni- 
an assembly,  84 ;  his  oration  against 
Ktesiphon,  131. 

^Eschines  of  Sikyon,  i,  82. 

JEschylus,  the  "Prometheus"  of,  i,  7, 
15 ;  contest  between  him  and  Sopho- 
kles,  250. 

^Esepus.  the,  i,  15. 

jEther,  1, 1. 

Aethlius,  i,  6. 

^Etolia,  i,  53. 

^Etolian  league,  ii,  241  sq. ;  object  of, 
243. 

^Etolians,  the,  rude  condition  of,  i,  54 ; 
independence  maintained  by,  ii,  89 ; 
abandon  their  post  in  the  ranks  of 
Leosthenes,  156;  attacked  by  An- 
tipater  and  Kraterus,  163 ;  masters 
of  nearly  all  Thessaly,  169 ;  character 
of,  243. 

Africa,  the  Greeks  expelled  from,  by 
the  Arabs,  ii,  353. 


418 


INDEX. 


Agamemnon,  i,  16  sq. ;  breastplate  of, 

ol. 

Agariste  and  Megakles,  i,  81. 

Agathokles,  son  of  Lysimachus,  ii, 
\i-25 ;  death  of,  227-8. 

Agathon,  i.  265. 

Agesilaus  II,  character  of?  i,  405;  a 
letter  of,  406 ;  his  expedition  to  Asia, 
410 ;  armistice  extended  by,  411 ; 
outwits  Tissaphcrnes,  412  •  nis  vic- 
tory over  him,  413 ;  over  Pharnaba- 
ZILS,  414 ;  his  simple  habits,  ib. ;  re- 
call of,  417 ;  in  the  battle  of  Koroneia, 
418-20;  his  return  to  Sparta,  420; 
disastrous  news  received  by,  426 ;  the 
Phliasians  surrender  to,  439 ;  con- 
duct of  Spartan  aflairs  by,  441 ;  de- 
clines the  command  against  Thebes, 
446:  takes  command  against  the 
Thebans,  ii,  6  ;  presides  over  the 
congress  at  Sparta,  10  sq. ;  declares 
war  against  the  Thebans,  13 :  defense 
of  Sparta  by,  33;  his  expedition  to 
Egypt,  and  death,  39. 

Agesilaus,  uncle  of  Agis  IV;  ii,  245. 

Agesipolis,  king  of  Sparta,  i,  416,  418 ; 
death  of,  439. 

Agis  I,  king  of  Sparta,  Attica  invaded 
by,  i,  322, 359 ;  Elis  ravaged  by,  403 ; 
death  of,  405. 

Agis  III,  revolution  of,  ii,  130;  death 
of,  ib. 

Agis  IV,  reforms  attempted  by,  ii,  244 ; 
killed,  245. 

Aglaokreon  of  Tenedos,  ii,  81. 

Agnonides,  chief  of  the  Athenian  em- 
bassy to  Polysperchonj  ii,  176 ;  de- 
cree passed  by,  respecting  Phokion, 
177. 

Agora,  the,  i,  27. 

Agrigentum  j  Sicily,  i,  225. 

Agrippina.  h,  265. 

Aiznadin,  battle  of,  ii,  847. 

A.iax,  son  of  Telamon,  i,  17. 

Akanthus,  city  of,  i,  437. 

Akarnania,  i,  53. 

Akarnaniana.  the,  i,  54 ;  Theban  pow- 
er extended  over,  ii,  19 ;  chastised  by 
the  Romans,  249. 

Akesines,  the,  ii,  138. 

Akte,  promontory  ofj  i,  436. 

Alaric,  invasion  of  Hellas  by,  ii,  318. 

Alcuadffi,  the,  i,  89 ;  ii,  24,  40,  74. 

Alexander  of  Epirus,  brother  of  Olym- 
pias,  ii,  87. 

Alexander  II  of  Epirus,  ii,  242. 

Alexander  I  of  Macedonia,  sent  to 
Athens  bv  Mardonius,  i,  208. 

Alexander  ll  of  Macedonia,  ii,  24. 


Alexander  the  Great,  at  Chserpneia,  ii, 
56 ;  birth  of,  69 :  his  separation  I'rom 
his  father,  87;  his  early  life,  91 :  his 
accession  and  consolidation  of  his 
powert  92 ;  chosen  hegemon  in  place 
of  Philip.  92-3 ;  his  expedition  to 
the  Danube,  93 ;  revolt  caused  by  a 
report  of  his  death,  94 ;  his  capture 
and  destruction  of  Thebes,  95;  his 
visit  to  Corinth,  ib. ;  to  Delphi,  96 ; 
his  entry  into  Asia,  97  ;  his  army, 
ib. ;  smallness  of  his  resources,  98 ; 
his  military  genius,  ib. ;  at  the  Gra- 
nikus,  100 ;  his  exploits  in  the  battle, 
102;  rewards  and  punishments  ad- 
judged by,  104;  Bis  conquests  in 
Asia  Minor,  105 ;  cuts  the  Gordian 
knot,  106:  his  illness,  10S-9;  his 
march  and  counter-march,  109-11 ; 
his  dispositions  at  Issus,  111 ;  his 
victory  there,  113 ;  his  behavior  to 
the  royal  captives,  115 ;  his  letter  to 
Darius,  116;  remarks  upon  it,  117; 
his  siege  and  capture  ot  Tyre,  117- 
18;  rejects  Darius's  new  proposals, 
ib. ;  his  visit  to  Egypt,  119 ;  founds 
Alexandria,  ib. ;  visit  to  the  temple 
of  Zeus  Ammon,  120;  his  plans  for 
the  battle  of  Gaugamcla,  122 ;  his 
victory  there,  123  sq.  •  becomes  the 
Great  King,  127;  at  Babylon,  128; 
his  enterprise  purely  Hellenic,  129 ; 
his  advance  from  Persia,  131 ;  Da- 
rius buried  by,  ib. ;  cities  founded 
by,  131-2,135,  137.  237;  amalgama- 
tion of  Hellenic  and  Persian  elements 
by,  132, 140;  .cruel  conduct  of,  132- 
4;  Kleitus  murdered  by,  134-6;  his 
repentance,  136 ;  his  marriage  with 
Koxana,  ib. ;  his  conquests  on  the 
Indus,  137 ;  compelled  to  turn  back, 
138;  the  westward  march,  139;  his 
innovations,  137,  140-41;  mutiny 
suppressed  by,  141 ;  height  of  his 
power,  142 ;  his  death,  143  sq. ;  re- 
marks upon  it,  145 ;  contrasted  with 
Ca;sar  and  Napoleon^  146 ;  conclu- 
sion. 147 ;  the  confusion  caused  by 
his  death,  149 ;  ambassadors  to,  142, 
230 ;  final  division  of  his  empire, 
232. 

Alexander  of  Phene,  ii,  23 ;  restrained 
by  Pelopidas,  24,  25 ;  seizes  Pelopi- 
das,  28 ;  the  true  ruler  of  Thessaly, 
29 ;  conquered  by  the  Thcbans.  81 ; 
death  of,  41 ;  his  dynasty  abolished, 
74. 

Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  ii, 
293. 


INDEX. 


410 


Alexander,  son  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
ii,  173,  182  sq. 

Alexander,  son  of  Kassander,  ii,  223. 

Alexander,  son  of  Polyspercnon,  at 
Athens,  ii,  174;  left  in  command  of 
the  army,  180. 

Alexandria  ad  Indum,  ii,  138. 

Alexandria  ad  Tanaidem,  ii,  134-5. 

Alexandria  in  Arachosia,  ii,  131-2. 

Alexandria  in  Asia,  ii,  131. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  foundation  of,  ii, 
119;  Mohammedan  siege  and  cap- 
ture of,  347-8. 

Alexandria  in  Thrace,  ii,  92. 

Alexandrian  library,  ii;  239. 

Alexius  I,  Oomnenus,  ii,  375 ;  his  con- 
test with  Bobert  Guiscard,  376 ;  his 
relations  with  the  crusaders,  377  sq. 

Alexius  II,  death  of,  ii,  384. 

Alexius  111,  ii,  384 ;  character  of,  385. 

Alexius  IV,  ii,  384 ;  war  of,  with  the 
crusaders,  385. 

Alketas,  Macedonian  prince,  ii,  62. 

AlkctaSj  brother  of  Perdikkas,  ii,  1G5  ; 
dissatisfaction  of,  170. 

Alkibiades,  i,  344  •  character  of,  345, 
349 ;  education  of,  346  •  his  treachery 
toward  the  Spartan  ambassadors,  350; 
his  contest  with  Nikias,  351 ;  incites 
the  expedition  to  Sicily,  352;  one  of 
the  commanders  of  it,  354 ;  night  of, 
355  ;  recall  of,  364  ;  second  flight  of, 
373 ;  death  of,  398. 

Alliance,  the  Athenian,  object  of,  i, 
235  ;  the  Ionic,  i,  234. 

Alliances,  new,  i,  254. 

Allied  cities,  number  of,  i,  235. 

Allies,  war  of  the,  ii,  247. 

Alkmseon.  i,  87. 

Alkrnseomdte,  the,  44,  89,  93, 103. 

Alphabet,  i,  32-3. 

Alpheius,  the,  i,  55. 

Alyattes.  king  of  Lydia,  i,  123. 

Amasis,  King  of  Egypt,  i,  123. 

Anianus,  Mount,  iu  110. 

Amastiis,  wife  of  Lysimachus,  ii,  227. 

Amazons,  the,  i,  21. 

Ameinias  in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  i, 
197, 199. 

Ammon,  Zeus,  Alexander's  visit  to  the 
temple  of,  ii,  120. 

Amompharetus,  i,  215. 

AmphiKtyonj  i,  6. 

Amphiktyonic  Council,  the,  i?  40  :  used 
by  the  Thebans  for  political  ag- 
grandizement, ii,  42 ;  its  decree 
against  the  Phokians,  43 ;  its  sen- 
tence on,  54 ;  third  Sacred  "War 
declared  by,  56 ;  called  together 


by  Philip,  to  pass  judgment  on  the 
Pnokians,  85. 

Amphipolis  taken  by  Brasidas,  i,  337  ; 
surrendered  by  Philip  to  the  Athe- 
nians, ii,  66-7  ;  retaken  by  him,  68 ; 
Athenian  claim  of,  82. 

Amphissa  captured  by_  Philip,  ii,  56. 

Amyntas  I,  the  first  important  Mace- 
donian sovereign,  ii,  62. 

Amyntas  II.  i,  436-7  ;  cities  recovered 
by,  439 :  death  of,  ii,  24  ;  his  acces- 
sion and  career.  63  ;  his  family  main- 
tained by  the  Athenians,  64. 

Amyntas.  nephew  of  Philip,  ii,  66. 

"  Anabasis  ot  Cyrus,"  the,  i,  397  sq. 

Anarchy  in  Hellas,  h,  41. 

Anastasius  I,  ii,  829. 

Anastasius  II,  ii,  356  ;  deposition  of, 
357. 

Anatolia,  destruction  of  the  crusaders 
in,  ii,  380. 

Anaxagoras  of  Klazomense,  i,  272  ;  per- 
secution of,  297. 

Andromache,  i,  20. 

Andronicus,  the  emperor,  ii,  384. 

Andros,  the  Greek  fleet  at,  i,  202 ;  siege 
of,  204. 

Angeli,  the,  dynasty  of,  ii,  383. 

Angelus,  Isaac,  ii,  384. 

Anna  Cpmiiena,  the  "Alexias"  of, 
citedj  ii,  377. 

Antalkidas,  peace  of,  i,  429  sq. ;  his 
new  mission  to  Persia,  ii,  9. 

Antenor,  i,  23. 

Antes,  the,  destroyed  by  Germanus,  ii, 
335. 

Anthedon,  Boeotian  city^  i,  51. 

Anthemus,  territory  of,  ii,  68. 

"Antigone,"  the,  of  Sophokles,  i. 
280. 

Antigonus  appointed  satrap  of  Phry- 
gia,  ii,  153;  refuses  to  assist  Eume- 
nes,  163 ;  seeks  assistance  against 
Perdikkas,  164;  assumes  command 
of  the  army  in  Asia,  171 ;  invites  Eu- 
menes  to  a  conference,  ib.;  his  march, 
172 ;  relations  of,  toward  Eumencs, 
182 ;  defeated  by  him,  184 ;  his 
march  to  Gabienc,  ib. ;  defeats  Eu- 
menes,  187  sq. ;  puts  him  to  death, 
189;  the  war  against,  190 ;  authority 
of,  191 ;  efforts  of,  to  establish  his 
supremacy  in  Hellas,  196;  his  at- 
tachment'to  his  son,  197 ;  the  enmity 
of  the  satraps  toward,  200  sq. ;  the  in- 
fluence of j  205  ;  true  position  of,  ib. ; 
declares  himself  king,  206 ;  in  Egypt, 
ib. ;  his  mild  treatment  of  Deme- 
trius, 206-7 ;  his  march  against  Ptol- 


420 


INDEX. 


emy,  207  ;  its  failure,  207-8  ;  death 
of;  219. 

Antigonus  Doson,  ii,  244. 

Antigonus  Gonatas,  son  of  Demetrius, 
ii,  225 ;  king  of  Macedonia,  231 ; 
character  of,  241 ;  death  of,  243. 

Antioch,  earthquake  at,  ii,  329,  837, 
833 ;  the  crusaders  reduce,  880. 

Antiochus  I,  son  of  Seleukus,  ii,  229. 

Antiochus  III,  ii,  249,  254. 

Antiochus  IV,  Epiphanes.  ii,  258. 

Antiochus,  the  pilot  of  Alki  blades,  i, 
873. 

Antipnter,  Macedonian  viceroy,  ii,  97  ; 
defeat  of  the  Lacedaemonians  by, 
130  ;  defeated  by  Leosthoncs,  156-7  ; 
the  terms  demanded  by,  from  the 
Athenians,  159-60 ;  increasing  power 
of,  163;  war  of,  against  Eumenes, 
105  sq. ;  ambassadors  sent  to  Eu- 
mencs  by,  166 ;  becomes  guardian  of 
the  kings,  170 ;  death  of,  172. 

Antipater,  son  of  Kassander,  ii,  223. 

Antiphilus,  Athenian  general,  ii,  157. 

Antoninus  Pius,  ii,  273. 

Antony,  Mark,  ii,  263. 

Aphetae,  promontory  of.  i,  184. 

Aphobus,  guardian  of  Demosthenes,  ii, 
48. 

Aphrodite,  i,  4. 

Apollo,  temple  of,  at  Delphi,  i,  42  sq. ; 
festival  ot,  at  Delos,  111 ;  answer  of, 
to  Oribasius,  ii,  303. 

Apollo,  the    Karaeian,  festival  of,  i, 

Apollo,  the  Triopian,  i,  118. 

Apollodorus,  Athenian  senator,  ii,  78, 
79. 

Apollonia,  city  of,  i,  437. 

Apollonius  Rnodius,  ii,  239. 

Appianus,  the  historian,  ii,  240. 

Arabia,  rise  of  Mohammedanism  in,  ii, 
343,  346. 

Arabs,  the,  in  Spain,  ii,  349 ;  failure  of 
their  siege  ot  Constantinople,  850 ; 
at  the  height  of  their  power,  855 ; 
new  siege  of  Constantinople  by, 
356-7 ;  immense  losses  of,  358 ;  vic- 
tories of,  366;  unsuccessful  expedi- 
tions against,  369.  (See  Mohamme- 
dans. ) 

Aratus,  general  of  the  Achjeans,  ii,  243, 
240. 

Arbela,  battle  of,  ii,  121 ;  its  impor- 
tance, 127-8. 

Arbo£astcs,  murderer  of  Valentinian 
II,  ii,  316. 

Arcadius.  the  emperor,  ii,  817 ;  char- 
acter or,  818 ;  death  of,  823. 


Archelaus,  king  of  Macedonia,  ii,  62, 
65. 

Archias,  Theban  polemnrch,  i,  444. 

Archias,  chief  of  the  Exile-Hunters,  ii, 
161. 

Archidamus,  son  of  Agcsilaus,  ii,  18; 
gains  the  "  tearless  battle,"  26;  in 
the  defense  of  Sparta,  83;  kin#  (A. 
II),  bribed  by  the  Phokians,  45 ;  re- 
treats before  Philip,  85 ;  repels  the 
Helots,  253. 

Archidamus  (V),  death  of,  ii,  246. 

Archilochus,  the  poet,  i,  70. 

Archimedes,  ii,  237. 

Architecture,  primitive,  i,  82 ;  under 
Peisistratus,  100  sq. ;  under  Pcrikles, 
267  sq. ;  under  Hadrian,  ii,  272 ;  un- 
der Justinian,  339. 

Archons,  Athenian,  i,  87  ;  under  Peri- 
klcs,  262. 

Areopagus,  the,  i,  83 ;  under  Perikles, 
262. 

Aretis,  officer  of  Alexander,  ii,  102-3. 

Argaeus,  rival  of  Philip,  ii,  66-7. 

Argeia,  i,  56. 

Argeian  or  Argolic  confederacy,  i,  59 
sq. ;  decline  of,  63. 

Argciansj  their  claim  of  supremacy,  77, 
80 ;  alliance  of,  with  the  Athenians, 
349  ;  in  the  battle  of  Korpneia,  419 ; 
in  the  "  tearless  battle,"  ii,  26. 

Arginusse,  battle  of,  i,  875-6. 

Argo,i,  10. 

Argonaut*,  voyage  of  the,  i,  9. 

Argos,  occupation  of,  by  the  Dorians, 
i,  24;  greater  than  Sparta,  59;  re- 
stricted by  the  Spartans,  77 ;  by 
Kleisthcnes,  80 ;  refuses  aid  against 
the  Persians,  174  ;  alliance  ofy  with 
Athens,  254.  349 ;  compelled  to  re- 
main neutral,  435. 

Argos,  son  of  Phrixus,  i,  10. 

Argyrospidcs,  treachery  and  punish- 
ment of  the,  ii.  188, 190. 

Ariabignes,  brother  of  Xerxes,  i,  199. 

Ariadne,  empress  of  Constantinople,  ii, 
329. 

Ariarathes,  defeated  by  Perdikkas,  ii, 
168-4. 

Arisbe,  Alexander  starts  from,  ii.  100. 

Aristotforas  of  Miletus,  i,  132  ;  leader 
of  the  Ionian  revolution,  133 ;  his 
desertion  and  death,  185. 

Aristarchus,  the  critic,  ii,  240. 

Aristeides,  character  of,  i.  145 ;  at  Mar- 
athon, 149,  155:  chief  archon,  169; 
strife  between  him  and  Thcmisto- 
kles,  170 ;  ostracism  of,  171 ;  recall 
of,  188 ;  at  Salamis,  195,  200,  202 ; 


INDEX. 


421 


again  a  leader,  207  ;  at  Sparta,  231 ; 
placed  in  command  of  the  fleet,  235 ; 
death  of,  241. 

Aristodemus  "the  coward,"  71, 183. 

Aristodemus,  the  envoy  or  Demetrius, 
ii,  204. 

Aristodemus  the  Herakleid,  i,  57-8. 

Aristodemus  the  Messenian,  i,  75. 

Aristodemus,  Spartan  general}  i,  418. 

Aristogeiton  and  Harmodius.  1. 102. 

Anstokratcs,  last  king  of  Arkadia,  i, 
76. 

Aristonikus,  flight  and  death  of.  ii, 
159,  161. 

Aristophanes,  characterization  of  Klc- 
on  by,  i,  329:  on  Alkibiades,  348. 

Aristophanes  Byzantinus,  ii,  239. 

AristuSj  Illyrian  general,  ii,  335. 

Arius,  ii,  293 ;  doctrine  of,  294 ;  con- 
demnation of,  295 ;  death  of,  300. 

Arkadia,  account  of,  i,  76  j  freed  from 
Sparta,  ii,  19,  20  ;  assisted  by  the 
Thebans,  20. 

Arkadians,  the,  i,  57 ;  defeat  of;  in  the 
"  tearless  battle,"  ii,  26  ;  divisions 
among,  32 ;  in  the  battle  of  Manti- 
neia,  34  sq. 

Armorium,  destruction  of,  ii,  369. 

Arses,  king  of  Persia,  ii,  96. 

Arsinoe,  daughter  of  Ptolemy,  ii,  227 ; 
escapes  to  Kassandreia,  229;  to 
Egypt,  230. 

Art  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  30, 32. 

Artabanus,  i,  162, 189. 

Artabazus,  i,  204,  207 ;  his  desertion  of 
Mardonius,  218. 

Artaphernes,  satrap  of  Asia  Minor:  i, 
131j  135-6;  in  the  expedition 
against  Greece^  141. 

Artaxerxes  I,  relations  of,  with  The- 
mistokles,  i,  240  ;  treaty  of,  with  the 
Athenians,  260. 

Artaxerxes  II,  i,  397,  407  ;  his  negotia- 
tions with  Antalkidas,  430 ;  de- 
cree of,  432 ;  decree  of.  repeated  in 
behalf  of  the  Thebans.  ii,  28 ;  death 
of,  96. 

Artaxerxes  Ochus,  king  of  Persia,  ii, 
96. 

Artemisj  temple  of,  ii,  279. 

Artemisia,  queen  of  Halikarnassus,  i, 
199 ;  stratagem  of,  200. 

Artemisium.  straits  of,  i,  176 ;  naval 
force  at,  178 ;  battle  of,  183. 

Artemius,  emperor  as  Anastasius  II,  ii, 
356. 

Asia,  the  Greeks  in,  i,  110 ;  political 
difference  between  it  and  Europe, 
125 ;  expedition  of  Pausanias  to,  232 ; 


of  Agesilaus,  410 ;  Philip's  prepara- 
tions for  an  expedition  to,  ii,  86; 
Hellenic  dream  of  the  conquest  of, 
90  ;  Alexander's  entry  into,  96  ; 
manner  of  Hellenizing,  132 ;  Hellen- 
ism in,  237  ;  permanence  of  Hel- 
lenic influence  in.  253  j  Hellenism 
the  first  herald  of  Christianity  in, 
280. 

Asia  Minor,  Hellenic  colonization  of,  i, 
24  ;  colonies  in,  111  sq. ;  conquest 
of,  by  Cyrus,  114,  126  :  revolt  of  the 
Greeks  in,  133;  Hellenic  cities  of, 
relegated  to  Persia,  389 ;  aid  sent 
to  them  by  Sparta,  408 ;  then  au- 
tonomy demanded,  409,  411  ;  the 
Greeks  of,  given  up  to  Persia,  430, 
434;  Alexander's  conquests  in,  ii, 
114 ;  the  Turks  in,  375. 

Asopus,  the,  encampment  of  Mardonius 
on,  i,  211. 

Aspasia,  i,  244 ;  persecution  of,  297. 

Aspendus,  murder  of  Thrasybulus  at, 
i,  432. 

Assarokus,  son  of  Tros,  i,  16. 

Assembly,  popular,  the  Spartan,  i,  64, 
6G ;  the  Athenian,  95. 

Assembly-pay,  i,  263. 

Assimilation,  Turkish  and  Hellenic,  ii, 
392  sq. 

Astyages,  king  of  Media,  i,  126. 

Athamanes,  the,  i,  54. 

Athamas,  i,  9. 

Athanasius,  ii,  294  sq. ;  death  of,  312. 

Athenais,  first  Grecian  empress,  ii,  324. 

Athene,  i,  4 ;  her  revenge  on  Medusa, 
8 ;  statue  of,  208. 

Athene  Polias,  i,  267. 

Athene  Promachos}  statue  of,  i,  157. 

Athenian  alliance,  i,  235. 

Athenian  confederacy,  revolt  from  the, 
ii,  40. 

Athenian  constitution,  the,  i,  87 ; 
changes  in,  under  Solon,  94  ;  under 
Kleisthenes,  104;  under  Perikles, 
262;  after  the  Peloponnesian  war, 
361  sq. 

Athenian  demagogues,  i,  327. 

Athenian  empire,  the,  expansion  of,  i, 
247 ;  disorganization  of,  276 ;  fall  of, 
380. 

Athenian  fleet,  united  with  the  Per- 
sianj  i,  421. 

Athenian  generals,  death  of  the,  i,  376. 

Athenian  operations  in  Asia,  i,  232 ; 
during  the  Peloponnesian  war,  311. 

Athenian  supremacy,  the,  i,  230  sq. ; 
culmination  of,  261 ;  causes  and  ex- 
tent of,  274 ;  why  lost,  385. 


422 


IXBEX. 


Athenians;  the,  early  divisions  of,  5,  88 ; 
nnger  of  Darius  against,  188 ;  their 
stand  against  the  I'ersians,  148:  in 
the  battle  of  Salamis,  198  sq. ;  their 
answer  to  Mardonius's  offers  of  al- 
liance, 209 ;    their    ambassadors  to 
Sparta,  210 ;  the  Thracian  Chersone- 
se recovered  by,  224 ;  their  conduct 
in  the  Persian  wars,  228 ;  continue 
the  war  against  the  Persians,  234 ; 
their  versatility  in  the  organization 
of  new  alliances,  235  ;  aflairs  of,  in 
460  B.C.,   255;  crushing  defeat  of 
the  allies  by,  256 ;  their  treaty  with 
Artaxerxes,  260 :   forced  to  evacuate 
Bceotia,  278 ;  sail  against  Samos,  280 ; 
their  relations  with  the  Corinthians, 
287;  toward  Perdikkas,  289;  defeat 
of,  335 ;  their  alliance  with  the  Ar- 
geians,  349 ;  expedition  of.  against  Si- 
cily, 852 ;  destruction   of,  in  Sicily, 
35? ;  successes  and  madness  of,  867 ; 
join  the    Thebans    against    Sparta, 
416 ;  decay  of  the  military  spirit  of, 
4'_'5 ;  Thcban  fugitives  protected  by, 
444 ;  the  Thebans   aided   by,  ii,  6 ; 
masters  of  the  Ionian  Sea,  9 ;  aban- 
don the  Theban   alliance,  10 ;  their 
ambassadors  at   Sparta,  ib. ;  unsjjc- 
cessfully  oppose   Epaminondas,  23  ; 
in  the  battle  of  Mantineia,  34  -  5 : 
allies  of  the    Phokians,    43;    repel 
Philip  at  Therm:  pyla?,  46 ;  their  suc- 
cesses   in    365    !:nd    364  B.C.,  30: 
Byzantium  and  Perinthus    rescued 
by,   55 ;    form    an    alliance  against 
Philip,  56 ;  in  the  battle  of  Chaero- 
neia,  ID.  ;  recognize  Philip's  suprem- 
acy.  57 ;    support    Argseus    against 
Philip,  66  ;   regain  Amphipolis,  67 ; 
lose  it,  ib. ;  refuse  the  alliance  of  the 
Olynthians,  68:    Philip    their   de- 
clared enemy,  69 ;  expelled  from  the 
coasts  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia,  74 ; 
the  odium  of  sacrilege  attached  to, 
75;  their  apathy,  76;    their  feeble 
aid  to  the  Olynthians,  77,  79 ;  their 
peace  embassy  to    Philip,  81 ;    his 
terms  accepted  by,  82;    their  mis- 
takes, ib. ;  declare  against  the  Pho- 
kians, 84 ;  effect  of  the  destruction 
of  Thebes  upon,  95 ;  defeated  by  the 
Macedonians,  158 ;    embassy  of,  to 
Antipater,  172 ;    to    Polysperchon, 
175 ;  terms  of,  with  Kassa'naer,  180  ; 
promises  of  Demetrius  Poliorketes  to, 
198 ;  servility  of  the,199  ;  extrava- 
gant  treatment   of  Demetrius    by, 
214. 


Athens,  early  history  of,  i,  87 ;  Spar- 
tan expedition  against,  108 ;  ineffec- 
tive aid  given  to  the  Ionian  revolu- 
tion   by,   134-5 ;    treatment  of  the 
Persian    herald    at,    140 ;    national 
spirit  of,  ib.  ;  alliance  of,  with  Spar- 
ta;  141 ;  consternation  at,  146;  news 
of  the  victory  of  Marathon  at,  155 ; 
state  of  affairs  in,  at  Xerxes's  inva- 
sion, 169 ;  increase  of  the  navy  of. 
171 ;  abandonment  of,  187 ;  occupied 
by  the  Persians,  189 ;  reoccupied  by 
its  citizens,  207 ;  again  abandoned, 
208 ;  after  the  battle  of  Platsea,  230  ; 
long  walls  of,  256 ;  changes  at,  under 
Penkles,  261 ;    internal  regulations 
at,   262;  under  Perikles,  270,  275; 
truce  of,  with  Sparta,  279 ;  disturb- 
ance at,  during  the  invasion  of  the 
Lacedaemonians    into    Attica,  310 ; 
calamities  at,  during  the  plague,  315 ; 
disposition  of,  during  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war,  351 ;  in  412  B.C.,  861 ; 
capture    of,    383 ;    cruelties    of  the 
Thirty  at,  890 ;  again  threatened  by 
the  Spartans,  393 ;  democratical  gov- 
ernment restored,  894 ;  rebuilding  of 
the  long  walls  of,  423 ;  new  confed- 
eracy formed  by,  440 ;  Theban  fugi- 
tives at,  444 ;  yields  to  the  demand 
of  King  Kleombrotus,  446;  vacillat- 
ing policy  of,  447  ;  makes  peace  with 
Sparta,  ii,  8  ;  breaks  it,  9 ;  reception 
or  a  Theban  herald  at,  18 ;  perma- 
nent   league  with    Sparta,  25 ;    de- 
cline of  the  naval  power  of,  40 ;  re- 
volt of  Eubcea  against,  V7-8 ;    em- 
bassy of  Philip  to,  82:   peace  de- 
clared at,  83 ;  return  of  the  ambassa- 
dors to,  84;  Philip's  regard  for.  88- 
9  ;  outbreak  at,  on  the  death  of  Phil- 
ip, 92 ;  under  Macedonian  rule,  95  ; 
surrendered  to  the  Macedonians,  1 60  ; 
condition  of,  194 ;  Demetrius  1'olior- 
ketcs  frees,  195 ;  deplorable  condi- 
tion of,  198;  captured  by  Sulla,  259 
sq. ;    fickleness    of,   263 ;    improve- 
ments in,  by  Hadrian,  272 ;  condi    • 
tion  of,   after  the  revolution,  412 ; 
present  state  of,  413. 
Athos,  Mount,  destruction  of  a  Persian 
fleet  off,  i,  189 ;  Xerxes's  canal  at, 
164-5. 
At  Meldan,  the,  of  Constantinople,  ii, 

333. 
Attalus,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  86 ;  at 

the  wedding  banquet  of  Philip,  87. 
Attalus  I,  king  of'Pergamus,  ii,  248. 
Attica,  general  account  of,  i,  86 ;  arriv- 


INDEX. 


423 


a'l  of  Xerxes  in.  189  ;  his  departure 
from,  203 ;  Mardonius  in,  208 ;  inva- 
sions of,  during  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  308,  312. 

Attila,  the  "Scourge  of  God,"  ii,  327. 

Augustus,  first  Roman  emperor,  ii,  251. 

Anrelian,  the  emperor,  ii,  279. 

Autokles,  Athenian  ambassador  at 
Sparta,  ii,  10,  11. 

Avars,  the,  bought  off  from  their  siege 
of  Constantinople,  ii,  342. 

B 

Babylon,  treasure  found  in,  ii,  128. 

Bacchiadae,  the,  i,  82. 

Bacon  and  Tribonian,  ii,  332. 

Bagoas,  Persian  satrap,  ii,  96. 

Baktra  conquered  by  Alexander,  ii, 
134 ;  his  marriage  at,  136. 

Baruthron,  the.  at  Athens,  i,  140. 

"  Barbarian,"  i,  30, 123. 

Barbarians,  invasions  of  the,  ii,  275 ; 
new  invasions  of  the,  314,  317  ;  the 
government  of  the  empire  in  the 
hands  of,  318;  paralyzing  effects  of 
the  incursions  of.  325-6  ;  terms  made 
withj  by  Leo  the  Isaurian,  328;  north 
ern,  invasions  of,  335. 

Bardanes,  emperor  under  the  name  of 
Philippikus,  ii,  356. 

Bardas,  the  regent,  ii,  3702  371. 

Basil  I.  the  Macedonian,  ii,  372. 

Basil  trie  Great,  ii,  312  ;  archbishop  of 
Constantinople,  313;  character  and 
death  of,  ib. 

Basilaki,  the  hero  Tsavellas  at,  ii,  401. 

Basiliscus,  Byzantine  general,  defeated 
by  the  Vandals,  ii,  32S. 

Behsarius,  Byzantine  general,  ii,  331 ; 
the  race-course  riots  suppressed  by, 
333-4  ;  his  victories  in  the  West  and 
East,  334 ;  drives  the  Bulgarians 
from  Constantinople,  336 ;  persecu- 
tion and  death  of,  339. 

Bellerophon,  i,  8. 

Bessus,  satrap  of  Baktria,  ii,  124 ;  mur- 
der of  Darius  by,  131 ;  death  of,  135. 

Blood,  tribute  of,  ii,  394. 

Boeotia,  i,  49  ;  affinities  of,  with  Thes- 
saly,  50  ;  Athenian  invasion  of,  109 ; 
the  Persians  in,  188,  207,  210 ;  defeat 
of  the  Athenians  in,  338  ;  indepen- 
dence of  the  cities  of,  acknowledged, 
433  ;  Lacedaemonian  garrisons  placed 
in,  435  ;  Spartan  invasions  of,  ii,  6 ; 
growth  of  Theban  power  in,  7,  8; 
claim  of  Theban  supremacy  over,  12 ; 
established,  19.  (See  Thebes.) 


Boeotian  towns,  character  of  the,  i,  51. 

Boeotian  war,  the,  i,  419. 

Boeotians,  character  of  the,  i,  50  sq. 

Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  ii, 
387. 

Bosporian  empire^  the,  ii,  258  sq. 

Botsaris,  Marco,  ii,  399. 

Brasidas  at  Pylos,  i,  325-6  ;  his  Pan- 
hellenic  character,  335 ;  his  enter- 
prise against  the  Athenians,  336; 
captures  Amphipolis,  337  ;  death  of, 
340. 

Brennus,  chief  of  the  Gauls,  ii,  231 ; 
death  of,  232. 

Bribery  of  Themistokles  at  Artemisi- 
um,  i,  184. 

Bridge  over  the  Danube,  i,  129  sq. ; 
over  the  Hellespont,  166,  204,  224. 

Briseis,  i.  18. 

Bukephalus,  Alexander's  horse,  ii,  137. 

Bulgaria,  ii,  330. 

Bulgarians^  the,  invasions  of  the  East- 
ern Empire  by,  ii,  335  ;  driven  from 
before  Constantinople,  336;  defeat 
Nikephorus  I  and  Leo  V ,  366 ;  ruined 
by  Leo.  367 ;  political  character  of 
the  modern,  411. 

Bura,  destruction  of,  ii,  9. 

Byron,  ii,  404. 

Byzantine  Hellenism,  ii,  342  sq. 

Byzantium,  the  capture  of,  by  the 
Greeks,  i,  233  ;  Philip  repelled  from 
the  siege  of,  ii,  55.  (See  Constanti- 
nople.) 


Caesar,  the  Epman  general,  ii,  262. 

Cambyses,  king  of  Persia,  i,  127. 

Carthage  destroyed  by  the  Arabs,  ii, 
353. 

Carthaginians,  the,  defeat  of,  by  Gelon 
of  Syracuse,  i,  226 ;  part  of  Sicily 
acquired  by,  440 ;  their  power  lim- 
ited by  Timolepn,  ii,  41. 

Chabrias,  Athenian  admiral,  victory 
of,  near  Naxos,  ii,  6 ;  death  of,  40. 

Cheeroneia,  victory  of  Philip  at,  ii,  50. 

Chalkidians,  the,  war  of  the  Athenians 
with,  i,  109. 

Chalkidike,  Brasidas  in,  i,  336  ;  rebel- 
lion in,  continued,  339  ;  its  cities  re- 
stored to  Athens,  341 ;  confederation 
of  the  cities  of,  436  ;  new  confedera- 
tion in,  ii,  77  ;  conquered  by  Philip, 
54,  79. 

Chalkis,  capture  of,  by  Athens,  i,  109 ; 
the  early  importance  of,  111. 

Chares,  Athenian  general,  ii.  55. 

Charidemus,   Athenian  leader,  ii,  76, 


424 


INDEX. 


95;  killed  for  his  advice  to  King 
Darius,  108. 

Chariot-racing  in  Constantinople,  ii, 
332. 

Charlemasrne,  ii,  865. 

Charon,  "fneban  liberator,  i,  444. 

Cheirisophus,  Spartan  general,  i,  399, 
400. 

Chersonese,  Thracian,  Athenian  con- 
quest of,  i,  102 :  recovered  from  the 
Persians  oy  the  Athenians,  224; 
threatened  by  Philip,  ii,  76. 

Chcrsonites,  the,  Justinian  II  banished 
to  the  land  of,  ii,  353 ;  he  sends  an 
army  to  exterminate  thorn,  855. 

Chilbudius,  Byzantine  general,  ii,  335. 

Chimsera,  i,  8. 

Chios,  destruction  of,  by  the  Turks,  ii, 
405. 

Chosroes,  king  of  Persia,  ii,  334. 

Christ,  appearance  of,  ii.  282 ;  doctrine 
of  two  natures  of,  confirmed,  351. 

Christianity,  Hellenism  in,  ii,  253  sq. ; 
the  new  Hellenic  world  organized  by, 
260 ;  its  relation  to  Hellenism,  280  ; 
compared  with  Judaism  and  Islam- 
ism,  346-7  ;  conflict  of,  with  Islam- 
ism,  847 :  state  of,  in  the  East,  in 
the  eighth  century,  860 ;  abuses  of 
the  forms  and  worship  of,  361  sq. 

Christians,  the,  persecution  of,  ii,  285 
-6  ;  primitive  and  corrupted  worship 
of,  361. 

Chrysanthius,  master  of  the  theurgic 
art,  ii,  308. 

Chrysels  and  Chryses,  i,  18. 

Chryspstom,  John,  ii,  319 ;  eloquence 
of,  ib. :  his  reformatory  course  as 
archbishop,  820 ;  persecution  of,  321 ; 
second  banishment  and  death  of,  322 ; 
his  remains  brought  back,  323. 

Chrysostomus,  Dion,  ii,  274. 

Churches,  first  Christian,  ii,  283-6. 

Cities  founded  by  Alexander  the  Great, 
ii,  131-2.  135,  137,  237. 

Claudius,  defeat  of  the  barbarians  by, 
ii,  279. 

Clermont,  council  of  Urban  at,  ii, 
379. 

Colonies,  Greek,  it  110  ;  ii,  415. 

Colonization,  Grecian  system  of,  i,  117- 
18. 

Comncni,  the,  ii.  874. 

Comnenus,  death  of  the  last,  ii,  883. 

Comnenus,  John  and  Manuel^  ii,  381. 

Comnenus,  Michael  Angelus,  iit  887. 

Companions,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  71. 

Congress  at  Sparta,  ii,  10. 

Conrad  III,  ii,  381  sq. 


Constans,  youngest  son  of  Constantino, 
ii,  800. 

Constans  II,  ii,  348. 

Constantino  the  Great,  ii,  286 ;  conver- 
sion of,  288 ;  wonderful  manifesta- 
tion to,  289  ;  sole  emperor.  291 ;  last 
seven  years  of  the  reign  or,  299  ;  di- 
vision of  the  empire  by,  300 ;  re- 
marks on  the  death  of,  801. 

Constantino  II,  ii,  800  ;  death  of,  302. 

Constantino  III,  ii,  347. 

Constantino  IV,  Pogonatus,  ii,  348; 
Arab  besiegers  repelled  by,  849: 
sixth  oecumenical  council  convoked 
by,  851. 

Constantino  V,  ii,  364. 

Constantino  VI.  ii,  864. 

Constantino  VII,  Porphrogenitus,  ii, 
373. 

Constantino  XIII?  Pelseologus.  iit  390. 

Constantinople,  ioundation  of,  ii,  297 
sq. ;  second  general  council  at,  316 ; 
disturbance  at,  caused  by  the  banish- 
ment of  Chrysostom,  821 ;  chariot- 
racing  in,  332 ;  race-course  revolt  in, 
332  sq. ;  the  Bulgarians  driven  from, 
336-7 ;  first  Mohammedan  siege  of, 

348  sq,. ;   importance  of  its  failure, 

349  ;    its  periodical  character,  350  ; 
sixth  oecumenical  council    at,  851 ; 
second  Arabic  siege  of,  856-7  ;  state 
of,  in  the  eighth  century,  859 ;  meet- 
ing of  the  crusaders   before,  880 ; 
events  at,  884;  capture  of,  by  the 
crusaders,  385 ;   recovery   of,  888  ; 
fall  of,  390. 

Constantius,  the  emperor,  ii,  300 ;  mur- 
ders of,  302 ;  death  of,  808. 

Corinth,  territory  of,  i,  56 :  account  of, 
82 ;  Korkyra  colonized  by,  116  ;  re- 
lations of,  with  the  Korkyrseans, 
286;  congress  of  the  anti-Spartan 
alliance  at,  417,  418 ;  battle  near, 
418 ;  victory  of  Iphikrates  near,  427 ; 
occupied  by  the  Athenians  and  Spar- 
tans, ii,  25 ;  Timoleon  sent  to  the 
aid  of  Syracuse  by,  41 ;  congress 
convoked  by  Philip  at,  57 ;  coun- 
cil assembled  by  Alexander  at,  93 ; 
his  visit  to,  95 ;  capture  and  destruc- 
tion of,  251  ;  ravaged  by  Roger, 
882. 

Corinth,  the  isthmus  of,  i,  55 ;  Panhel- 
Icnic  council  at,  171, 174 ;  honors  for 
victories  awarded  at,  205. 

Corinthian  alliance,  i,  420 ;  broken  up, 
435. 


Corinthian  war,  the,  i.  417. 
Corinthians,  the,  Korkyra 


and  Syra- 


INDEX. 


425 


cuso  founded  by,  i,  116 ;   war  of, 

with  Athens,  255. 
Creed,  the,  established    by    the    first 

Christian  council,  ii,  295-0. 
Crispus,  ii,  292 ;  death  of,  297. 
Croesus,  i,  98,  114,  123,  126. 
Cruelties  of  the  crusaders,  ii,  386 ;  of 

the  Turks,  392  sq. 
Crusade,  the  first,  ii,  377  sq. ;  second, 

381 ;  ultimate  object  of,  381 ;  third, 

883. 
Crusaders,  the,  in  Constantinople,  ii, 

383  sq. 

Crusades,  the,  ii,  377. 
Cucusus,   banishment  of  Chrysostom 

to,  ii,  822. 
Cuma?,  i,  116, 120. 
Cyclops,  the,  i,  2,  29. 
Cyrus  the  Great,  conquest  of  Asia  Mi- 
nor by,  i,  114,126;  establishment 

of  the  Persian  empire  by,  125  sq. 
Cyras  the  Younger,  i,  372,  397 ;    his 

expedition    against   Artaxerxes   II, 

399 ;  death  of,  400. 

D 

Dacia,  ii,  330. 

Daemon,  the,  of  Sokrates,  i,  394  sq. 

Da'iphantus,  ii,  37. 

Dandolo,  ii,  383  sq. 

Danube,  the,  Persian  bridge  over,  i, 
129  sq. ;  Alexander's  expedition  to, 
ii,  93. 

Dardania,  ii,  330. 

Dardanians,  the,  i,  15. 

Dardanus,  son  of  Zeus,  i,  15. 

Darius  I,  Hystaspes,  i,  127  ;  his  Scyth- 
ian expedition,  128 ;  his  anger 
against  the  Athenians,  139  ;  failure 
of  his  first  expedition  to  Greece,  139 ; 
treatment  of  nis  heralds  there,  140 ; 
the  second  expedition,  141 ;  death 
of,  162. 

Darius  II,  i,  360 ;  death  of,  397. 

Darius  III,  Codomannus,  ii,  96  ;  his 
inactivity  after  the  battle  of  Grani- 
kus,  105 ;  change  of  his  tactics.  107- 
8 ;  his  forces  at  the  battle  of  Issus, 
108;  their  disposition,  112 :  the  po- 
sition of,  as  contrasted  •with  that  of 
Alexander j  113  ;  his  cowardly  flight,  j 
ib. ;  submits  propositions  of  peace,  ' 
115 ;  at  the  oattle  of  Gaugnmela, 
121 ;  Ins  flight  from,  125 ;  his  es- 
cape, 127  ;  his  death,  131. 

Datis,  Persian  general,  i,  141 ;  de- 
struction of  Erctria  by,  142. 

Debtors,  sale  of,  i,  92 ;  Solon's  laws 
for,  94. 

39 


Decius,  the  emperor,  ii,  277. 

Deiphobus,  i,  23. 

Dckamnichus,  ii,  63. 

Delium,  i,  338. 

Dclos,  festival  of  Apollo  at,  i,  111: 
common  assembly  at,  249 ;  removal 
of  the  treasury  from,  ib. ;  prosperity 
of,  ii,  258. 

Delphi,  the  Amphictyonic  Council  at,  i, 
41 ;  the  oracle  of,  43  :  the  temple  of, 
44  -  5  5  temple  rebuilt  by  the  Alk- 
maeomdae,  103  ;  the  Persians  re- 
pelled from,  188;  the  temple  of, 
robbed  by  the  Phokians,  ii,  44 ;  at- 
tacked by  the  Gauls,  231 ;  during 
the  reign  of  Julian,  308. 

Delphic  oracle,  responses  of  the,  i,  45, 
172. 

Demades,  Athenian  orator,  ii,  49, 155 ; 
death  of,  172. 

Demagogues.  Athenian }  i,  327. 

Demaratus  the  Corinthian,  ii,  103. 

Dcmetcr,  ii,  215. 

Demetrius  II,  ii,  244. 

Demetrius  Poliorketes,  ii,  190 ;  his  mil- 
itary ability,  191 ;  hastens  to  the  as-, 
sistance  of  Halikarnassus,  193  ;  his 
arrival  in  Hellas  in  307  B.  c.,  196 ; 
contrasted  with  tLe  Phalerean,  197  ; 
seizes  the  Peiroeus,  198 ;  his  stay  in 
Athens,  200 ;  his  arrival  in  Kyprus, 
201 ;  meaning  of  name  Poliorketes, 
201 ;  his  victory  over  Ptolemy,  202 ; 
his  career  in  Kyprus,  206  ;  loss  of  his 
fleet,  207 ;  his  siege  of  Khodesj  208 
sq. ;  his  initiation  into  the  Eleusmian 
mysteries,  214;  invades  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, and  calls  an  assembly  of 
the  Greeks,  215;  abuses  of,  215-16; 
recalled  by  Antigonus,  217  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Ipsus,  218 ;  his  departure 
for  Athens,  220  ;  imperious  demands 
of  Seleukus  from,  221 ;  alliance 
against,  222-3 ;  king  of  Macedonia, 
223 ;  a  captive,  225 ;  his  death, 
220. 

Demetrius  the  Phalerean,  appointed 
to  the  government  of  Athens,  ii, 
180;  character  of,  194  sq. ;  condition 
of  Athens  under,  195:  contrasted 
with  Demetrius  Poliorketes,  197 ; 
deposed,  198. 

Demetrius  II,  ii,  244. 

Demochares,  ii,  47. 

Democrats,  Athenian,  slaughter  of,  i, 
390. 

Demokritus,  Naxian  commander  at 
Salamis,  i,  198. 

Demonax,  the  lawgiver,  5,  77. 


426 


INDEX. 


Demosthenes,  sketch  of,  ii,  47 ;  inscrip- 
tion on  his  statue,  48 ;  his  oratory, 


Olynthiacs,  77  ;  his  military  con- 
duct. 78  ;  his  charges  against  Philip, 
79 :  his  discomfiture  in  the  embassy 
to  Philip,  81 ;  his  accusations  of  his 
fellow  ambassadors,  84 :  incites  an 
outbreak  on  the  death  of  Philip,  92 ; 
his  sentiments  respecting  the  move- 
ment of  Agis,  131;  his  oration  "On 
the  Crown/'  ib. ;  reason  of  his  ban- 
ishment, 155  ;  his  flight,  159 ;  his 
death.  161-2. 

Demosthenes,  the  elder,  ii,  47. 

Demosthenes,  the  general  of  Csesarcia, 
ii,  282. 

Demosthenes,  the  general,  i,  823; 
seizes  Pylos,  326 ;  his  contest  for 
Sphakteria,  327  sq. ;  its  capture, 
333-4 ;  his  expedition  to  Sicily, 
857 ;  his  death,  360. 

Derkyllidas,  Spartan  general,  i,  408 ; 
his  successes  in  Asia  Minor,  409  ; 
harmost  of  Abydos,  422. 

Deukalion  and  Pyrrha,  5,  5. 

Dexippus,  the  Goths  defeated  by,  ii, 
278. 

Diakrii,  the,  i,  92. 

Dieneke,s,  Spartan  soldier,  i,  182. 

Dikasteries,  the,  i,  262. 

Diodorus,  estimate  of  the  Persian 
forces  by,  ii,  99-100  ;  birth  and  peri- 
od of,  237. 

Diogenes,  interview  of  Alexander  with, 
ii.  95. 

Dickies  the  Corinthian,  5,  49. 

Diomedes,  i,  18, 19. 

Dion  Chrysostomus,  ii,  274. 

Dionysius  of  Halikarnassus  on  Demos- 
thenes, ii,  51. 

Dionysius  of  Phoksea,  i,  137. 

Dionysius  the  Elder,  tyranny  of,  i, 
440 ;  ally  of  Sparta,  441 ;  demonstra- 
tion against,  at  the  Olympic  festival, 
442 ;  Gallic  mercenaries  sent  to 
Sparta  by.  ii,  20  ;  death  of,  41. 

Dionysius  the  Younger,  expelled  by 
Timoleon,  ii,  41. 

Dioskuri,  the.  i,  16 ;  sacrifice  offered  to, 
by  Alexander,  ii,  135. 

Disburdening  ordinance,  Solon's,  i,  97. 

Diunij  Macedonian  city,  ii,  104. 

Divinity,  notions  of,  in  legendary 
Greece,  i,  31. 

Dodona,  oracle  of.  i,  10,  43,  54-5. 

Domestic  life  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  27. 


|  Dorians,  the,  i,  6,  57  ;  in  Krctc,  115. 
Doric  colonies,  i}  113. 
Doric  invasion,  i.  24,  67. 
Doris  attacked   by  the  Phokians,  i, 

257. 

Dorus,  i,  6. 

Drako  and  his  laws,  i,  83. 
Dramales,  ii,  399. 
Dramatic  poetry,  i,  265. 
Drypetcs  killed  by  Koxana,  ii,  154. 
Durazzo,  capture  of,  by  Robert  Guis- 

card,  ii,  376. 

£ 

Eastern  Empire,  the,  ii,  2S6  sq. 

Eastern  provinces,  i,  86  sq. 

Edessa,  n,  61 ;  capture  of.  381. 

Egypt  conquered  oy  Cambyses,  i;  127 ; 
rebellion  in,  1G2  ;  Agesilaus  in,  ii, 
89;  visit  of  Alexander  to,  119;  Up- 
per, Mohammedan  conquest  of,  347 ; 
religion  of,  assimilation  to  the  Hel- 
lenic, 148,  255-6. 

Egyptian  religion,  ii,  233. 

Eion,  capture  of,  by  Kimon,  i.  250. 

Ekbatana,  Alexander's  march  to,  ii, 
131 ;  his  treasury  and  headquarters, 
132 ;  his  visit  to,  142. 

Elateia,  ii,  56. 

Eleians  subjected  by  Sparta,  i,  402  sq. ; 
ii,  82. 

Elephants,  first  employment  of,  in  bat- 
tle, ii,  121. 

Eleusinian  mysteries,  ii,  215. 

Eleusis,  the  temple  ot,  ii,  215;  the 
Thirty  at,  i,  393  ;  recovered,  394. 

Elis,  i,  55,  68, 60,  62  ;  ravaged  by  King 
Agis,  403. 

Elpinikc,  i,  283. 

Embassy  to  Philip,  the  Athenian,  ii, 
81-4. 

Emperors,  the,  ii,  265. 

Engineering  corps,  Philip's,  ii,  72. 

Eos,  i,  21. 

Epaminondas,  i,  52 ;  first  appearance 
of,  445 ;  sketch  of,  ii,  2  ;  his  friend- 
ship for  Pelopidas,  5  ;  his  boldness 
in  the  congress  at  Sparta,  12;  vic- 
tory of,  at  Leuktra,  14  sq. ;  invades 
the  Peloponnesus,  20 ;  threatens 
Sparta,  21 ;  founds  Megalopolis  and 
Messcne,  22 ;  his  victorious  return, 
23 ;  his  renewed  invasions,  25 ;  de- 
prived of  office,  27  ;  restored  to  com- 
mand, 29  ;  his  naval  expedition.  30 ; 
in  the  battle  of  Mantineia,  82 ;  death 
of,  86 ;  its  consequences,  88. 

Epeians,  the,  i,  57. 


INDEX. 


427 


Epcius,  i,  22. 

Ephialtcs  the  Athenian,  banishment 
of.  ii,  95. 

Ephialtcs  the  statesman,  i,  202,  270. 

Ephialtcs  the  traitor,  i,  180,  183. 

Ephesus,  Spartan  army  in,  i,  411,  413 1 
synod  at,  condemns  the  heresy  ot 
Ncstorius,  ii,  326. 

Ephors,  the  Spartan,  i,  65  sq. 

Epidamnus,  relations  of,  with  Korkyra, 
i,  286. 

Epidauria,  i,  56. 

Epidaurians,  relations  of,  with  the  Co- 
rinthians, i,  255. 

Epigoni,  war  of  the,  i,  15. 

Epiktetus,  ii,  268. 

Epimenidcs  the  philosopher,  i,  93. 

Epimetheus,  i,  5. 

Epirote.  i,  55  ;  growing  importance  of 
the,  ii,  233. 

Epirus,  inhabitants  of,  i,  54.  (See 
JPyrrnus.) 

Epizephyrian  Lokri,  i,  117. 

Erebos,  i,  1. 

Erechtheus,  i,  7. 

Eretria,  i,  111,  134;  destroyed  by  the 
Persians,  142. 

Eretrians,  fate  of  the,  i,  156. 

Erichthonius,  i,  15. 

Erigyius,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  98. 

Eteokles,  i,  14. 

Ethiopians  in  Xcrxcs's  army,  i,  167. 

Eusenetus,  Spartan  general,  i,  175. 

Eubcea,  Athenian  invasion  of,  i,  109 ; 
notice  of,  110-11 ;  taken  by  the  Per- 
sians, 142  ;  the  Hellenic  fleet  at,  183 ; 
revolt  of,  279,  ii,  78. 

Eudamidas,  Spartan  general,  i,  437. 

Eudokia  (Athenais),  empress  of  Con- 
stantinople, ii,  324 ;  banishment  and 
death  of,  325. 

Eudoxia,  wife  of  the  emperor  Arcadius, 
ii,  318 ;  her  persecution  of  Chrysos- 
tom,  321-2. 

Eugcnius,  usurping  emperor,  ii,  316. 

Eumenes,  satrap  of  Paphlagonia,  ii, 
154;  assisted  by  Perdikkas,  163-4; 
combination  against.  165, 170;  en- 
ters Kappadokia,  ana  defeats  Neop- 
tolemus,  166  j  his  victory  over  Kra- 
terus,  167 ;  kills  Ncoptolcmus,  163  ; 
defeated  by  Antigonus,  171 ;  besieged 
in  Nora,  172  ;  invades  JKhoenicia  and 
Syria^  180  ;  his  desperate  condition, 
183 ;  indecisive  battle  with  Antigo- 
nus, 184-5  }  his  stratagem,  186 ;  con- 
spiracy against,  187 ;  defeated  by  An- 
tigonus, 187-8 ;  his  death,  and  char- 
acter, 189. 


Eunomus,  ii,  50. 

Euphranor,  Athenian  painter,  ii,  34. 

Euripides,  representation  of  the  first 
tragedy  of,  i,  265 ;  in  Macedonia,  ii, 
62 ;  anecdote  of,  63. 

Euripus,  the,  i,  175. 

Eurotas,  the,  i,  56. 

Eurybiades,  Spartan  admiral,  i,  176, 
178;  at  Artemisium,  184 ;  at  Sala- 
mis,  187  sq. ;  in  the  council  at  Sala- 
mis.  191 ;  in  the  battle,  196,  197. 

Eurydike,  widow  of  Amyntas  II.  ii, 
24,  64-5. 

Eurydike,  widow  of  OphcltaSj  ii,  200. 

Eurydike,  wife  of  Philip  Arndaeus,  ii, 
164-5;  death  of,  181. 

Eurymedon,  double  battlo  on  the,  i, 
251. 

Eurysthenes,  i,  53,  64. 

Eurystheus,  i,  57. 

Eurytus,  Spartan  soldier,  i,  183. 

Eusebius,  Archbishop,  death  of,  ii.  813. 

Eutropius,  great  chamberlain  of  Arca- 
dius, ii,  318. 

Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis  in  Kyprus, 
i,  411,  434. 

Exenetus  of  Agrigentum,  i,  61. 

Exile-Hunters,  the,  ii,  161. 


Fallmernyer,    Professor,    extravagant 

views  of,  55,  338,  359. 
Family  tie,  the,  in  legendary  Greece, 

i,  25,  27. 

Fausta,  wife  of  Constantino,  ii,  297. 
Festivals,  i,  48. 
Feudal  system,  the,  ii,  886. 
Flamininus,  Titus,  ii,  249. 
Four  Hundred,  the,  i,  365-6. 
Franks,  the,  ii,  279  (note). 
Funeral  ceremony^  i,  288. 
Funeral  orations,  i,  274,  282,  312. 

G 

Gainas,  murder  of  Kufinus  by,  ii,  318. 

Galerius,  the  emperor,  ii,  287 ;  death 
of,  288. 

Gallic  mercenaries,  ii,  26. 

Gallicnus,  reign  or,  ii;  278. 

Gallus,  the  emperor,  ii,  277. 

Games,  the  Hellenic,  i,  48,  59,  124; 
during  the  Eoinan  rule,  ii,  266-7. 

Ganymedes,  son  of  Tros,  i,  16. 

Gargaphia,  the  fountain,  i,  213. 

Gates  of  Kilikia,  ii,  109. 

Gaugamela,  battle  of,  ii.  121 ;  its  im- 
portance, 127. 


428 


INDEX. 


Gauls,  the,  invasions  of,  ii,  229 ;  de- 
scription of,  230 :  ravages  of.  231 ; 
kingdom  established  \)y,  in  Tiiraco, 
232 ;  Galatia  settled  by,  ib. 

Gaza,  capture  of,  ii.  119. 

Ge,  goddess  of  cartli,  i,  2. 

Gela,  Sicily,  i,  225. 

Gclon  of  Syracuse,  i,  120, 174 ;  his  con- 
ditional offer  of  aid  against  Xerxes, 
i,  225  ;  the  Carthaginians  defeated 
by,  226. 

Generals,  the  Athenian,  death  of,  i, 
376. 

Geographical  knowledge  of  the  heroic 
ages,  i,  80. 

George  I,  king  of  Greece,  iij  410. 

Germans,  invasions  of  the,  ii.  j;77. 

Gcnnanus,  Byzantine  general,  ii,  335. 

Gerrha,  Persian  shields,  i,  210. 

Gmisia,  the  Spartan,  i,  64 ;  the  Kre- 
tan,  115. 

Getffi,  the,  ii,  93. 

Gibbon,  mistakes  of?  in  following  Pro- 
kopius,  ii,  838  ;  his  opinion  of  He- 
raklius,  843. 

Glaukias,  ii,  94. 

Glaukus  of  Chios,  i,  113. 

Godfrey,  ii,  887. 

God,  word  of,  ii,  282. 

Gods  and  men,  legends  of,  i,  1. 

Gods  of  Hellas  and  Egypt  contrasted, 
ii,  256. 

Golden  fleece,  the,  i.  10. 

Gordian  knot,  the.  ii,  106. 

Gordius,  legend  ot,  ii.  106. 

Gorgias,  an  officer  of  Eumcncs,  ii,  168. 

Gorgias  the  Leontinc,  ii,  267. 

Gorgolcon,  Spartan  commander,  ii,  7. 

Goths,  the,  ravages  of,  ii,  278  ;  invade 
the  Eastern  Empire,  314 ;  pacified 
by  Theodosius  1, 315  ;  under  Alaric, 
defeated  by  Stilicho,  818 ;  in  Italy, 
victories  or  Belisarius  over,  334. 

Grammatikus,  John,  ii,  370. 

Grauikus,  the,  ii.  100 ;  the  battle  of, 
ib.,sq.;  the  killed  at,  104. 

Gratian,  the  emperor,  ii,  815  ;  murder 
of,  ib. 

41  Great  king,"  the,  5, 128. 

Grecian  fleet  at  Salamis,  size  of,  i,  197  ; 
at  Delos,  207  ;  during  the  revolution, 
ii,  405. 

Greece,  early  changes  in,  i.  78  :  state 
of,  following  the  War  ot  Indepen- 
dence, ii,  407.  (Sec  Hellas.) 

Greek  flre,  the,  ii,  850. 

Greek  language.  it  122. 

Greeks,  the,  political  principles  origi- 
nated by,  ii,  59.  (Seo  HeUenes.) 


Greeks  and  Persians,  comparison  of,  i, 
227. 

Gregory  the  Theologian,  ii,  312 ;  char- 
acter of.  814. 

Grotc,  defense  of  the  Mcgarian  decree 
by,  i,  293 ;  opinion  of,  respecting 
the  Athenian  epidemic,  814  (note) ; 
his  defense  of  Kloon,  329  (note) ;  his 
preference  of  Kleon  over  Nikias,  839 
(note) ;  on  the  mutilation  of  the 
Ilcrmae,  855-6  (note). 

Gryllus,  son  of  Xenophori,  ii,  S4. 

Gylippus,  Spartan  general,  i,  857  sq. 

Gylon,  grandfather  of  Demosthenes,  ii, 

H 

Hadrian,  the  emperor,  ii,  266, 271. 

Haeion-Orps,  promontory  of,  i,  436. 

Haliartus,  i,  51. 

Hamilcar,  Carthaginian  commander, 
i,  226. 

Hannibal,  alliance  of  Philip  V  with, 
ii,  247. 

Harmodius  and  ArSstogeiton,  i,  102. 

Harmokydes,  Phokian  chief,  i,  211. 

Harmosts,  i,  389. 

Harouu  al-liasliiil,  ii,  865;  defeat  of 
Nikephorus  by,  366. 

Ilarpalus,  satrap  of  Babylonia,  ii,  155. 
Demosthenes  accused  of  being  bribed 
by,  155. 

Harpies,  the,  i,  11. 

Hector,  i,  16, 19,  20. 

Hegemon:  an  Athenian  orator,  ii,  178. 

Hegemoma,  the,  i,  48. 

Hegemony  of  Sparta,  i,  888.  (See  Su- 
premacy. ) 

Hekabc,  wife  of  Priam,  i;  18. 
I  Hekatous  the  historian,  i,  183. 

Hekatoncheires,  the,  i,  2. 
!  Helen  and  Paris,  i,  16. 
!  Helena,    mother   of  Constantino   the 
Great,  ii,  287,  297. 

Helike,  destruction  of,  ii,  9. 

Helikon,  Mount.  i;  418,419. 

Hellas,  name  of,  i,  4 :  geography  of, 
80  sq. ;  condition  of,  on  Xerxes's  in- 
vasion, 169;  state  oft  after  the  Per- 
sian war,  i,  888 ;  subjected  to  Spar- 
ta, 389 ;  change  of  sentiment  in,  423 ; 
freedom  of  the  cities  of.  proposed  by 
Sparta,  436 ;  confirmed  by  the  de- 
cree of  Artaxerxes,  433 :  its  disas- 
trous effect  upon,  434 ;  Thebes  the 
ruling  city  in,  ii,  26 ;  anarchy  in,  41 ; 
decline  or  religious  sentiment  in,  42, 
45 ;  expending  her  last  resources,  47 ; 
PhUip  master  and  gencral-in-chief  of, 


INDEX. 


429 


57 ;  retrospective  view  of,  58 ;  cause  of 
the  final  submission  of,  74 ;  relations 
of  Philip  to,  89  sq. ;  futile  effort  for 
an  anti-Macedonian  alliance  in,  80; 
affairs  of,  arranged  by  Alexander, 
92-3 ;  his  final  departure  from,  96 ; 
misfortunes  of,  about  319  B.  c.,  174; 
condition  of,  under  the  successors, 
193 ;  invaded  by  the  Gauls,  231 ; 
and  Macedonia,  241 ;  ascendancy  of 
the  Eomans  in,  250  sq. ;  moral  and 
material  degradation  of,  252  ;  affairs 
in,  258  ;  miserable  condition  of;  263  ; 
not  all  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Komansj  264 ;  decline  of,  273 ; 
the  Goths  driven  out  of,  by  Stilicho, 
818  ;  withering  of  ancient  Hellenism 
in,  325 ;  flourishing  state  of,  in  the 
eighth  century,  359 ;  under  the  Turk- 
ish rule,  392  sq. ;  kingdom  of,  407  sq. 

Ilelle  and  Phrixus,  i,  9. 

Hellcn,  i,  4 ;  the  sons  of.  6. 

Hellenes,  the,  name  of,  i,  6 ;  what 
they  lacked,  402 ;  interest  of,  in 
the  conquest  of  Asia,  ii,  90  ;  servile 
condition  of,  248  ;  moral  decay  of, 
260 ;  during  the  War  of  Indepen- 
dence, 400  sq. 

Hellenic  cities  in  Asia,  treatment  of, 
by  Sulla,  ii,  260.  (See  Asia  Minor.) 

Hellenic  colonies,  i,  110. 

Hellenic  customs,  amalgamation  of, 
with  the  Persian,  ii,  132. 

Hellenic  festivals,  the,  i,  43 ;  chariot- 
racing  at,  ii,  332. 

Hellenic  influence,  permanence  of,  ii, 
253. 

Hellenic  literature,  decline  of,  under 
the  empire,  ii,  325. 

Hellenic  nation,  the,  critical  position 
of,  i,  247  5  continuous  existence  of, 
ii,  60;  triumphant  over  the  barba- 
rians, 319  ;  sole  opponent  of  Islam- 
ism,  347. 

Hellenic  religion,  spread  of,  in  the 
East,  ii,  143,  255  ;  amalgamation  of, 
with  the  Egyptian,  238-9. 

Hellenic  tongue,  magnetic  power  of 
the,  ii,  238 ;  reasons  for  its  preva- 
lence, 255. 

Hellenic  world,  condition  of  the  (379 
B.  c.),  i,  439  ;  ii,  233. 

"  Helleriika,"  the,  of  Xenophon,  i,  367 ; 
end  of,  ii,  33. 

Hellenism,  the  first,  last  days  of,  ii,  47  ; 
character  of,  5S  ;  its  wonderful  elas- 
ticity, 60 ;  changes  in  its  character, 
under  Philip,  73";  not  overthrown  by 
him,  89  sq. ;  ancient,  contrasted  with 


the  Macedonian,  ii,  197 ;  in  the 
West,  236 ;  in  the  East,  237  ;  strug- 
gles of,  253 ;  wonderful  results  of, 
256  sq. ;  the  first  herald  of  Chris- 
tianity, 280  ;  Byzantine,  342  sq. ;  dis- 
appearance of,  from  the  conquered 
countries,  849 ;  during  the  reign  of 
Manuel  Comnenus,  383  ;  mediaeval, 
fall  of,  386  ;  modern,  392 ;  under  the 
Turkish  rule,  396,  400 ;  progress  of 
modern,  412. 

Hellespont,  the,  i,  9  ;  Xcrxes's  bridges 
across,  164. 

Helots,  the,  i,  63 ;  revolt  of,  253  j  their 
independence  proclaimed  by  Epami- 
nodas,  ii,  22. 

Hephaestion,  Macedonian  general,  ii, 
132, 138,  139 1  death  of,  142 ;  extrav- 
agant obsequies  of,  143-4. 

Hercea,  Arkadian  city,  ii,  20. 

Hera3on  Teichos,  the,  Philip's  siege  of, 
ii,  76. 

Herakleidse,  invasion  of  the,  i,  24,  57. 

Herakles,  i,  5,  8. 

Herakles,  son  of  Alexander  and  Bar- 
sine,  ii,  193. 

Hcrakleonas,  the  emperor,  ii,  3iS. 

Heraklius,  overthrow  of  Phokas  by,  ii, 
343 ;  character  of,  ib. ;  death  of,  34S ; 
his  race  extinguished,  357. 

Heraklius,  brother  and  general  of  Ti- 
berius Absimarus,  ii,  353. 

Hercules,  the  bronze,  of  Lysippus,  ii, 
333. 

Hermac,  mutilation  of  the,  5,  355. 

Herod,  king  of  Judaea,  ii,  254. 

Herodotus,  the  historian,  i,  228 ;  com- 
pared with  Thucydidcs,  229,  368. 

Heroic  age,  society  in  the,  i,  25. 

Hesiod,  i.  3. 

Hetaenc,  i,  297. 

HeUeri,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  71. 

Heteeria,  Phclekc,  ii,  398. 

Hiero,  ii,  236. 

Himerseus,  Athenian  orator,  ii,  159, 161. 

Hipparchus,  son  of  Peisistratus,  i,  102. 

Hippias,  son  of  Peisistratus,  i,  102 ; 
expelled  from  Athens,  103-4;  at 
Sparta,  109 ;  in  Persia,  110 ;  at  Sar- 
dis,  132 ;  with  the  expedition  against 
Greece,  141,  143  ;  his  fate  unknown, 
156  ;  the  sons  of,  15<5, 163,  203. 

Hippodrome,  the,  of  Constantinople,  ii, 
333. 

Hippokleides,  i,  81. 

Hippokrates,  tyrant  of  Gcla,  i,  225. 

Hippokrates,  the  general,  i,  338. 

Hippokrates,  the  physician,  i,  315. 

Histicea,  the  Persian  fleet  at,  i.  186. 


430 


INDEX. 


Hist'uTUS,  nt  the  bridge  over  the  Istcr, 
i,  180;  sovereign  or  Myrkinus,  131 ; 
his  treachery,  133;  his' death,  136. 

Homer,  i,  33. 

llonorius,  the  emperor,  5i,  817. 

Hopf,  Carl,  against  Fallmerayer,  ii, 
338. 

Hospitality  in  the  heroic  age,  I.  28. 

Hunirary,  crusaders  destroyed  in,  ii, 
8T9. 

Huns,  the,  invasion  of  Europe  by,  ii, 
814 ;  called  in  by  Ruflnus,  318  ;  dev- 
astations of,  under  Attila,  327. 

Hussein  Bcv,  ii?  403. 

Hydarnca,  Persian  general,  i,  1SO-2. 

Hydaspes,  the,  ii.  137-8. 

Hydraotes,  the,  ii,  137-8. 

Hyllus,  i,  57. 

Hypaspists,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  71. 

Hypcrpolus,  ostracism  of,  i,  351. 

Hyperides,  the  funeral  oration  of,  ii, 
156  ^  flight  and  death  of,  159, 161. 

Hyperion,  i.  2. 

Hyphasis,  the,  ii,  137, 138. 

I 

lapetos,  i.  2. 

Ibrahim  Pasha,  ii,  401  sq. 

Iconoclasts,  ii,  363. 

Ida,  Mount,  i,  15,  17. 

Idmon,  i,  12. 

Iliad,  the,  i,  15. 

Ilium,  i,  16 ;  Alexander  at,  ii,  97.  (Sec 
Troy.) 

Illvria,  invasion  of,  by  the  Bulgarians, 
ii,  335. 

Dlyrians,  the,  conquered  by  Philip,  ii, 
66. 

Hus,  i,  16. 

Image-worship,  ii,  3G1-2  ;  prohibited 
by  Leo  III,  863 ;  restored  by  Irene, 
865 ;  prohibited  by  Leo  V,  307 ;  re- 
stored by  Theodora,  370. 

Immortals,  the  Persian,  i,  166, 180. 

India,  Alexander's  progress  to,  ii,  129 
sq. ;  bis  conquests  in,  137. 

Indus,  Alexander  at  the,  ii,  136  sq. 

Inferiors,  Spartan,  ii,  22. 

Innocent,  rope,  ii,  384. 

Ino,  i,  9. 

lolaldas,  ii,  37. 

lollaa,  ii,  181. 

Ion,  i,  265. 

Ionian  colonies,  i,  112. 

Ionian  revolution,  .the,  i,  131. 

Ionian  Sea,  the,  supremacy  of  the 
Athenians  int  ii,  9. 

lonians,  the,  origin  of  the  name,  5,6; 
Tbemistokle-s's  inscriptions  to,  186  ; 


in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  198;  pro- 
pped transportation  of;  2'23 ;  rela- 
tions of,  with  the  Athenians,  234. 

Ionic  alliance,  the,  i,  234. 

Iphikratcs,  i,  424;  reorganization  of 
the  peltasts  by,  425  ;  destruction  of  a 
Spartan  battalion  by,  426  sq.  ;  com- 
mander of  the  Athenian  fleet,  432  ; 
commander  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  ii,  9 : 
his  fleet  recalled,  13 ;  unsuccessful 
against  Epaminondas,  23 ;  protector 
of  the  family  of  Amyntas  II,  24 ;  in 
Macedonia,  64. 

Iphikratides  (shoes),  i,  425. 

Ipsus,  battle  of,  ii,  i!l7. 

Irene,  mother  of  Constantino  VI,  ii, 
364;  her  tyrannical  government, 
365:  banished,  ib. 

Isaac  I,  Comnenus,  ii,  374. 

Isseus,  teacher  of  Demosthenes,  ii,  49. 

Isagoras,  i,  104, 107-8. 

Isauria,  ii,  329  (note). 

Isidas,  son  of  Phcebidas,  ii,  33. 

Islam,  the  Mohammedan  religion,  ii, 
344. 

Islamism  and  Christianity,  conflict  be- 
tween, ii,  347. 

"  Island/'  the,  i,  215,216. 

Islands  in  the  ^Egean,  i,  111. 

Ismenias,  Tlieban  leader,  i,  417  ;  expul- 
sion of,  438. 

Isokrates,  panegyrical  oration  of,  i, 
441,  443;  compared  with  Demos- 
thenes, ii,  49,  51,  53  ;  his  advice  to 
Philip,  90. 

Issus,  battle  of,  ii,  108 ;  its  results,  114. 

Ister,  the,  Persian  bridge  over,  ij  129 
Bq. ;  Alexanders  expedition  to,  ii,  93. 

Isthmian  games,  i,  83. 

Italy,  colonization  of  southern,  5,  117 
sq. ;  invaded  by  Pyrrhus,  ii.  235. 

Ithome,  Mount,  captured  by  the  Spar- 
tans, i.  75  ;  held  by  the  Helots,  253 ; 
acropolis  of  Mcssene  on,  ii,  22. 


Jason,  chief  of  the  Argonauts,  i.  10  sq. 

Jason  of  Phene,  ii,  18 ;  death  of,  23. 

Jerusalem,  capture  of,  by  the  Moham- 
medans, ii,  347  ;  by  the  crusaders,  ii, 
880 ;  by  Saladin,  3S3. 

Jesus  Christ,  Mohammed's  view  of,  ii, 
845. 

Jews,  ii,  253  sq. 

Jokasta,  i,  13. 

John  Comnenu?.  ii,  381. 

John  Graramatikus,  the  patriarch,  ii, 
870. 


INDEX. 


431 


Josephus.  the  historian,  ii,  240,  280. 

Jovian,  the  emperor,  ii?  311. 

Julian  the  Apostate,  ii,  303 ;  reasons 
of  his  hallucination,  305 ;  rcicrn  of, 
308 ;  his  admiration  for  Hellenic 
learning,  309 ;  death  of,  310. 

Justin  I.  ii,  829  ;  death  of,  331. 

Justin  II,  ii,  342. 

Justinian  I,  emperor,  ii,  330 ;  his  ac- 
cession, 331 ;  his  collection  of  laws, 
ib.  ;  nearly  dethroned  by  the  race- 
course riots,  332  sq. ;  his  successful 
wars,  334 ;  nearly  overthrown  by 
the  Bulgarians,  335-6 ;  other  mis- 
fortunes of  the  empire  under,  337 ; 
his  private  misfortunes,  839  ;  St.  So- 
phia built  by,  ib. 

Justinian  II,  Khinotmetus,  ii,  352 ; 
mutilated  and  banished.  352-3 ;  his 
return,  353  j  his  terrible  revenge, 
854 ;  assassinated,  356. 

K 

Kadmeia,  the,  seized  by  the  Spartans, 
i,  438 ;  recovered  by  the  Thebans, 
445  j  Sparta  fined  for  the  seizure 
of,  ii,  42  ;  Macedonian  garrison  in, 
57 ;  preserved  on  the  destruction  of 
Thebes,  95. 

Kadmus,  i,  8. 

Kalauria,  death  of  Demosthenes  at,  ii, 
161. 

Kalais  and  ZeteSj  i,  11. 

Kallas,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  98. 

Kallins,  Athenian  ambassador  at  Spar- 
taz  ii,  10. 

Kallias,  commander  at  Corinth,  i,  427 

6<J. 

Kallikrates,  death  of,  i,  217. 

Kallikratidas,  i.  373. 

Kallimachus,  the  polemarch,  i,  149, 
154. 

Kallinikus,  the  patriarch,  ii,  355. 

Kallinikus,  inventor  of  the  Greek  fire, 
ii,  350. 

Kallisthenes  put  to  death  by  Alexan- 
der, ii,  137. 

Kallistratus,  Athenian  ambassador  at 
Sparta,  ii,  10,  11. 

Kanaris,  the  Greek  admiral,  ii,  406  sq. 

Karystus,  in  Eubcea,  taken  by  the  Per- 
sians, i,  142. 

Kara  Ali,  ii,  405. 

Karncian  Apollo,  festival  of  the,  i,  147. 

Kassandcr,  Macedonian  general,  ii, 
98 ;  commander  of  the  royal  native 
troops,  152  ;  Demades  executed  by, 
173  ;  his  contest  with  Polysperchon, 


173  so. ;  his  arrival  at  the  Peirseus, 
179  ;  his  pence  with  the  Athenians. 
180 ;  kills  Olympias,  182 ;  guaranteed 
the  supreme  command  in  Europe, 
192;  king  of  Macedonia,  206 ;  driven 
from  Athens  by  Demetrius,  214 ;  al- 
liance against  Antigonus  formed  by, 
216 ;  his  efforts  to  impose  his  rulo 
over  Hellas,  222 ;  his  death,  223. 

Kassandra,  promontory  of.  i,  436. 

Kassandreia,  foundation  01,  ii,  182. 

Kekrops.  i,  8. 

Kephisodorus,  Athenian  cavalry  com- 
mander, ii,  34. 

Khazars,  the,  Justinian  II  among,  ii, 
353-4. 

Kilidge-Arslan  attacks  the  crusaders, 
ii,  379. 

Kilikia,  movements  of  the  Greeks  and 
Persians  in,  ii,  109  sq.  ;  pirates  set- 
tled in,  262;  the  Arabs  expelled 
from,  353. 

Kimon,  son  of  Miltiades,  i,  161,  188; 
his  relations  with  Perikles,  242; 
captures  Eion  and  Skyros,  250  ;  his 
victory  at  the  Eurymedon,  25_1 ; 
sails  to  Kyprus,  ib. ;  advocates  aid- 
ing the  Spartans,  253  ;  ostracism  of, 
254 :  his  noble  behavior,  258 ;  his 
death,  259. 

Kimonian  treaty,  the,  i,  259. 

Kinadon,  conspiracy  of,  i,  406. 

Kineas  of  Konon,  i,  34. 

Kingdom  of  Greece,  ii,  407. 

Kings,  year  of,  ii;  206. 

Kirphis,  Mount,  i,  46. 

Kirrha,  i,  46  ;  destruction  of,  47. 

Kitium,  siege  of,  i,  200. 

Kleander,  tyrant  of  Gela,  i,  225. 

Klearchus,  commander  of  the  ten 
thousand  Greeks,  i,  399 ;  death  of, 
400. 

KleiniaSj  Athenian  citizen,  at  Artemi- 
sium,  i,  185. 

Kleisthencs  of  Sikyon,  i,  80. 

Klcisthenes  the  Athenian,  constitution 
of,  i,  104. 

Kleitus,  ii,  94 ;  saves  Alexander's  life, 
103  ;  killed  by  him.134. 

Kleitus,  admiral  of  Polysperchonj  ii, 
180 ;  defeat  of,  in  the  Propontis,  ib. 

Kleobule,  mother  of  Demosthenes,  ii, 
47. 

Kleombrotus  I,  i,  187. 

Kleombrotus  II,  abortive  expeditions 
of,  to  Bceotia,  i,  446,  ii,  6  ;  defeat  and 
death  of,  at  Leuktra,  13  sq. 

Kleomenes  I,  i,  52, 104, 107  sq. ;  re- 
fuses  aid  to  the  lonians,  134. 


432 


INDEX. 


Klcomoncs  III,  i,  68;  his  career,  ii, 
•Jl">  sq. 

Kleon,  the  demagogue,  i,  829  ;  opposes 
the  Spartan  proposals  of  peace,  330; 
commander  against  Sphaktcria,  882- 
8  ;  his  factitious  success,  334 ;  his 
defeat  and  death  at  Amphipolis,  340 ; 
views  of  Grote  concerning,  837,  339 
(notes). 

Kleonymus,  king  of  Sparta,  defeated 
by  the  Romans,  ii,  234. 

Kleopatra,  last  wifo  of  Fhilip,  ii,  87, 
88. 

Kleopatra,  daughter  of  Philip,  ii,  87, 
164 :  death  of,  193. 

Kleophon,  the  demagogue,  i,  869-70. 

Klyttemnestra,  i.  24. 

Knidian  Aphrodite,  the,  temple  to,  i, 
488. 

Knidus,  battle  of,  i,  421. 

Kodriis,  last  Athenian  king,  i,  87. 

Koes  at  the  bridge  over  tne  Ister,  i, 
120  j  sovereign  of  Mytilene,  131. 

Kolchis,  the  Argonautio  expedition  to, 
i,9. 

Komontorius,  first  king  of  Tyle,  ii,  232. 

Konon,  Athenian  general,  i,  373 ;  his 
escape  from  yEgospotami,  332 ;  his 
operations  against  the  Spartans,  411 ; 
incites  the  Rhodians  to  revolt,  415- 
16  5  his  victory  at  Knidus,  421  ;  re- 
builds the  long  walls,  423 ;  honors 
to,  ib. ;  arrest  and  fate  of,  431-2. 

Koroebu.s,  Olympic  victor,  i,  60. 

Koran,  the,  ii,  345  ;  precepts  of,  895. 

Korinna,  i,  51. 

Korkyra,  colonization  of,  i,  116;  its 
naval  strength,  286 ;  sea-battle  near, 
288 ;  revolt  of  the  aristocrats  in, 
319;  unsuccessful  Spartan  siege  of, 
ii,  9  ;  revenue  of,  in  the  twelfth 
century,  359. 

Korkyncans,  the,  alliance  of,  with  the 
Athenians,  i,  286. 

Koroneia,  battlo  of,  i,  418;  the  battle- 
field, 420 ;  Xenophon's  narrative  of, 
421. 

"  Kothornos,"  nickname  of  Therame- 
nes,  i,  392. 

Krannon,  Thcssaly,  ii,  24. 

Krasus,  battlo  of,  ii?  366. 

Kratcrus,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  157, 
158, 163, 166;  defeated  by  Eumencs, 
167-3;  his  death,  168. 

Kratesildcia,  mother  of  Kleomenes  III, 
ii,  245. 

Krenides,  afterward  Philippi,  ii,  69. 

Kreon,  king  of  Thebes,  i,  13. 

Krcephontes,  i,  57-8. 


Krete,  syssitia  in,  i,  74 ;  Dorian  colo- 
nization of,  115 ;  aid  against  the  Per- 
sians refused  by.  174;  the  pirates  in, 
ii,  2(51 ;  captured  by  Pompey,  262 ; 
taken  by  the  Mohammedans,  368. 

Kretheus,  i,  10. 

Krios,  i?  2. 

Krissa,  i,  46. 

Kritias,  one  of  the  thirty  tyrants,  i, 
391 ;  his  excesses,  392 ;  his  death,  393. 

Kronos,  i,  2. 

Krotpn,  i.  119. 

Ktesias,  Greek  physician,  5,  411. 

Kunaxa,  battle  of,  i,  400. 

Kyklades,  the,  i,  111. 

Kylon  of  Athens,  i,  89. 

Kynanot  mother  of  Eurvdiko,  ii,  164-5. 

Kynffigcirus  at  the  battle  of  Marathon, 
"i,  154. 

Kyno8ura?  promontory  of,  i,  196. 

Kynuria,  i,  56. 

Kyprus,  i,  116:  Persian  conquest  of, 
135 ;  the  Hellenic  fleet  at,  2G2 ;  Ki- 
mon  att  251-2,  260;  capture  of.  by 
Demetrius,  ii,  201  sq. ;  the  Arabian 
fleet  nearly  annihilated  at,  364. 

Kypselus,  i,  88. 

Kyrene,  i,  116, 127. 

Kyzikus,  Athenian  victory  near,  i,  309 ; 
Arabic  headquarters  in,  ii,  350. 


Labarum,  the  first  Christian  flag,  15, 

290. 

Lacedaemonians.    (See  Spartans.) 
Lachares,  ii,  222. 
Laconia,  i,  68,  74 ;    Theban  invasion 

of,  ii,  21 ;  invaded  by  Philip,  57. 
Laconians,  emigration  of,  i,  117. 
Lalos  and  (Edipus,  i,  13. 
Lamia,  the  courtesan,  ii.  206. 
Lumian  war,  the,  ii,  155. 
Laomedon,  king  of  Troy;  i,  1 6. 
Laomedon,  satrap  of  Syria,  ii,  153. 
Larissa,  Thcssaly,  i,  38. 
Laskaris,  Theodore,  ii,  387. 
Latin  empire,  organization  of  the,  ii, 

386. 

Latins,  treachery  of  the,  ii,  381. 
Laws.  Justinian's  collection  of,  ii,  331. 
Lebauia,  i,  50. 
Lechffium,  defeat  of  the  hoplitcs  of,  i, 

427. 

Legend^  of  gods  and  men,  i,  1  sq. 
Lelex,  i,  7. 
Leo  the  Thracian,  emperor,  ii.  328 ; 

his  disastrous  expedition  to  Africa, 

ib. ;  his  character  and  death,  329. 


INDEX. 


433 


Leo  III,  the  Isaurian.  ii,  357  ;  defense 
of  Constantinople  by,  358-9 ;  pro- 
hibits image-worship,  363:  his  death, 
ib. ;  his  laws  abrogated,  ib. 

Leo  IV,  ii,  864. 

Leo  V,  ii,  366 ;  slaughter  of  the  Bul- 
garians by,  3(>7  ;  the  reforms  of,  ib. ; 
murdered,  3GS ;  his  murderers  pun- 
ished, 3(>9. 

Leo  VI,  the  Philosophert  ii,  373. 

Leo  the  Mathematician,  ii,  370. 

Leonidas  at  Thermopyte,  i,  176  sq. ; 
death  of,  182 ;  memorial  to,  205. 

Leonidas  II,  ii,  245. 

Leonnatus,  defeat  and  death  of,  ii, 
157. 

Leontiades,  Theban  polemarch,  i,  437 ; 
tyranny  of,  443  ;  death  of,  445. 

Leontius,  father  of  Athenais,  ii,  324. 

Lcontius,  the  emperor,  ii,  353. 

Leosthenes,  Athenian  general,  ii,  156  ; 
death  of,  ib. ;  its  consequences,  157. 

Lcotychides,  king,  commander  of  the 
Hellenic  fleet,  i,  207  ;  at  MykaJe, 
222  ;  return  of,  224=. 

Leotychides,  son  of  Agis  II,  i,  405. 

Lesbians,  the,  proposed  revolt  of,  i,  284. 

Lesbos,  i,  7, 112. 

Lcuktra,  battle  of,  ii,  13  sq. ;  results 
of  the,  47-9. 

Libya,  brother  of  Lysander,  i,  393. 

Licinius,  the  emperor,  ii,  288 ;  perse- 
cutes the  Christians,  291 ;  defeated 
and  executed  by  Constantino,  292. 

Literature,  early  Greek,  i,  122. 

Lochos,  the  Theban  sacred,  ii,  4.  (See 
Sacred  Band.) 

Lokrians,  the,  i,  58,  ii,  19  ;  of  Amphis- 
sa,  war  declared  against,  56. 

Lokris,  revolt  of,  i,  279. 

Longinus,  ii,  268. 

Lougus.  promontory  of,  i,  436. 

Long  Walls,  the,  i,  256 ;  destruction 
of.  385 ;  rebuilding  of,  423. 

Louis  VII.,  ii,  381-2. 

Lucian,  ii,  268. 

Lychnitis,  Lake,  battle  near,  ii,  94. 

Lydia,  i,  114 ;  conquered  by  Cyrus  the 
Great,  126-7. 

Lygdamis  of  Naxos,  i,  100, 101. 132. 

Lykidas,  archon,  stoned  to  death,  i, 
209. 

Lykophron,  defeat  of,  ii,  46. 

Lykophron,  tyrant  of  Thessaly,  con- 
quered by  Philip,  ii,  74. 

Lykortas,  father  of  Poly  bins,  ii;  250. 

Lykurgan  obedience,  decay  of  the,  i, 
404. 

Lykurgus,  i,  64. 


Lysander,  Spartan  commander,  i,  370 ; 
his  intrigues  with  Cyrus  the  Young- 
er, 372;  defeats  the  fleet  of  Alki- 
biades,  373  ;  restored  to  command, 
380 ;  his  victory  at  ^Egospotami, 
382;  captures  Athens,  383-4;  tri- 
umphal return  of,  and  honors  to, 
388 ;  opposition  of  the  Spartan  oli- 
garchy to,  390,  393 ;  his  new  march 
against  Athens,  393 ;  intrigues  of, 
404 ;  his  disappointment,  405 ;  chief 
counselor  of  Agesilaus,  410 ;  re- 
newed intrigues  of,  411 ;  disgraced 
and  sent  to  the  Hellespont,  412 ;  de- 
feat and  death  of,  416. 

"  Lysandria,"  Samian  holiday,  i,  383. 

Lysias,  Olympiac  oration  of.  i;  441 ; 
Demosthenes  compared  with,  ai,  49. 

Lysimachus,  satrap  of  Thrace,  ii,  157  ; 
in  the  alliance  against  Antigonus, 
192;  king,  20fi;  allied  agains't  De- 
metrius Poliorketes,  216  ;  with  Ptol- 
emy, 220;  Macedonia  invaded  by, 
225 ;  subjection  of,  by  Seleukus, 
226 ;  misfortunes  of,  227  sq. ;  death 
of,  229. 

Lysippus,  the  statuary,  ii,  101 ;  his 
bronze  Hercules^  333. 

Lysis,  teacher  of  Epaininondas,  ii,  4. 

M 

Macedonia,  Grecian  colonies  in,  i,  120; 
and  the  Olynthian  confederacy,  436 ; 
Spartan  army  sent  to  the  aid  of,  437- 
8 ;  cities  recovered  by,  439 ;  civil 
wars  in,  ii,  24 ;  Theban  supremacy 
over,  26  ;  rise  of,  38  sq. ;  historical 
account  of,  61 ;  a  Hellenic  country, 
65,  72 ;  its  extension  by  Philip,  89 ; 
anarchy  in,  231 ;  and  Hellas,  241. 

Macedonian  army,  reorganization  of 
the,  ii,  69  sq. 

Macedonian  hegemony,  advantages  of 
the.  ii,  52  sq. 

Macedonian  Hellenism,  how  different 
from  the  first,  ii,  58  ;  history  of,  01 
sq. 

Macedonian  language,  the,  ii,  61. 

Macedonians,  the,  original  state  of,  ii, 
61 ;  disturbance  by,  in  the  council 
of  the   generals,  '150 ;    defeat   the . 
Athenians  at  sea,  158  ;  descent  of,  at 
Ehamnus,  ib. ;  defeat  ofj  168. 

Msenalian  range  of  mountains,  ii,  34. 

Magna  Graecia,  i,  119. 

Magnetes.  the,  i,  37. 

Manmoud,  Sultan,  ii,  401. 

Malea,  promontory  of,  i,  36. 


434 


INDEX. 


Mallus,  Alexander  at,  ii,  109. 

Mankind,  origin  of,  i,  3. 

Manilas^  Athenian  admiral,  ii,  67. 

Mantineia,  i,  77 ;  destroyed  by  the 
Spartans,  i,  435 ;  restoration  of,  ii, 
20  ;  battle  of,  ii,  31  sq. 

Manuel  Comnenus,  ii,  381 ;  defeats  tho 
Hungarians,  ii,  385. 

Munikanda,  Alexander's  sacrifice  and 
banquet  at,  ii.  185. 

Marnthon,  the  Persians  on  the  plain  of, 
i,143;  description  of,  150;  the  battle 
of,  152  sq. ;  importance  of  the  vic- 
tory, 156  ;  tombs  and  memorials  at, 
157-8. 

Marcian,  emperor,  nominal  husband 
of  Pulchcria,  ii,  326 ;  resists  Attila, 
327  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  ii,  273. 

Mardonius,  abortive  expedition  to 
Greece  under,!,  139;  new  invasion 
urged  by,  162;  left  in  command  by 
Xerxe8t  202,  203 ;  his  otter  of  alli- 
ance with  the  Athenians,  208 ;  his 
advance  and  renewed  offer,  209  ;  re- 
treats. 210  ;  his  test  of  the  Phokians, 
211 ;  in  the  battle  of  Platsea,  212  sq. ; 
death  of,  217. 

Marriage  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  28. 

Marseilles,  i,  115. 

Mary,  the  virginj  doctrine  of  Nestori- 
ua  concerning,  ii,  326. 

Mass.ilia,  i,  115  ;  ii,  236. 

Masistius,  death  of,  i,  212. 

Mauritius,  the  emperor,  ii,  342. 

Mavrokordatos,  ii,  400. 

Maximus,  the  plenipotentiary  of  Tra- 
jan, ii,  271. 

Maximus,  usurping  emperor,  ii,  315 ; 
defeated  and  Killed,  316. 

Maximua,  master  of  the  thcurgic  art, 
ii,  308. 

Mazams,  Persian  officer,  at  Gaugamela, 
ii.  126. 

Medea,  i,  12. 

Medcs,  the,  conquered  by  the  Persians, 
i",  126. 

Medusa,  i,  8. 

McgabateSj  Persian  admiral,  i,  132 ;  at 
Artemisium,  i,  184  sq. 

Megabazus,  Persian  general,  i,  131. 

Megaklcs  and  Agariste,  i,  82  ;  archon 
eponymos,  89 ;  and  Peisistratus,  100. 

Megakrcon  of  Alxlcra,  saying  of,  i, 
168. 

Megalopolis,  foundation  of,  ii,  22 ;  de- 
feat of  the  Arkadians  near,  26  ;  ora- 
tion of  Demosthenes  in  favor  of,  51 ; 
attacked  by  King  Agw,  180. 


Mcgara,  account  of,  i,  84 ;  at  war  with 
Athens  for  Salamis,  91 ;  alliance  of, 
with  Athens,  255 ;  Athenian  decree 
against j  284 ;  Crete's  view  of,  285. 

Mcgaris,  i,  56. 

Meleagrus,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  150 ; 
death  of,  152. 

Meleagrus,  brother  of  Ptolemy,  ii,  231. 

Melians,  the.  i,  351. 

Mellon,  Theban  liberator,  i?  444. 

Memnon,  son  of  Tithonus,  i,  -1. 

Mcmnon  the  Rhodian,  his  advice  to  the 
Persians,  ii,  100;  proclaimed  hcgemon 
of  Lower  Asia  and  of  the  fleet  by  Da- 
rius, 106 ;  death  of.  107. 

Memphis  surrendered  to  Alexander  ii, 
110. 

Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta,  i,  16. 

Menclaus,  brother  or  Ptolemy,  engage- 
ment of,  with  Demetrius  Poliorketcs, 
ii,  201. 

Mcncetius,  i,  4, 17. 

McnylluSj  Macedonian  general,  ii,  160. 

Mercenaries,  Athenian  use  of,  i,  4^5. 

Mcsolonghi,  fall  of,  ii,  400  sq. 

Messcne,  foundation  of,  ii,  22 ;  declared 
autonomous,  28,  88. 

Mcssenia,  Spartan  ware  -with,  i,  74 ;  con- 
quest of,  76. 

Mcssenian  wars,  the,  i,  74. 

Mcssenians,  thp,  expulsion  of,  from 
Naupaktus  and  Kephallenia,  i,  403 ; 
recalled  by  Epnminondas,  ii,  22. 

Mcthonc,  foundation  of,  i,  120 ;  seized 


by  Philip,  ii,  46, 74. 
Methymne,capt 


.capture  of,  by  Kallikratidas, 
i,  374. 

Metropolis,  relations  of  a  Grecian,  i,  287. 

Miaules,  Greek  ndmiral,  ii,  402 ;  before 
Mesolonghi,  403. 

Michael  I,  ii,  366. 

Michael  Il«n.  368. 

Michael  III,  ii,  370 ;  his  debasement, 
871 ;  murdered,  ib. 

Michael  VI,  ii,  374. 

Michael  VII,  mention  of,  ii,  375. 

Michael  Angclus  Comneniu;,  ii,  387. 

Miletus,  i,  112 ;  Persian  siege  and  cap- 
ture of,  136  sq. 

Milo,  the  athlete,  i,  61. 

Miltiades  the  elder,  i,  101-2. 

Miltiades  the  younger,  at  tho  bridge 
over  the  Ister,  i,  1 80 ;  at  Athens-  - 
character  of,  143 ;  his  plan  for  attack- 
ing tho  Persians,  148 ;  sole  command- 
er ,"149;  in  the  battle  of  Marathon, 
151  sq.;  honors  to,  158;  dishonorable 
conduct  of,  168  eq. ;  trial  and  death 
of,  160. 


INDEX. 


435 


Mindarus,  Lacedaemonian  admiral,  i, 
3(59. 

"  Minerva,"  Greek  newspaper,  ii,  403. 

Minstrels,  ancient,  i,  31. 

Mitliridutes,  son-in-law  of  Darius, 
killed  by  Alexander,  ii,  103. 

Mitliridatcs,  king  of  Pontus,  ii,  254 ; 
peace  of,  with  Sulla;  259. 

Mitnridatic  war,  the,  nt  253. 

Mouwiyah,  the  caliph,  siege  of  Constan- 
tinople by,  ii,  343  sq. 

Mohammed,  teachings  of,  ii,  344. 

Mohammed  II,  ii,  390. 

Mohammedanism,  riso  of,  ii,  343  ;  doc- 
trine of,  344, 

Molossianj,  the,  i,  54. 

Molossus,  Athenian  general,  ii,  78. 

Monastic  life,  excessive  growth  of,  ii, 
301,  374. 

Mora,  a  Lacedaemonian  battalion,  i, 
4-27. 

Mosleman,  followers  of  Mohammed,  ii, 
344. 

Moslemas,  commander  in  the  second 
siege  of  Constantinople,  ii,  357. 

Muller,  0.  K.,  on  the  Spartan  laws,  i, 
74. 

Mummius.  the  Koman  general,  ii,  251. 

MundiHj  Illyrian  general,  ii,  334. 

Munyclna,  strengthening  of,  i,  231;  held 
by  the  Macedonian  garrison,  iij  195. 

Murder,  primitive  punishment  of,  i,  83. 

Museum,  ii,  239. 

Music,  in  the  Greek  sense,  i,  90. 

Mussulman,  origin  of  the  word,  ii,  344. 

Mykale,  battle  of,  i,  222 ;  victory  of 
George  Sachtourcs  at,  223  (note). 

Myriandrus,  ii,  110. 

Myrkmus,  i,  131. 

Myrmidons,  the,  i,  17. 

Myromdes,  i,  259. 

Mythological  age,  the,  i,  1. 

Myths,  contradictions  of  the,  i,  7. 

Mytilene,  i,  112. 

N 

Napoleon,  i,  354 ;  and  Alexander,  an- 
alogy between,  ii,  90,  146. 

Naupaktus,  i,  53;  the  Mcsscnians  ex- 
pelled from,  403. 

Navigation,  ii,  240. 

Naxo.s,  early  power  of;  i,  132 ;  failure  of 
the  Persian  expedition  against,  ib. ; 
subdued  by  the  Persians,  142 ;  revo- 
lution of,  251 ;  Athenian  victory  near, 
ii,  6. 

Naxos  in  Sicily,  i,  352. 

Ncarchus,  voyage  of,  ii,  139  ;  appointed 
satrap  of  Pamphylia,  153. 


Nektanabis,  king  of  Egypt,  ii,  39. 

Neleus  and  Pelias,  i,  10. 

Nemesis,  i,  23. 

Neodamodcs,  enfranchised  Helots,  i, 
408. 

Neoplatonista,  ii,  305  sq. 

Neoptolemus,  son  of  Achilles,  i,  23. 

Neoptoleinus,  prince  of  the  Molossi,  ii, 
69. 

Neoptolemus,  satrap  of  Armenia,  de- 
feated by  Eumenes,  ii,  166;  killed  by 
him  in  battle,  168. 

Nephele,  i,  9. 

Nero,  the  emperor,  in  Greece,  ii,  265 ; 
murdered,  266  ;  the  Christians  perse- 
cuted by,  285. 

Nestor,  i,  17. 

Nestonus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
ii,  326. 

Niausa,  battles  of,  ii,  399. 

Nice  (Nikaea),  council  of,  ii,  295. 

Niksea,  council  of,  ii,  295  ;  the  crusaders 
reduce,  380 ;  new  empire  established 
at,  387. 

Niktea  in  India,  ii,  137. 

Niksea,  daughter  of  Antipater,  ii,  164. 

Nikanor,  Munychia  held  by,  for  Kas- 
sander,  ii,  173;  superseded,  174,  180. 

Nikephorus  I,  ii,  365;  defeat  and  death 
of;  366. 

Nikias,  i,  328 ;  yields  the  command  to 
Klcon,  332 ;  his  arguments  against 
him,  339 ;  Grote's  opinion  of,  ib.(note); 
peace  of,  341 ;  opposes  the  expedition 
to  Sicily,  353 ;  one  of  its  commanders, 
354 ;  his  operations,  357 ;  his  death, 
353;  execution  of  his  brother  and 
son,  391. 

Nikokles,  king  of  Salamis,  i,  434. 

Nikokles,  an  Athenian  orator,  ii,  173. 

Nikomachus,  father  of  Aristotle,  ii,  65. 

Nora,  ii,  171. 

Norman  army,  the,  ii,  385. 

Normans,  the,  ii,  375. 

Nureddin,  ii,  332. 

O 

Oceanus,  i,  2,  3. 

Octavius.  ii,  263. 

Odeon,  the,  i,  267. 

Odysseus;  i,  17  sq. ;  stratagem  of,  22 ; 

possessions  of,  26. 
(Edipus,  i.  13. 

OEnoe,  Athenian  fortress,  i,  309. 
(Enoplivta,  battle  of,  i,  256. 
(Eta,  M*ount,  i,  36 ;  passage  of  the  Per- 

sians  over,  i,  180. 
Ogyges,  i,  5. 


436 


INDEX. 


Oligarchical  governments  established 
by  Sparta,  i,  839. 

Oligarchical  system  in  Greece,  i,  78  ; 
at  Athens,  87-8,  104,  301. 

Olympia,  i,  59  sq. 

Olvmpiac  oration  of  Lysias,  i,  441 ;  of 
Isokrates,  443. 

Olympiads,  the,  i,  60. 

Olympian  Zen*,  temple  of,  i,  62, 101. 

Olympic,  wife  of  Philip,  ii,  69  ;  repu- 
diation of,  87  ;  proceedings  of,  with 
Pcrdikkas,  164  ;  puts  Philip  Arri- 
dteus  and  Eurydike  to  death,  181 ; 
killed  by  Kiussauder,  182. 

Olympic  games,  i,  59. 

Olympiooorus,  general  of  the  Athe- 
nians, ii,  222  ;  his  efforts  to  free  his 
country,  225. 

Olympus,  Mount,  i,  86,  87. 

Olynthiacs,  the,  ii,  77. 

Oivntliian  confederacy,  the,  i,  435  sq. ; 
defeat  of  a  Spartan  army  by,  433  : 
involution  of,  439 ;  new,  ii,  77 ;  end 
of,  79. 

Olyuthian  -\var,  the,  ii,  77-9. 

Olynthians,  the,  subdued  by  Philip,  ii, 
54,  77  ;  their  alliance  refused  by  the 
Athenians,  ii,  08;  come  to  terms 
•with  Philip,  ib. 

Olynthus,  confederacy  formed  by,  i, 
436  ;  captured  by  Philip,  ii,  79. 

Onchcstus,  i,  51. 

Oneium,  Mount,  ii,  25. 

Onctor,  guardian  of  Demosthenes,  11, 
48. 

Onomnrchus,  Phokian  general,  ii,  4o ; 
death  of,  46. 

Oracles,  i,  42. 

Orchomenus,  Arkadia,  ii,  20. 

Orchomcnus,  Boeotia,  i,  50  ;  ii,  7,  8 ; 
held  by  the  Phokians,  46. 

Orestes,  Icing  of  Macedonia,  ii,  63. 

Onbasius,  the  physician  of  Julian,  ii, 
808. 

Oropus,  i,  51. 

Orpncus,  i.  10. 

Orsippus,  Megarian  general,!,  84. 

Ossa  and  Pehon,  i,  36. 

Ostraci5m,  origin  and  mode  of,  i,  105 
sq. ;  last  instance  of,  851-2. 

Otho,  king  of  Greece,  ii,  409. 

Othrys,  Mount,  i,  3,  36. 

Ozohan  Loknans,  i,  53. 


s,  the,  ii,  67. 
re  captured  by  Philip,  ii,  74. 
"  Paidonomos,"  the,  i,  69. 


Palseologus,  Michael,  ii,  883;  Con- 
stantino, 390. 

Palladium,  the,  i,  22. 

Pallene,  promontory  of,  i,  43C. 

Palmyra,  ii,  282. 

Panaktum,  i,  341,  343-4. 

Panarkadian  federation,  ii,  20. 

Pauathcnoea,  the,  i,  101. 

Pandora,  i,  5. 

Pangseus,  Mount,  gold-mines  of,  ii,  69. 

Panormus,  i,  55. 

Puphlagonia,  ii,  383. 

Paralii,  the,  i,  92. 

Paralus,  son  of  Periklcs,  i,  317. 

Paris,  i,16,19,21. 

Parmenio,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  86, 
97,  98 ;  Tralles  seized  by,  106  ;  let- 
ter of,  to  Alexander,  109 ;  his  advice 
as  to  the  battle  of  Gaugamela  fol- 
lowed, 122 ;  death  of,  132. 

Parnassus,  plain  of,  i,  44. 

Paros,  siege  of,  by  Miltiades,  i,  159. 

Parysatis,  queen  of  Persia,  i,  397. 

Pasargadffi,  the,  i,  126. 

Patroklus,  i,  17, 19,  20. 

Pattala,  Alexander  at,  ii,  188. 

Paul,  St.,  ii,  282 ;  in  Greece,  283  ;  al- 
lusion to,  3«J2. 

Paulus  jEmilius,  iix  72. 

Pausanias,  king  ot  Macedonia,  ii,  24, 
63. 

Pausanias,  king  of  Sparta,  i,  394,  405- 
0  ;  retreat,  sentence,  and  escape  of, 
416. 

Pausanias,  murderer  of  Philip,  ii,  83. 

Pausanias,  Peloponnesian  commander, 
i,  210 ;  in  the  battle  of  Platan,  212 
sq. ;  his  inscription  on  the  tripod, 
219;  execution  of  Theban  prisoners 
by,  221  ;  treachery  of,  232 ;  death  of, 
236. 

Peace  of  Antalkidas,  the,  i,  429  ;  de- 
creed by  Artaxerxes,  432  ;  disastrous 
results  of,  434;  advantages  of,  to 
Sparta,  439. 

Peace  of  Nikias,  i,  341. 

Pedasus,  i,  18. 

Pedieis,  the,  i,  92. 

Peers,  Spartan,  i,  406. 

Pegasus,  i.  8. 

Pciraeus,  the,  strengthening  of,  i,  231 ; 
the  fortifications  of,  destroyed,  385 ; 
Thrasybulus  in  possession  of,  393  ; 
the  walls  leading  to,  rebuilt,  i,  423. 

Peirithous,  i,  28. 

Peisander,  government  of  the   Four 

Hundred  established  by,  i,  865-6. 
Peisander,  Spartan  admiral,  i,  421 ;  de- 
feat and  death  of,  422. 


INDEX. 


437 


Pcisistratidce,  the,  at  Athens  with 
Xerxes,  i,  189. 

Peisistratus.  i,  98 ;  tyrant  of  Athens, 
99  ;  his  night  and  return.  100  ;  his 
government,  101 ;  his  death,  102. 

Pelasgus,  i,  7. 

Pelcus,  5,  17. 

Peliast  i,  10. 

Pella  m  the  Olynthian  confederacy,  i, 
436;  capital  of  Macedonia,  ii,  61, 
72. 

Pelopidas,  leader  of  the  Theban  libera- 
tors, i,  444 ;  one  of  the  governors  of 
Bceotia^  445  ;  sketch  ot,  ii,  5 ;  vic- 
tory ot,  at  Tegyra,  7  j  in  the  battle 
of  Leuktra,  15,  16  ;  his  successes  in 
Thessaly,  24,  25 ;  in  Macedonia,  26  ; 
his  mission  to  Persia,  28 ;  seized  by 
Alexander  of  Pherse,  ib. ;  liberated 
by  Epaminpndas,  29  ;  death  of,  31 ; 
in  Macedonia,  64. 

Peloponnesian  war,  the,  preliminaries 
of,  i,  276 ;  events  before,  284  ;  his- 
tory of,  291  eq. ;  responsibility  for, 
293 ;  first  two  years  of,  307 ;  savage 
character  of,  321 ;  renewal  of,  339 ; 
progress  of,  369 ;  end  of,  383  sq. 

Peloponnesus,  the,  Doric  invasion  of, 
i,  24 ;  circumnavigated  by  the  Athe- 
nian fleet,  ii,  9 ;  disastrous  earth- 
quakes and  rains  in,  ib. ;  invasions 
of,  by  Epaminondas,  20,  25 ;  inclu- 
ded in  the  Achaean  confederacy,  247. 

Pelta,  the,  i,  425. 

Peltasts,  reorganization  of  the,  by 
Iphikrates,  i,  425  ;  destruction  of  a 
Spartan  battalion  by,  427 ;  in  the 
Macedonian  army,  ii,  70. 

Pelusium,  Alexander  at,  ii,  119. 

Peneius,  the,  i,  37. 

Penelope,  i,  26. 

Penestw,  the,  compared  with  the  He- 
lots, i,  68. 

Penthcsileia,  i,  21. 

Pcrdikkas  II,  of  Macedonia,  relations 
of,  toward  the  Athenians,  i,  289, 435 ; 
his  reign,  ii,  62. 

Perdikkas  III,  ii,  24,  30  ;  death  of,  46 ; 
his  reign,  64-5. 

Perdikkas,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  98 ; 
regency  of,  149 ;  his  punishment  of 
the  insurgents,  151 ;  goes  to  the  aid 
of  Eumenes,  1C3  ;  ofiers  of  marriage 
to,  164 ;  marches  to  Egypt  against 
Ptolemy,  165  ;  his  death,  169. 

Periander  of  Corinth,  i,  83. 

Periklcan  age,  the,  i,  270. 

Perikles,  i,  242  ;  sketch  of,  243  ;  an- 
tagonism between  him  and  Kimon, 


245-6  ;  opposes  granting  aid  to  the 
Spartans,  253 ;  his  advice  to  the 
Athenians,  256 ;  constructs  the  Long 
Walls,  257  ;  proposes  the  recall  oi' 
Kimon,  259  ;  changes  at  Athens  un- 
der, 261 ;  internal  regulations  of, 
262 ;  object  of  the  laws  of,  264 ;  pub- 
lic works  of,  267  ;  energy  of,  268; 
age  of,  270  ;  object  of.  271 ;  funeral 
oration  of,  275 ;  reduces  Samos, 
280 ;  funeral  oration  of,  282 ;  his 
decree  against  the  Megarians,  285 ; 
slanders  of  his  opponents,  296 ;  his 
relations  with  Aspasia,  297  sq. ;  his 
opposition  to  the  Spartan  envoys, 
803;  last  days  of,  316  ;  his  political 
career,  318. 

Perilaus,  Sikyonian  commander,  i, 
223. 

Pcrinthus,  ii,  55. 

Pcriceki,  the,  i,  67 ;  freed  by  Epami- 
nondas, ii,  22 ;  made  citizens  of  Spar- 
ta, 246. 

Perrhtebians,  the,  i,  37. 

Persepolis,  treasure  found  at,  ii,  129. 

Perseus,  legendary  hero,  i;  8. 

Perseus,  son  of  Philip  V,  ii,  250. 

Persia,  establishment  of  the  empire  of, 
i,  125 ;  'Spartan  negotiations  with, 
429 ;  the  Asiatic  Greeks  given  up  to, 
430?  434 ;  refuses  aid  to  Sparta 
against  the  Thebans,  ii,  9  ;  Hellenic 
ambassadors  sent  to,  28 ;  state  of,  on 
Alexander's  invasion,  96 ;  the  army 
of,  99  sq.  ;  wars  of,  with  the  Eastern 
Empire,  326,  334. 

Persian  rescript,  the,  ii,  28. 

Persian  invasion,  the  first,  i,  138;  the 
second,  162. 

Persian  wars,  the,  i,  125  sq. ;  results 
of,  226  sq. 

Persians,  the,  i,  126  ;  on  the  plain  of 
Marathon,  143  sq. ;  retreat  of,  after 
the  battle,  154-5 ;  march  of,  under 
Xerxes,  165 ;  expulsion  of,  212  eq. ; 
their  conduct  in  the  war,  227 ;  Spar- 
tan war  against,  407  ;  fatal  mistakes 
of,  ii,  99. 

Persis  (Persia  proper),  i,  125. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  ii,  377  ;  the  crusade 
preached  by,  378. 

Peukestas,  satrap  of  Persis,  ii,  183 ; 
fear  of,  at  the  approach  of  Antigo- 
nus,  186  ;  his  treachery,  188. 

Phaedriades  rocks,  i,  46. 

Phalsekus,  Phokian  general,  ii,  81 ; 
surrenders  to  Philip,  85. 

Phalangite-j,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  71. 

Phalanx,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  71. 


438 


INDEX. 


PhalarLs,  tyrant  (of  Agrigcntum),  i, 
2J5. 

Phalcrum.  i.  423. 

J'luK'nim,  the  Athenians  transfer  their 
ship-vard  from,  i,  231. 

Pharnabazus,  Alki  blades  put  to  death 
by,  i,  393 ;  hid  contest  with  Dcrkylli- 
da*,  409-10 ;  his  army  captured  by 
Atresilaus,  414 ;  joint  commander 
with  Konon,  421. 

Pharos,  the  tower  of,  ii,  240. 

Pharsalus,  Tlics^aly,  ii,  24. 

Phcidia-s,  works  o'f,  i,  62,  268 ;  trial 
and  death  of,  801. 

Pheidippides,  the  courier,  i,  147. 

Piieidon,  kin^  of  Argo-i,  i,  59,  62. 

Phelcke,  Hetteria,  ii,  398. 

Phemius,  i,  31. 

Phera?,  power  of  Jason  established  at, 
u^  18;  taken  by  Philip,  74;  treaty 
ot  peace  concluded  at,  84. 

Phila,  wife  of  Demetrius,  ii,  224 ;  sui- 
cide of,  225. 

Philip  (II)  of  Macedonia,  ii,  24;  hostajrc 
at  Thebes.  26,  64 ;  his  accession,  45, 
65  ;  extends  his  dominions,  46 ;  aven- 
ger of  the  Delphian  god,  ib. ;  ora- 
tions of  Demosthenes  against,  51  sq. ; 
his  Hellenic  character,  52 ;  ends  the 
second  Sacred  War,  54  5  master  of 
the  Amphiktyonic  Council,  55 ;  peace 
concluded  by,  ib. ;  commander  in  the 
third  Sacrcu  War,  56 ;  his  victory  at 
Chseroneia,  ib. ;  master  of  Hellas,  57 ; 
chosen  general-in-chief  of,  against 
Persia,  ib. ;  his  early  career,  65 ;  his 
accession  and  extension  of  his  pow- 
er, 66  sq. ;  his  reorganization  ot  the 
army,  69 ;  his  marriacro  with  Olym- 
pias,  ib. ;  master  of  all  Thcssaly,  74 ; 
large  naval  force  acquired  by,  75 ;  his 
expedition  to  Thrace,  75 ;  his  sick- 
ness, 76 ;  in  the  Olynthian  war,  77 
sq. ;  splendid  celebration  of  his  vic- 
tory, 80 :  Athenian  proposals  of  peace 
to,  81 ;  his  reply  to  the  ambassadors, 
81  -2  ;  his  terms  accepted,  82  ;  in 
Thrace,  83  ;  Hellenic  envoys  before, 
ib. ;  ends  the  Phokian  war,  85  ;  prep- 
arations for  his  expedition  to  Asia, 
86 :  assassination  or,  87 ;  his  position 
in  history,  88. 

Philip  IV,  son  of  Kassandcr,  ii,  223. 

Philip  V,  son  of  Demetrius  III,  ii, 
247  sq. 

Philip  II  of  France,  ii,  834. 

Philip  Arridieus  chosen  king,  ii,  150 ; 
death  of,  181. 

Philippeion,  coin,  ii,  69. 


Philippi,  origin  of,  CD;  battles  of,  ii, 
263,  277. 

Philippic,  the  first,  ii,  51,  75. 

Philippikus,  the  emperor,  ii,  356. 

Philippus,  Alexander's  physician,  ii, 
109. 

Philippus,  the  emperor,  ii,  277. 

Philippus,  Theban  polcmarch,  i,  444. 

Philo  Judanis,  ii,  i!sO. 

Philokles,  i,  265. 

Philolaus,  legislation  of,  i,  49,  50. 

Philomclus,  Phokian  general,  the  Del- 
phian temple  robbed  by,  ii,  44 ;  tho 
troops  mustered  by,  45 ;  death  of,  ib. 

Philopoevnen,  ii,  248. 

Philosophy,  schools  of,  i,  113. 

Philotas,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  93 ; 
death  of,  132. 

Philotas,  the  taxiarch,  ii,  153. 

Phineus,  the  soothsayer,  i,  11. 

Phliasians,  the,  Spartan  power  estab- 
lished over,  i,  439. 

Phcebias,  Sikyonian  villagCj  ii,  25. 

Phcebidas.  Spartan  general,  i,  437 ;  seiz- 
ure of  Thebes  by,  438. 

Phoenicia,  Alexander's  conquest  of,  ii, 
116  sq. 

Phoenicians,  the,  in  the  battle  of  Sala- 
mis,  i,  193. 

Phokasa,  i,  112,  137. 

Phokreans,  the,  i,  114. 

Phokian  war,  the,  ii,  43  sq. ;  recapitu-  . 
lation  of,  73 ;  end  of,  85. 

Phokas,  the  emperor,  overthrow  of,  ii, 
342. 

Phokians,  tho,  at  Thermopylse,  i,  177, 
181 ;  in  the  army  of  Mardonius,  209 ; 
distrusted  by  the  Persians,  211 ;  al- 
lies of  Sparta  against  the  Thebans, 
ii,  8 ;  decree  of  the  Amphiktyonic 
Council  and  alliance  against,  if,  43 ; 
rob  the  Delphian  temple,  44 ;  victo- 
ries of.  over  Philip,  46 ;  defeated  by 
him,  ib. ;  sentence  against,  54 ;  re- 
capitulation of  their  proceedings,  73 ; 
excluded  from  the  treaty  of  peace,  83, 
84 ;  their  punishment,  85. 

Phokion,  sketch  of,  ii,  53 ;  defends  By- 
zantium atrainst  Philip,  55 ;  tries  to 
restrain  the  Athenians,  56 :  his  suc- 
cesses in  Eubcea.  and  recall,  78 ;  his 
efforts  to  pacify  the  people  of  Athens, 
155;  refuses  the  command  of  the 
army,  157 ;  his  embassy  to  Antipa- 
tcr,  159 ;  his  trial,  176 ;  nia  fortitude, 
178 ;  death  of,  179 ;  comments  on 
the  trial  of,  ib. 

Phokis,  importance  of,  i,  49  ;  laid  waste 
by  the  Persians,  188  ;  revolt  of,  279 ; 


INDEX. 


439 


resolutions  of  tho  Amphiktyonic 
Council  against,  ii,  54 ;  sentence  upon, 
85. 

Phokus,  son  of  Phokion,  ii.  179. 

Phormio,  Athenian  admiral,  i,  320. 

Phrygia  ravaged  by  Agcsilaus,  i,  413, 
4M. 

Photius,  tlio  patriarch,  ii,  371. 

Phrynichus,  the  tragic  poet,  i,  133. 

Phthiotis,  i,  37. 

Phylake.  i,  17. 

Phyle,  Thrasybulus  at,  i,  393. 

Phyllidas,  Thcban  liberator,  i,  444. 

Piacenza,  council  of  Urban  II  at,  ii,  379. 

Pinarus,  the,  ii,  112. 

Pindar,  eulogy  of  the  Athenians  by.  i, 
51 ,  52 ;  his  house  spared  on  tho  de- 
struction of  Thebes,  ii,  95. 

Pindu.s;  Mount,  i,  55. 

Piracy  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  30. 

Pirates,  the,  ii,  261  sq. 

Pisatis,  i,  59. 

Pittakus,  i,  112. 

Plague,  the,  at  Athens,  i,  312  sq.  ;  at 
Constantinople,  ii,  337,  364. 

Plateea,  i,  51  ;  its  separation  from 
Thebes,  51-2 ;  battle  of,  212  sq. ; 
booty  taken  at,  219 ;  honors  awarded 
to  the  victors,  221 ;  war  of,  against 
Thebes,  303  ;  taken  by  the  Pclopon- 
nesians,  31 !» ;  destruction  of,  320  ;  re- 
built by  the  Lacedaemonians,  435. 

Plateeans,  the,  in  the  battle  of  Mara- 
thon, i,  149 ;  palm  of  bravery  at  Pla-  I 
tea  awarded  to,  221. 

Plato,  ii,  65. 

Pleistpanax.  king  of  Sparta,  i,  279. 

Plcurias,  Illyrian  king,  ii,  86. 

Pliny  the  Younger,  ii,  271. 

Plutarch j  his  account  of  Lysander's  dis- 
grace, i,  412. 

Pnytagoras,  son  of  Evagoras,  i,  434. 

Poetry,  dramatic,  i,  265. 

Poets,  early  Greek,  i,  122. 

Pollis,  Spartan  admiral,  defeat  of,  ii,  6. 

Pollux,  i,  10. 

Polybiades,  Spartan  general,  i,  439. 

Polybius,  ii.  252. 

Polybus  of  Corinth,  i,  13. 

Polydamas,  i,  43. 

Polygamy,  i,  28. 

Polykratcs  of  Sanios,  i,  86,  115,  128. 

Polynikes,  i,  14. 

Polyphron  and  Polydorus,  brothers  of 
Jason  of  Phera?,  ii,  23. 

Polysperchon,  successor  of  Antipater, 
ii,  173  ;  his  enmity  to  Phokion,  175  5 
deputations  sent  to,  ib.  |  invasion  ot 
Attica  by,  179  ;  his  critical  position, 


180;  his  failure  to  reduce  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, ib.  ;  his  alliance  y.  ith 
Olympias  and  with  the  ./Eakides, 
181 ;  supports  Ilcraklcs,  son  of  Alex- 
ander, but  kills  him,  193. 

Pompcy,  the  Roman  general,  ii,  261 ; 
philanthropy  of,  262. 

Pontus,  kingdom  of,  ii,  254,  383. 

Porphyrogenitus,  meaning  of,  ii,  373. 

Popular  assembly,  the  Spartan,  i,  66. 

Porus,  defeat  and  capture  of,  by  Alex- 
ander, iij  137. 

Poseidon,  i,  L>. 

Potidaea,  revolt  of,  i,  289  ;  the  Atheni- 
ans masters  of.  319  ;  surrendered  by 
Philip  to  the  Olynthians,  ii,  09  ;  new 
city  on  its  site,  182. 

Priam,  i,  16  sq. 

Probuli,  board  of,  i,  362. 

Probus,  the  emperor,  ii,  279. 

Prokopius,  statement  of,  concerning 
Justin  I,  ii,  330 ;  exaggerations  of, 
338. 

Prometheus,  i,  4 ;  moral  of  the  legend 
cf,  6. 

Propontis,  the,  i,  11. 

Prokles,  i,  58,  64. 

Providence,  work  of,  ii,  256. 

Propykea,  the,  5,  267. 

Protogeneia,  i,  6. 

Psammetichus  of  Corinth,  i,  84. 

Ptolcraais,  daughter  of  Ptolemy,  ii, 
221. 

Ptolemies,  edifices  of  the,  ii,  239. 

Ptolemy  (son  of  Lagus),  joins  Pcrdik- 
kas  m  the  royal  chamber,  ii,  150 ; 
appointed  satrap  of  Egypt,  153  ;  goes 
to  the  Macedonian  camp,  170 ;  threat- 
ens Antigonus,  192 ;  accuses  him  of 
violating  the  treaty,  193;  his  forces 
in  Kyprus,  201 ;  defeated  by  Deme- 
trius, 202-3  ;  his  power,  205 ;  wor- 
shiped by  the  Rhodians,  213 ;  alli- 
ance of,  against  Demetrius,  216 ; 
with  Lvsimachus,  220 ;  peace  of, 
with  Seleukus  and  Demetrius,  221 ; 
his  fleet  in  Hellas,  225 ;  his  death, 
228. 

Ptolemy,  nephew  of  Antigonus,  ii,  193. 

Ptolemy  of  Alorus,  ii,  25, 26  ;  death  of, 
30,  64. 

Ptolemy  Keraunus,  ii,  227 ;  king  of 
Thrace  and  Macedonia,  229 ;  death 
of,  231. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  ii.  239. 

Ptolemy  IV,  Philopater,  ii,  247. 

Public  works  under  Perikles,  i,  267. 

Pulcheria,  the  Eastern  Empire  ruled 
by,  ii,  323  ;  death  of,  327. 


440 


INDEX. 


Purification,  the,  of  the  Macedonian 
army,  ii,  151. 

Pydna,the  castle  of,  ii,  181. 

Pylos,  seizure  of,  i,  823 ;  fortification 
of,  324. 

Pyrrha  and  Dcukalion,  i,  5. 

Pyrrhus  of  Epirus,  ii,  222 ;  his  march 
"to  Macedonia,  223  ;  the  kingdom  of 
Demetrius  almost  seized  by.  224 ; 
Macedonia  invaded  by,  225 ;  his  ex- 
pedition to  Italy,  233  sq. ;  his  charac- 
ter, 233-4;  his  victories,  235;  forced 
to  return  to  Epirus,  ib. ;  his  death, 
242. 

Pythagoras,  i,  113,  119. 

Pythia,  the,  i,  44-6  ;  treatment  of,  hy 
Philomelus,  ii}  44. 

Pythian  games,  i,  48  ;  ii.  64-5. 

Pythodorus,  the  torch-Dearer  of  the 
Elcusinian  mysteries,  ii,  215. 

Pythoklea,  an  Athenian,  ii,  178. 

Python,  Macedonian  general,  ii,  155; 
satrap  of  Lesser  Media,  182  ;  defeat 
of,  182-3  ;  death  of,  190. 

R 

Race-course,  the,  in  Constantinople,  ii, 
332-3  ;  revolt  of  the  factions  of,  333. 

Redshid,  ii,  402. 

Reformation,  work  of,  ii,  802 ;  -under 
Lee  V,  ii.  367  ;  under  Theophilus, 
369  ;  abolition  of,  370. 

Reformers,  persecution  of,  under  Mi- 
chael III,  ii,  370. 

Religious  ceremonies,  i,  1  sq.,  40. 

Revolutionary  movements,  i,  278. 

Revolutionj  Greek,  ii.  898. 

RhamnuSj  invasion  of,  by  the  Macedo- 
nians, ii,  158. 

Rhea,  i,  2. 

Rhodes,  siege  of,  ii,  208  sq. 

Rhcekns  of  Samos,  i,  113-14. 

Robbery,  i,  30. 

Robert  Guiscard,  invasion  of,  ii,  375; 
death  of,  376. 

Roger  II,  ii.  882. 

Roman  civil  wars,  ii,  202  sq. 

Roman  empire,  the,  early  decline  of, 
ii,  275. 

Roman  rule,  end  of  the,  ii,  328  sq. 

Roman  successes,  ii,  247. 

Roman  supremacy ;  ii,  258  pq. 

Romans,  the,  growing  power  of.  ii,  234 ; 
the  Ilellenic  cities  ask  the  aid  of,  ib.; 
their  war  with  Pyrrlius,  235  ;  ascen- 
dancy of,  in  llellas,  250 ;  savage 
treatment  of  the  Greeks  by.  ib. ;  dan- 
gerous wars  of.  254 ;  Hellenic  pos- 
eessions  fall  under,  255. 


Romulus  Augustulus,  last  Roman  em- 
peror, ii,  829. 

Roxana,  Queen,  ii,  150  ;  Statira  killed 
by,  154;  death  of,  192. 

Ruflnus,  ruler  of  the  East,  ii,  317 ; 
murder  of,  818. 

Russians,  the,  defeated  by  Basil  I,  ii, 
872. 


Sachtoures,  George,  i,  223  (note). 

Sacred  Band,  the  Theban,  ii,  4  ;  in  the 
battle  of  Tegyra,  7  ;  in  the  battle  of 
Lcuktra,  15 ;  destruction  of,  66. 

Sacred  War,  the  first,  5,  46  ;  the  sec- 
ond, ii,  42 ;  end  of,  54  sq. ;  new,  56 
sq. ;  the  second,  recapitulation  of, 
73. 

St.  Sophia,  temple  of,  rebuilt  by  Jus- 
tinian, ii,  339  ;  view  of,  840. 

Sakffi,  the.  at  Marathon,  i,  151, 153. 

Sa'Tirtii,  tiie,  in  Xerxes's  army,  i?  167. 

Safamis,  capture  of,  by  Solon,  i,  91  ; 
reference  of  the  Delphic  orgclo  to, 
173 ;  the  Greek  fleet  at,  186,  187 ; 
debates  at,  100  ;  battle  of,  196;  re- 
sults of  the,  201 ;  honors  conferred 
on  the  victors,  205. 

Sarnians,  the,  arouse  Chios  to  insur- 
rection, ii,  405. 

Samos,  i,  115, 128  ;  revolution  of,  £79. 

Sardis  captured  nnd  binned  by  the 
lonians,  i,  135 ;  Greek  spies  at,  172. 

Sarissa,  the,  ii,  70. 

Sarissophori.  the,  ii,  70,  72. 

Saronic  Gull,  the,  i,  56. 

Sarpcdon,  i,  17. 

Satrapies,  i,  127;  distribution  of,  ii, 
152;  new  distribution  of,  170,  192. 

Satyrus,  teacher  of  Demosthenes,  ii, 
50 ;  kindness  of  Philip  to,  81. 

Science  in  legendary  Greece,  i,  83. 

Sculpture  at  Athens  under  Perikles,  i, 
277  ;  under  Hadrian,  ii,  272. 

Scythia,  expedition  of  Darius  Ilystas- 
pcs  into,  i,  128. 

Scythians,  invasions  of  the,  ii,  278. 

Seisachthia,  Solon's,  i,  94. 

Seleukus  appointed  chiliarch,  ii,  152  ; 
his  power,  192  ;  at  the  battle  of  Ip- 
SU3,  217  ;  his  growing  power,  220 ; 
sends  proposals  of  marriage  to  Stra- 
tonikc,  221 ;  his  generosity  toward 
Demetrius,  226  ;  death  of,  229. 

Selim  1,  ii,  394. 

Seljuks,  the,  ii,  874 ;  capture  of  Edcs- 
sa  by,  381. 

Senate,  the  Athenian,  under  the  Thir- 
ty, i,  890. 


INDEX. 


441 


Serapis,  ii,  256. 

Sestos,  capture  of,  i,  224 ;  Alexander's 
army  at?  ii,  97. 

Seven  against  Thebes,  the,  i,  13. 

Ship-building,  ii,  240. 

Sibyrtius.  ruler  of  Arachosia,  ii,  190. 

Sicily,  colonization  of,  it  116  sq. ;  con- 
dition of  the  colonies  in,  224-5 ;  war 
against  the  Carthaginians  in,  225 ; 
Athenian  expedition  to,  352;  its  de- 
struction, 357  ;  under  Dionysius  the 
Elder,  i,  440,  ii,  387 ;  civil  war  in, 
ii,  41 ;  taken  by  the  Mohammedans, 
863,  371. 

Siege  of  Troy,  i,  15 ;  of  Tyre,  ii,  117 ; 
oT  Rhodes,*  208. 

Sieges,  ancient,  i,  81 ;  laying  of,  254. 

Sikmnus,  slave  to  Themistokles,  i,  194, 
202. 

Sikyonj  account  of,  i,  80. 

Sikyoma,  5,  56. 

Simmins,  Theban  philosopher,  ii,  3. 

Simonides  of  Keos,  i,  158. 

Sinon.  strategy  of,  i,  23. 

Siris,  battle  of,  ii,  235. 

Sisyphus,  i,  8. 

Sitnonia,  promontory  of,  i,  436. 

Skamandcr,  the,  Xcrxes's  army  at,  i, 
166. 

Skyros,  capture  of,  by  Kimon,  i,  250. 

Slaves  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  25,  26 ;  in 
Thessaly.  89. 

Slavs,  the,  ii,  411. 

Smerdis,  i,  127. 

Smyrna,  i,  111. 

Social  life  of  Sparta,  i,  67. 

Social  "War,  the,  ii,  40. 

Society  in  the  heroic  age,  i,  25. 

Sogdiana  conquered  by  Alexander,  ii, 
134. 

Sokrates,  life  and  teachings  of,  i,  894 ; 
death  of,  396. 

Solon,  character  of.  i,  89 ;  his  capture 
of  Salamis,  91 ;  his  legislation,  94 ; 
his  interview  with  Croesus,  93 ;  his 
death,  99. 

Sophists,  the,  ii,  267. 

Sophokles,  i,  205  ;  at  Samos,  280. 

Sosikles,  Corinthian  envoy,  i,  110. 

Sosthenes,  a  Macedonian  commander, 
ii,  231 ;  death  of,  232. 

Sostratus,  the  famous  artisan,  ii,  240. 

Spain,  the  Arabs  in,  ii,  349. 

Sparta,  i,  24 ;  origin  or  the  dual  mon- 
archy of,  58  ;  constitution  of,  64 ;  so- 
cial life  of,  67;  compared  with  Athens, 
73 ;  growth  of  the  influence  of,  77 ; 
political  intrigues  of,  85  ;  expedition 
sent  by,  against  Athens,  108 ;  refuses 


aid  to  the  lonians,  134;  treatment  of 
the  Persian  herald  at,  140  ;  leadership 
against  the  Persians  conceded  to,  174 ; 
earthquake  and  revolt  of  the  Helots 
at,  253 ;  deliberations  at,  preceding  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  291 ;  her  policy 
wholly  selfish,  335 ;  alliance  of,  with 
the  great  king,  359 ;  anti-Hellenic 
spirit  of,  362 ;  hegemony  of,  388  sq. ; 
extent  of  its  power,  389  ;  its  incapa- 
bility proved,  393  ;  blows  inflicted 
upon,  397 ;  aid  sent  to  Cyrus  the 
Younger  by,  399 ;  early  decline  of 
ita  rule,  402 ;  change  in  the  politi- 
cal character  of,  403  ;  war  of,  against 
the  Persians,  407 ;  general  revolt 
from,  415;  alliance  against,  417;  abo- 
lition of  the  naval  supremacy  of, 
421 ;  sends  aid  to  Amyntas  II  against 
the  Olynthians,  437-8 j  mistress  of 
Thebes,  438;  Olynthian  confeder- 
acy dissolved  by,  439  ;  new  alliance 
against,  440 ;  negotiations  with  Per- 
sia, 429 ;  the  peace  of  Antalkidas 
confirmed  at.  433 ;  failure  of  an  army 
sent  to  Thebes  by,  446 ;  peace  with 
Athens,  ii,  8 ;  broken,  9 ;  congress  at, 
10 ;  effect  of  the  battle  of  Lcuktra  at, 
17, 19  j  re  volution  against,  19 ;  threat- 
ened by  Epaminondas,  21 ;  perma- 
nent league  with  Athens,  25 ;  exul- 
tation at^  over  the  "  tearless  battle," 
26;  nearly  captured  by  Epaminon- 
das, 32 ;  opposes  the  terms  of  peace, 
33  ;  unfortunate  condition  of,  39  ; 
fined  by  the  Amphiktyonic  Council, 
42  ;  humbled  by  Philip,  57  ;  position 
of,  about  330  B.  c.,  130 ;  condition  of, 
in  the  time  of  the  successors,  194 ; 
attempted  reforms  of  Agis  IV  at,  244. 

Spartan  battalion,  destruction  of  a,  i, 
426. 

Spartan  discipline,  the,  i,  69. 

Spartan  embassy,  the  first,  i,  296  ;  the 
second,  302 ;  final,  303. 

Spartans,  the,  i,  67  ;  their  military  disci- 
pline, 71 ;  lukewarm  behavior  of,  147 ; 
arrival  of  their  army  after  the  battle  of 
Marathon,  156 ;  at  Thermopylae,  177 
sq. ;  after  the  battle,  187 ;  heralds  sent 
to  Athens  by,  208;  faithlessness  of, 
209  ;  sudden  march  of,  210  ;  oppose 
the  fortification  of  Athens,  230 ;  po- 
sition of,  following  the  treachery 
of  Pausanias,  234 ;  strengthening  of 
Thebes  by,  257 ;  submit  proposals 
of  peace,  326  ;  their  victories  barren, 
421 ;  their  spirit  under  misfortune, 
429 ;  despotic  proceedings  of,  435 ;  do- 


442 


INDEX. 


feat  of.  by  the  Olynthians,  438 ;  gen- 
eral indignation  against,  440  sq. ;  hu- 
miliation of,  ii,  6  sq. ;  defeat  of,  nt 
Tecryra.  7 ;  at  Lcuktra,  13 ;  defeated 
by  Antipatcr,  130. 

Sparti,  the  race  of,  ii,  3. 

Spcrcheius,  the,  i,  36. 

Spliakteria,  i^  319  ;  capture  of,  331. 

Sphinx,  the,  i,  13. 

Sj'iutluirus,  Tarentine  philosopher,  ii, 
3. 

Spithridatcs,  Persian  renegade,  i,  412. 

Spithridates  at  the  battle  of  Gramkus, 
11, 103. 

Statira  killed  by  Roxana,  ii,  154. 

Stephen,  patriarch  and  saint,  ii,  373. 

Stephen  the  Savage,  general  of  Justin- 
ian II,  ii,  355. 

Stilicho,  ruler  of  the  West,  ii,  317 ; 
drives  the  Goths  out  of  Hellas,  318. 

Stratoklcs,  the  voto  passed  by,  con- 
cerning Demetrius  Toliorketes  and 
Antigonus.  ii,  199. 

Stratomke,  daughter  o£  Demetrius,  ii, 

Struthas,  defeat  of  tho  Lacedaemonians 
by?  i,  432. 

Sublime  Porte,  naval  power  of,  ii, 
405. 

Successors,  the,  ii,  149  sq. ;  great  ob- 
ject of  the.  233. 

Sulla  in  Hellas,  ii,  259  sq. 

Supremacy,  Athenian,  i,  230  sq. ;  cul- 
mination of  the,  261. 

Supremacy  unattainable  by  any  Hel- 
lenic city,  ii,  41 ;  the  struggle  for, 
among  the  successors,  163. 

Supremacy,  naval,  of  the  Athenians,  i, 
232. 

Supremacy,  papal,  ii,  386. 

Susa,  treasure  found  at,  ii,  128. 

Sybarisj  i,  117 ;  destruction  of,  119 ; 
Thuni  founded  in  place  of,  228. 

Syenncsis,  Kilikian  admiral,  i,  199. 

Syinplcgades,  the.  i,  11. 

Synod  at  Nikiea,  ii,  387. 

Syracuse,  i,  116, 120 ;  under  Gelont  225 ; 
democratical  government  established 
in,  352;  destruction  of  tho  Athenian 
fleet  at,  857 ;  under  Dionysius  the  El- 
der, 5,  440 ;  freed  by  Timoleon  from 
Dionysius  the  Younger,  41 ;  subject- 
ed by  tho  Komans,  236. 

Syria  conquered  by  the  Mohamme- 
dans, ii,  317 ;  invaded  by  the  general 
HcraKliu?,  353;  by  Constantino  V, 
."'•1 :  the  crusaders  institute  a  king- 
dom in,  3SO. 

Syssitia,  the  Spartan,  i,  6(5,  72. 


Tachos,  king  of  Egypt,  ii,  89. 

Tagus,  title,  1,  39. 

Taiagm,  i,  51 ;  battle  of,  256. 

Tarentines,  the,  at  war  with  the  Ko- 
mans, ii,  234 ;  assisted  by  Pyrrhus, 
235. 

Tarcntum,  foundation  of,  i,  117. 

Tarsus,  ii,  282. 

Tartarus,  i,  2,  3. 

Taxei.s,  the,  ii,  101. 

Tearless  battle,  the,  ii,  2G. 

Tcgea,  i,  76,  77 ;  union  of,  with  Mnnti- 
ncia,  20  ;  Epaminondas  at,  32,  34. 

Tegyra,  battle  of,  ii,  7. 

Tela'mon,  i,  10, 17. 

Teleutias,  Spartan  general,  i,  438. 

Terbclis,  Bulgarian  ally  of  Justinian  II, 
ii,  354. 

Tcmenus,  i,  57,  53. 

Tcmpe,  vale  of,  i,  37 ;  forces  sent  to, 
against  Xerxes,  175. 

Ten,  Athenian  oligarchy  of,  i,  393. 

Ten  Thousand,  retreat  of  the,  i,  400. 

Teskercs,  ii,  395. 

Thales,  i,  113,  114. 

Thasiaus,  the,  lose  Mount  Pangreus,  ii, 
69. 

Thasos,  i,  121  •  capture  of,  252. 

Tlieagenes,  a  Henikleid,  i,  8. 

Theagenes,  despot  of  Megara,  i,  84. 

Thearides  of  Syracuse,  i,  442. 

Theatre,  admission  to  the,  at  Athens, 
i,  266. 

Theban  fugitives  in  Athens,  i,  444. 

Theban  power,  rise  of,  ii,  1 ;  culmina- 
tion of,  28  sq. 

Thcbans,  the,  i,  49  sq. ;  submit  to  Per- 
sia, 140;  at  Thermopylae,  177,  181, 
182 ;  in  the  battle  of  Plataea,  216  sq. ; 
their  punishment,  220 ;  victory  of, 
over  Lysander,  416  :  prominence  at- 
tained by,  417  ;  in  the  battle  of  Ko- 
roneia,  418 ;  forced  to  submit  to  the 
decree  of  Artaxerxcs,  433 ;  character 
of,  ii,  1 ;  their  resistance  to  the  Spar- 
tans, 6 ;  victory  of,  at  Tegyra,  7 ; 
their  ambassadors  in  the  congress  at 
Sparta,  10  sq. ;  their  victory  at  Leuk- 
tra,  13  sq.  ;  refinforcements  sought 
by,  18 ;  their  supremacy  over  Boeo- 
tia  established,  19;  league  of  Athens 
and  Sparta  against,  25 ;  efforts  of,  for 
recognition  of  their  supremacy,  28; 
their  supremacy  in  the  Peloponnesus, 
80  ;  fleet  equipped  by,  ib.  ;  effect  of 
the  death  or  Epaminondas  upon,  37 ; 
peace  concluded  by,  88 ;  the  Amphik- 


INDEX. 


443 


tyonic  Council  selfishly  used  by,  42 ; 
second  Sacred  War  incited  by,  43; 
defeated  by  the  Phokiana,  46  ;  in  the 
battle  of  Chaeroneia,  56 ;  ask  the  in- 
tervention of  Philip  in  the  Sacred 
War,  83,  86:  revolt  of,  94;  defeated 
and  enslaved  by  Alexander,  95. 

Thebes,  the  Seven  against,  i.  13:  gov- 
ernment of,  49  ;  siege  of,  by  the  al- 
lies, 220 ;  loss  of  power  by,  253  ;  re- 
stored by  the  Spartans,  257 ;  attack 
of,  against  Platcea,  303  ;  Spartan  oc- 
cupation of,  437  ;  liberation  of,  443 
sq.  ;  abortive  Spartan  expedition 
against,  446  ;  the  ruling  city  in  Hel- 
las, ii,  26 ;  opposition  to  Epaininon- 
das  atj  27  ;  declared  by  Persia  the 
head  city  of  Hellas,  28  ;  state  of,  af- 
ter the  battle  of  Mantineia,  39  ;  joins 
the  alliance  against  Philip,  56  ;  sub- 
jected and  chastised  by  him,  57  ;  stay 
of  Philip  at,  as  a  hostage,  65;  de- 
stroyed oy  Alexander,  94 ;  ravaged 
by  Roger  II,  382. 

Themistokles,  character  of,  i,  145 ;  strife 
between  him  and  Aristeides,  170 ; 
wisdom  of  his  policy  manifested,  171 ; 
his  interpretation  of  the  Delphic  ora- 
cle, 173 ;  at  Ternpe,  175 ;  at  Artemi- 
sium,  178, 183 ;  bribed  by  the  Eubce- 
ans,  184;  his  inscriptions  on  the  rocks, 
186 ;  at  Athens,  188 ;  in  the  council, 
at  Salamis,  191 ;  his  stratagems,  194, 
202  ;  in  the  battle,  198  ;  his  avarice 
shown  at  Andros,  204;  honors  to, 
206 ;  rejection  and  restoration  of,  207 ; 
thwarts  the  plans  of  the  Spartans, 
231 ;  plans  of,  for  strengthening  the 
Pciraeus  and  Munychia,  232 ;  neg- 
lect of,  by  the  Athenians,  235 ;  death 
of,  237  ;  letter  of,  to  King  Artaxerxes, 
240. 

Theodora,  wife  of  Justinian  I,  ii,  331 ; 
death  of,  339. 

Theodora,  wife  of  the  emperor  The- 
ophilus,  ii,  369 ;  her  cruel  conduct  as 
regent,  370. 

Theodora,  Khazar  wife  of  Justinian  II, 
ii,  354. 

Theodore  Laskaris,  iit  3S7. 

Theodoras  of  Samos,  i,  113-14. 

Theodosius  the  Great,  ii,  315 ;  second 

fencral  council  convened  by,  316- 
ef'eats  the  usurpers   Maximus   and 
Eugenius,  ib. ;  _death  of,  ib. ;  char- 
acter of,  317  ;  his  family  extinct,  327. 
Theodosius  II,  the  Small,  ii,  323  :  his 
marriage  with  Athcnais  (Eudokia), 
S24 ;  death  of,  327. 


Thcodosiua  III,  temporary  emperor,  ii, 
357. 

Theognia,  the  poet,  i,  85. 

Theokritus,  ii,  237. 

Theoktistus,  ii,  370. 

Theophilus,  archbishop  of  Alexandria, 
ii,  321. 

Theophilus,  the  emperor,  ii,  368 ;  char- 
acter and  career  of,  369 ;  his  success- 
ors, 370. 

Theopompus,  Spartan  commander,  ii, 
7. 

Theoria,  a,  i,  442. 

Theoric  funds,  the,  ii,  77. 

Thcotokos,  attribute  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  rejected  by  Nestorius,  ii,  326. 

Theramencs  at  the  Arginusse,  i,  376 ; 
his  treachery  to  the  generals,  377 ; 
his  embassy  to  Lysander,  383-4 ; 
his  effort  to  moderate  the  excesses 
of  the  Thirty,  391 ;  his  death,  392. 

Thermopylae,  i,  36;  description  of, 
175-6  ;  Hellenic  forces  at,  176 ;  battlo 
of,  179 ;  the  dead  at,  186  ;  memori- 
als at,  205  ;  occupied  by  the  Athe- 
nians against  Philip,  ii,  46,  75. 

Thespians,  the,  at  Thermopylae,  i,  177, 
181-2;  expelled  by  Epaminondas, 
ii,  19. 

Thesprotia,  i,  54. 

Thessalians,  the,  i,  24,  37-8  ;  submit  to 
the  Persians,  175  ;  alliance  of,  with 
the  Athenians,  i,  255. 

Thessalonike,  daughter  of  Philip,  ii, 
182 ;  murdered  by  her  son.  223. 

Thessaly,  i,  24  ;  account  of,  36  sq.  ; 
Jason  of  PhersB  tagos  of,  ii,  18  ;  freed 
by  Pelopidas,  24;  again  released 
from  Alexander,  31 ;  anarchy  in, 
41 ;  conquered  by  Philip,  46,  74 ; 
the  Phokian  war  ended  in,  85. 

Thetes,  i,  25-6. 

Thetis,  i,  17,  21. 

Thimbron,  Spartan  general,  i,  408  ;  de- 
feat and  death  of,  432. 

Thirty,  the,  at  Athens,  i,  385.  389  ; 
cruelties  of,  390  ;  overthrow  of.  392  ; 
their  hostility  to  learning  ana  phi- 
losophy, 394. 

Thomas,  Byzantine  general,  revolt  of, 
ii,  368. 

Thrace,  Grecian  colonies  in,  5,120-21; 
Xerxes' s  army  in,  168 ;  Philip's  ex- 
peditions to,  ii,  75,  83  ;  Alexander 
secures  his  dominion  over,  93  ;  made 
a  kingdom,  206 ;  the  Gauls  in,  232. 

Thrakidae,  the,  ii,  44. 

Thrasybulus,  Athenian  general,  i. 
366;  flight  of,  392;  overthrow  of 


444 


INDEX. 


the  Thirty  by,  393 ;  dcmocratical 
government  restored  by,  894. 

Thrasybulus,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  i, 
352. 

Three  thousand,  the  Thirty's  list  of,  i, 
891  ;  new  oligarchy  constituted  by, 
393. 

Thucydides,  the  historian,  compared 
with.  Herodotus,  i,  229 ;  his  report 
of  the  speeches  of  the  envoys,  237  ; 
his  account  of  the  deli  Iterations  at 
Sparta,  292 ;  views  of,  on  the  origin 
pi  the  Pcloponncsian  war.  294 ;  ban- 
ishment of,  337 ;  use  of  his  history 
by  Demosthenes,  ii,  49. 

Thucydides,  son  of  Mclesias,  i,  270. 

Thudippus,  an  Athenian  orator,  ii, 
178. 

Tiberius  II,  ii,  342. 

Tiberius  Absimarus,  the  emporor,  ii, 
353. 

Tigrancs,  defeat  and  death  of,  at  My- 
kalc,  i,  222-3. 

Tinuea,  queen,  i,  405. 

Tinueus,  ii,  237. 

Timandra,  Alkibiadcs  buried  by,  i, 
393. 

Timokrates,  agent  of  Tithraustcs  in  IIcl- 
las,  i,  415. 

Timolcon,  Syracuse  freed  by,  ii,  41. 

Timotheus,  Athenian  admiral,  ii,  9, 
30. 

Tiribazu?,  satrap  of  Ionia,  i,  431  sq. ; 
promulgates  tho  decree  of  Artaxer- 
xcs,  433. 

Tiryns,  i,  5G. 

Tisamenus,  son  of  Orestes,  i,  58. 

Tissaphernest  treaty  with  Sparta  con- 
cluded by,  i,  3GO  ;  his  relations  with 
Alkibiad'cs, 364 ;  successor  of  Cyrus 
the  Younger,  407 ;  unites  with  Phnr- 
nabazus,  409  ;  outwitted  by  Agcsi- 
laus,  412 ;  defeated  by  him,  413 ; 
deposed  and  put  to  death.  414. 

Titans  and  Titanides,  the,  i,  2. 

Tithraustes  sent  to  kill  and  super- 
sede Tissaphcrnes.  i,414 ;  concludes 
an  armistice  with  Agesilaus,  ib. ;  ex- 
cites war  in  Hellas,  415 ;  replaced, 
431. 

Titus  Flamininus,  ii,  249. 

Tolmides,  i,  278. 

Traditions,  i,  7,  9. 

Trajan,  the  emperor,  ii,  270. 

Treasure-houses,  ancient,  i,  32. 

Triballi,  the,  ii,  98. 

TriboniaDj  the  legist,  ii,  331 ;  com- 
pared with  Bacon,  832. 

Tribunals  under  Periklc%  i,  263. 


Tribute  paid  to  Athens,  i,  24S. 

Tribute  of  blood,  ii,  394. 

Trinity  t  the,  heresy  of  Arius  concern- 
ing," ii,  293  so. ;  doctrine  of,  pro- 
claimed by  Tneodosius  the  Great, 
816 ;  why  rejected  by  Mohammed, 
844. 

Tripod,  the  prophetic,  at  Delphi,  i,  44 ; 
the  Platsean,  219. 

Tripolitza,  ii,  35. 

Triremes,  first  construction  of,  i,  83  ; 
general  adoption  of,  117. 

Troy,  legend  of,  i,  15;  Xerxes  at,  166. 

Tsavcllas,  the  hero,  ii,  402  «q. 

Turkish  language,  the,  ii,  3<J3. 

Turkish  rulet  ii,  892. 

Turks,  the,  m  Asia  Minor,  ii,  375 ; 
conquest  of  Constantinople  by,  890  ; 
oppression  of  the  Christians  by, 
394-5. 

Tyle,  Gallic  kingdom  in  Thrace,  ii, 
232. 

Tyre,  capture  of,  ii,  117  sq. 

Tyrteus,  i,  70,  75-6. 

U 

Union,  lack  ofj  in  Hellas,  i,  402. 

Uranus  and  Ge,  i,  2. 

Urban  II,  pope,  the  crusade  approved 
by,  ii,  878 ;  councils  summoned  by, 
at  Piacenza  and  Clermont,  379. 

Urban  IV,  ii,  889. 


Valens,  the  emperor,  ii.  812  ;  defeated 

and  killed  by  the  Goths,  314. 
Valentinian  I,  ii.  812 ;  death  of,  314. 
Valentinian  II.  h,316. 
Valentinian  III,  death  of,  ii,  827. 
Valcrianus.  reign  of,  ii,  278. 
Vandals,  the,  of  Africa,  defeat  Leo's 

expedition,  ii,  328 ;  victories  of  Boli- 

sarius  over,  334. 
Venetians,  the,  sinister  motives  of,  ii, 

384. 
Vespasian,  the  emperor,  ii,  266. 

W 

War  of  Independence,  last  battle  of  the, 
ii,  14  (note) ;  sketch  of  the,  392  sq. 

Western  provinces,  i,  53. 

Wicker  shields,  the  Persian,  i,  216. 

William  the  Conqueror,  ii,  375. 

"Wooden  walls/'  i;  172,  189. 

Women  in  tho  heroic  age,  i,  26 ;  Spar- 
tan, 71 ;  of  ancient  Hellas,  297. 


INDEX. 


445 


Wordsworth,  Bishop,  on  tho  state  of 

Athens,  ii,  412. 
Worship,  objects  of,  i,  82. 


Xanthippus,  i,  143  ;  character  of,  144  i 
prosecution  of  Miltiades  by,  160 ; 
again  a  leader,  207  ;  commander  at 
the  capture  of  Sestos,  224. 

Xanthippus,  son  of  Pcrikles,  i,  299. 

Xcnophancs  of  Kolophon,  i,  113. 

Xenophon,  the  "  Hellenika"  of,  i,  367 ; 
the  "  Anabasis  "  of,  400  ;  real  com- 
mander of  the  Ten  Thousand,  ib. ; 
his  subsequent  career,  401 ;  in  the 
battle  of  Koroneia^  419 ;  his  narra- 
tive of  it,  421 ;  his  account  of  the 
seizure  of  Thebes,  443. 

Xerxes,  preparations  of,  for  a  new  inva- 
sion of  Greece,  i,  162  sq. ;  his  march, 
165;  enumeration  of  his  army,  166; 
at  Thermopylae,  179, 186 ;  in  Athens, 


189 ;  overlooking  Salamis,  193,  198 ; 
Themistokles's  messages  to,  194,  202 ; 
his  cowardice,  201 ;  his  retreat,  203- 
4 ;  capture  of  his  tent  at  Platsea,  219  ; 
at  Sardis,  223 ;  letter  of,  to  Pausanias, 
233. 
Xyston,  the  Macedonian,  ii,  70. 


Ycrmuk,  the,  Mohammedan  victory  at, 
ii,  347. 

Z 

Zabergan,  Bulgarian  chief,  ii,  335  sq. 
Zakynthus;  the  Athenian  fleet  at,  ii,  9. 
Zaleukus,  i, 117. 

Zeleia,  the  Persian  army  at,  ii,  99. 
Zenobia,  queen  of  Palmyra,  iij  282. 
Zeno,  the  Isauiian,  emperor,  h,  329. 
Zetes  and  Kalai's,  i,  11. 
Zeus,  i,  2,  3 ;  temple  and  statue  of,  at 
Olympia,  62. 


THE    END, 


WORKS  ON  ANCIENT  HISTORY. 


A  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Pres- 
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us."— Extract  from  Preface. 

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HISTORY  OF  HERODOTUS.  An  English  Version,  edited,  with 
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lacy, and  subjects  every  part  of  his  work  to  a  rigid  criticism,  based  on  extensive 
learning  and  sound  judgment. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ROMANS    UNDER    THE  EMPIRE.     By 
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Commons.    Beautifully  printed.    7  vols.    Small  Svo.    Cloth,  $14.CO. 
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the  age  of  tha  Antonines.  It  therefore  exactly  fills  t'ae  gap  between  Mommsen 
and  Gibbon." 


Works  on  Ancient  History. — (Continued.) 

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8 can  Nations,  their  Political  History,  and  the  Changes  in  their  Social  Condi- 
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Dryness  is  generally  characteristic  of  condensed  historical  outlines ;  in  the 
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Of  Historical  Literature.  

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